Chapter III: Part 3

_Luther._--"If the reverend doctor would attack me, he should first reconcile these contrary statements of Augustine. It is undeniable that St. Augustine has again and again said that the rock was Christ, and he may perhaps have once said that it was Peter himself. But even should St. Augustine and all the Fathers say that the apostle is the rock of which Christ speaks, I would combat their view on the authority of an apostle, in other words, divine authority;[107] for it is written, '_No other foundation can any man lay than that is laid, namely, Jesus Christ._'[108] Peter himself calls Christ, '_the chief and corner stone on which we are built up a spiritual house_.'"[109]

[107] "Resistam eis ego unus, auctoritate apostoli, id est iure
divino." (L. Op. Lat. i, p. 237.)

[108] 1 Cor. iii, 11.

[109] 1 Peter, ii, 4, 5.

_Eck._--"I am astonished at the humility and modesty with which the reverend doctor undertakes single-handed to combat so many distinguished Fathers, and to know better than sovereign pontiffs, councils, doctors, and universities.... It would, certainly, be astonishing that God should have concealed the truth from so many saints and martyrs ... and not revealed it until the advent of the reverend father!"

[Sidenote: ECK'S STRATEGEM. THE HUSSITES.]

_Luther._--"The Fathers are not against me. The distinguished doctors, St. Augustine, and St. Ambrose, speak as I do. '_Super isto articulo fidei, fundata est ecclesia_,'[110] says St. Ambrose, when explaining what must be understood by the rock on which the church is built. Let my opponent then bridle his tongue. To express himself as he does is to stir up strife, not to discuss like a true doctor."

[110] On this article of faith the Church is founded. (L. Op. Lat. i,
p. 254.)

Eck had not expected that his opponent would possess so much knowledge of the subject, and be able to disentangle himself from the labyrinth in which he tried to bewilder him. "The reverend doctor," said he, "has entered the lists after carefully studying his subject. Your highnesses will excuse me for not presenting them with such exact researches. I came to debate and not to make a book." Eck was astonished, but not beaten. Having no more arguments to give, he had recourse to a mean and despicable artifice, which, if it did not vanquish his opponent, would at least subject him to great embarrassment. If the charge of being a Bohemian, a heretic, a Hussite fastens upon Luther, he is vanquished, for the Bohemians were detested in the Church. The scene of discussion was not far from the frontiers of Bohemia. Saxony, which, immediately after the condemnation of John Huss by the Council of Constance, had been subjected to all the horrors of a long and ruinous war, was proud of the resistance which she had then given to the Hussites. The university of Leipsic had been founded to oppose their tenets, and the discussion was in presence of nobles, princes, and citizens, whose fathers had fallen in that celebrated struggle. To make out that Luther was at one with Huss was almost like giving him the finishing blow, and this was the stratagem to which the doctor of Ingolstadt had recourse. "From primitive times downwards," says he, "it was acknowledged by all good Christians, that the Church of Rome holds its primacy of Jesus Christ himself and not of man. I must confess, however, that the Bohemians, while obstinately defending their errors, attacked this doctrine. The venerable father must pardon me if I am an enemy of the Bohemians, because they are the enemies of the Church, and if the present discussion has reminded me of these heretics; for, ... according to my weak judgment, ... the conclusions to which the doctor has come are all in favour of their errors. It is even affirmed that the Hussites loudly boast of this."[111]

[111] Et, ut fama est, de hoc plurimum gratulantur. (L. Op. Lat. i, p.
250.)

[Sidenote: LUTHER ON HUSS. SENSATION.]

Eck had calculated well. All his partizans received the insinuation with acclamation, and an expression of applause was general throughout the audience. "These slanders," said the Reformer at a later period, "tickled their fancy much more agreeably than the discussion itself."

_Luther._--"I love not a schism and I never shall. Since the Bohemians, of their own authority, separate from our unity, they do wrong even were divine authority decisive in favour of their doctrine; for at the head of all divine authority is charity and the unity of the Spirit."[112]

[112] Nunquam mihi placuit, nec in æternum placebit quodcumque schisma
... Cum supremum jus divinum sit charitas et unitas Spiritus (Ibid.)

It was at the morning sitting, on the 5th July, that Luther thus expressed himself. Shortly after, the meeting adjourned for dinner. Luther felt uneasy. Had he not gone too far in thus condemning the Christians of Bohemia? Have they not maintained the doctrine which Luther is maintaining at this hour? He sees all the difficulty of the step before him. Will he declare against the Council which condemned John Huss, or will he abjure the grand idea of an universal Christian Church, an idea deeply imprinted on his mind? Resolute Luther hesitated not. "I must do my duty come what may." Accordingly, when the assembly again met at two o'clock, he rose and said firmly:--

"Certain of the tenets of John Huss and the Bohemians are perfectly orthodox. This much is certain. For instance, 'That there is only one universal church,' and again, 'That it is not necessary to salvation to believe the Roman Church superior to others.' Whether Wickliffe or Huss has said so I care not.... It is the truth."

[Sidenote: ECK'S PLEASANTRY.]

This declaration of Luther produced an immense sensation in the audience. The abhorred names of Huss and Wickliffe pronounced with eulogium by a monk in the heart of a Catholic assembly!... A general murmur was heard. Duke George himself felt as much alarmed, as if he had actually seen the standard of civil war, which had so long desolated the states of his maternal ancestors, unfurled in Saxony. Unable to conceal his emotion, he struck his thigh, shook his head, and exclaimed, loud enough to be heard by the whole assembly, "The man is mad!"[113] The whole audience was extremely excited. They rose to their feet, and every one kept talking to his neighbour. Those who had fallen asleep, awoke. Luther's opponents expressed their exultation, while his friends were greatly embarrassed. Several persons, who till then had listened to him with pleasure, began to doubt his orthodoxy. The impression produced upon the mind of the duke by this declaration was never effaced; from this moment he looked upon the Reformer with an unfavourable eye, and became his enemy.[114]

[113] Das walt die Sucht!

[114] Nam adhuc erat Dux Georgius mihi non inimicus, quod sciebam
certo. (L. Op. in Præf.) For I was well assured that Duke George was
not yet my enemy.

Luther was not intimidated by this explosion of disapprobation One of his leading arguments was, that the Greeks had never recognised the pope, and yet had never been declared heretics; that the Greek Church had subsisted, was subsisting, and would subsist without the pope, and was a Church of Christ as much as the Church of Rome. Eck, on the contrary, boldly affirmed that the Christian Church and the Roman Church were one and the same; that the Greeks and Orientals, by abandoning the Church, had also abandoned Christian faith, and unquestionably were heretics. "What!" exclaimed Luther, "Are not Gregory of Nanzianzen, Basil the Great, Epiphanius, Chrysostom, and an immense number of other Greek bishops in bliss? and yet they did not believe that the Church of Rome was superior to other churches!... It is not in the power of the pontiff of Rome to make new articles of faith. The Christian believer has no other authority than the Holy Scriptures--they alone constitute _divine law_. I pray the illustrious doctor to admit that the pontiffs of Rome were men, and have the goodness not to make gods of them."[115]

[115] Nec potest fidelis Christianus cogi ultra Sacram Scripturam, quæ
est proprie jus divinum. (L. Op. Lat. i, 252.) Nor can a Christian
believer be forced beyond the Sacred Scripture, which is properly
divine law.

Eck had recourse to one of those witticisms which at small cost give a little air of triumph to the person employing them.

"The reverend father," says he, "not being well versed in the culinary art, makes an odd mixture of Greek saints and heretics, so that the perfume of holiness in the one disguises the poison in the other."[116]

[116] "At Rev. Pater, _artis coquinariæ_ minus instructus, commiscet
sanctos græcos cum schismaticis et hæreticis, ut fuco sanctitatis
Patrum, hæreticorum tueatur perfidiam." (Ibid.) But the Rev. Father,
imperfectly skilled in the culinary art, confounds Greek saints with
schismatics and heretics, that by the sanctity of the Fathers he may
disguise the perfidy of the heretics.

_Luther_--(_hastily interrupting Eck_.)--"The worthy doctor is impertinent. I do not hold that there is any communion between Christ and Belial."

[Sidenote: THE COURT FOOL. LUTHER AT MASS.]

Luther had taken a large step in advance. In 1516, and 1517, he had only attacked the discourses of the venders of indulgences, and had respected the decrees of the popes. At a later period he had rejected these decrees, but had appealed from them to a council. Now he had discarded this last authority also, declaring that no council can establish a new article of faith, or claim to be infallible. Thus all human authorities had successively fallen before him. The sand brought along by the rain and the floods had disappeared; and now, for building up the ruins of the Lord's house, there remained only the eternal rock of the Word of God. "Venerable father!" said Eck to him, "if you believe that a council, lawfully assembled, can err, you are to me only a heathen man and a publican."

Such were the discussions between the two doctors. The audience were attentive but occasionally began to flag, and hence were pleased with any incident which enlivened the scene and gave them a momentary relaxation. The gravest matters have their comic interludes; and so it was at Leipsic.

Duke George, according to the custom of the time, had a court fool, to whom some wags said, "Luther maintains that a court fool may marry. Eck maintains the contrary." On this the fool took a great dislike to Eck, and, every time he came into the hall with the servants of Duke George, eyed the theologian with a menacing air. The chancellor of Ingolstadt, not disdaining to descend to pleasantry, one day shut one eye, (the fool was blind of one,) and with the other began to squint at the poor creature, who, in a perfect rage, let fly a volley of abuse. "The whole assembly," says Peiffer, "burst into laughter." This amusing incident somewhat relieved their minds from the stretch on which they had been kept.[117]

[117] L. Op. (W.) xv, 1440.--2 Löscher, iii, p. 281.

At the same time, both in the town and in the churches scenes occurred which showed how much the partisans of Rome were horrified at Luther's bold assertions. An outcry was raised against him, especially in the convents attached to the pope.

Luther had one day walked into the church of the Dominicans, before high mass. The only persons present were some monks, saying low mass at the side altars. No sooner was it told in the cloister that the heretic Luther was in the church than the monks came down in all haste, laid hold of the _ostensorium_, and carrying it into the tabernacle shut it up, carefully watching it, lest the holy sacrament should be profaned by the heretical eye of the Augustin of Wittemberg. At the same time, those who were saying mass hastily gathered up their articles, quitted the altar, ran across the church, and took refuge in the sacristy, "just," says a historian, "as if the devil had been at their heels."

[Sidenote: SAYING OF DUKE GEORGE. CLOSE OF THE DISCUSSION.]

The discussion became the general subject of conversation. In the inns, at the university, and the court, every one gave his opinion. Duke George, whatever his irritation may have been, did not obstinately shut his ears against conviction. One day, when Eck and Luther were dining with him, he interrupted their conversation, saying, "Let the pope be pope, whether by divine or human law; at all events he is pope."[118] Luther was much pleased with the expression. "The prince," says he, "never would have uttered it, if my arguments had not made some impression on him."

[118] Ita ut ipse Dux Georgius inter prandendum, ad Eccium et me
dicat: "Sive sit jure humano, sive sit jure divino, papa; ipse est
papa." (L. Op. in Præf.)

The discussion on the primacy of the pope had lasted during five days. On the 8th of July, the doctrine of purgatory was discussed, and occupied two days. Luther was still a believer in the existence of purgatory; but he denied that the doctrine, as held by the schoolmen and his opponent, was taught either in the Scriptures or by the Fathers. "Our Doctor Eck," said he, referring to the superficial knowledge of his opponent, "has to-day run over the Holy Scriptures almost without touching them, just as an insect skims the water."

On the 11th July indulgences were discussed. "It was mere sport and burlesque," says Luther. "Indulgences gave way at once, and Eck was almost entirely of my opinion."[119] Eck himself said, "Had I not disputed with Doctor Martin on the primacy of the pope, I could almost agree with him."[120]

[119] L. Op. (L.) xvii, 246.

[120] So wollt'er fast einig mit mir gewest seyn. (Ibid.)

The discussion afterwards turned on repentance, absolution by the priest, and satisfactions. Eck, as usual, quoted the schoolmen, the dominicans, and the canons of the pope. Luther closed the discussion with these words:--

"The reverend doctor flees before the Holy Scriptures, as the devil does before the cross. For my part, with all due deference to the Fathers, I prefer the authority of Scripture, and recommend it to our judges."[121]

[121] Videtur fugere a facie Scripturarum, sicut diabolus crucem.
Quare, salvis reverentiis Patrum, præfero ego auctoritatem Scripturæ,
quod commendo judicibus futuris. (L. Op. Lat. i, p. 291.)

This closed the debate between Eck and Luther, but Carlstadt and the doctor of Ingolstadt continued for two days longer to discuss the subject of human merit and good works. On the 16th July, the whole proceeding, after having lasted twenty days, was closed by a discourse from the rector of Leipsic. The moment the discourse was finished, thrilling music burst forth, and the whole concluded with the _Te Deum_.

But, during this solemn chant, the feelings of the audience no longer were what they had been during the _Veni Spiritus_. The presentiments which several persons had expressed seemed to be actually realised. The blows struck by the champions of the two systems had made a large wound in the papacy.

CHAP. VI.

Interest felt by the Laity--Luther's Opinion--Admissions and
Boastings of Dr. Eck--Effects of the
Discussion--Poliander--Cellarius--The Young Prince of
Anhalt--The Students of Leipsic--Cruciger--Calling of
Melancthon--Emancipation of Luther.

[Sidenote: INTEREST FELT BY THE LAITY.]

These theological discussions, to which the worldly-minded of the present day would not devote a few short moments, had been attended and listened to with eagerness, during twenty days--laymen, knights, and princes, taking a deep interest in them to the last. Duke Barnim, and Duke George, seemed particularly attentive, whereas some of the theologians of Leipsic, friends of Dr. Eck, slept, as an eye-witness expresses it, "quite soundly." It was even necessary to awake them on the adjournments, that they might not lose their dinner.

Luther was the first to quit Leipsic, and next Carlstadt. Eck remained several days after they were gone.

No formal decision was given on the points discussed.[122] Every one spoke as he thought. "There was at Leipsic," says Luther, "loss of time, and no investigation of truth. During the two years in which we have been examining the doctrines of our opponents, we have counted all their bones. Eck, on the contrary, has hardly skimmed the surface;[123] but he cried more in one hour than we did in two long years."

[122] "Ad exitum certaminis, uti solet, nulla prodiit decisio."
(Pallavicini, i, 65.) As usual no decision was given on the conclusion
of the debate.

[123] "Totam istam conclusionum cohortem multo acrius et validius
nostri Wittembergenses . . . oppugnaverunt et ita examinaverunt ut
ossa eorum numerare licuerit, quas Eccius vix in facie eutis leviter
perstriuxit." (L. Ep. i, 291.) This whole host of conclusions our
Wittembergers boldly and vigorously assailed, and so exposed that all
their bones might have been counted, whereas Eck scarcely pierced
their skin.

[Sidenote: ECK'S ACCOUNT OF THE DISCUSSION.]

Eck, when writing privately to his friends, admitted his defeat to a certain extent, though he was at no loss for an explanation. "The Wittembergers," wrote he to Hochstraten on the 24th July,[124] "defeated me on several points--first, because they brought books with them--secondly, because they took down the debate in writing, and examined it at home at their leisure--and thirdly, because they were more numerous. Two doctors, (Carlstadt and Luther,) Lange, vicar of the Augustins, two licentiates, Amsdorff, and a very arrogant nephew of Reuchlin, (Melancthon,) three doctors of law, and several masters of arts, lent their assistance both in public and private, whereas I stood alone, having nothing but a good cause for my companion." Eck forgot Emser, and all the doctors of Leipsic.

[124] "Verum in multis me obruerunt." (Corpus Reform. i, 83.)

Though these concessions escaped Eck in familiar correspondence, he acted otherwise in public. The doctor of Ingolstadt, and the theologians of Leipsic, made a great noise with what they called _their victory_. They everywhere set false reports in circulation, while all the tongues of the party reiterated their expressions of self-complacency. "Eck goes about triumphing,"[125] wrote Luther. There were disputes, however, in the camp of Rome, in regard to the laurels. "Had we not come to the help of Eck," said the theologians of Leipsic, "the illustrious doctor would have been overthrown." "The theologians of Leipsic," said Eck on his part, "are well enough, but I had hoped too much from them--I did the whole myself." "You see," said Luther to Spalatin, "how they are chanting a new Iliad, and a new Æneid. They are kind enough to make me a Hector or a Turnus, while Eck is their Achilles, or Æneas. Their only doubt is whether the victory was gained by the arms of Eck, or by those of Leipsic. All I can say to throw light on the matter is, that Eck uniformly kept bawling, and the Leipsickers as uniformly held their peace."[126]

[125] "Eccius triumphat ubique." (L. Ep. i, 290.)

[126] "Novam quamdam Iliada et Æneida illos cantare".... (L. Ep. i, p.
305.)

"Eck," says the elegant, clever, and sagacious Mosellanus "has triumphed in the estimation of those who do not understand the subject, and who have grown old in poring over the schoolmen; but, in the estimation of all men of learning, intellect, and moderation, Luther and Carlstadt are the victors."[127]

[127] "Lutheri Sieg sey um so viel weniger berühmt, weil der
Gelehrten, Verstandigen, und derer die sich selbst nicht hoch rühmen,
wenig seyen." (Seckendorff, 207.)

[Sidenote: DUKE GEORGE OF ANHALT. THE STUDENTS.]

The Leipsic discussion, however, was not destined to vanish into smoke. Every work which is devoutly performed bears fruit. The words of Luther had penetrated the minds of his hearers with irresistible force. Several of those who had daily thronged the castle hall were subdued by the truth, whose leading conquests were made among her most decided opponents. Even Poliander, the secretary, familiar friend and disciple of Eck, was gained to the Reformation, and began, in 1522, to preach the gospel at Leipsic. John Camerarius, professor of Hebrew, one of the keenest opponents of the Reformation, impressed by the words of the mighty teacher, began to examine the Holy Scriptures more thoroughly; and, shortly after throwing up his situation, came to Wittemberg to study at the feet of Luther. He was afterwards pastor at Frankfort and Dresden.

Among those who had taken their place on the seats reserved for the Court, and accompanied Duke George, was George of Anhalt, a young prince, twelve years of age, of a family which had distinguished itself in the wars against the Saracens. At this time he was studying at Leipsic with his tutor. Great ardour for science, and a strong attachment to truth, had already become the characteristics of the illustrious young prince. He was often heard to repeat the words of Solomon, _falsehood ill becomes a prince_. The Leipsic discussion inspired this child with serious reflection, and with a decided leaning to Luther.[128] Some time after a bishopric was offered to him. His brother, and all his family, with the view of raising him to high honour in the Church, urged him to accept it, but he resolutely declined. His pious mother, who was secretly favourable to Luther, having died, he became possessed of all the Reformer's writings. He was constant and fervent in prayer to God, to incline his heart to the truth; and, often in the solitude of his chamber, exclaimed, with tears, "_Deal mercifully with thy servant, and teach me thy statutes_."[129] His prayers were heard. Carried forward by his convictions, he fearlessly joined the ranks of the friends of the gospel. In vain did his guardians, and particularly Duke George, besiege him with entreaties and remonstrances. He remained inflexible, and the Duke, half convinced by his pupil's reasons, exclaimed, "I cannot answer him; still, however, I will keep by my Church--I am too old a dog to be trained." We will afterwards see in this amiable prince one of the finest characters of the Reformation, one who himself preached the word of life to his subjects, and to whom the saying of Dion respecting the emperor Marcus Antoninus, has been applied, "He was through life consistent with himself, he was a good man, a man free from guile."[130]

[128] L. Op. (W.) xv, p. 1440.

[129] ... A Deo petivit, flecti pectus suum ad veritatem, ac lacrymans
sæpe hæc verba repetivit.... (M. Adami, Vita Georgii Anhalt, p. 248.)

[130] Ομοίος διὰ πάντων ἑγένετο,
ἀγαθὸς δὲ ἠν, καὶ οὐδὲν πρὸς
ποίητον εἶχεν. (Ibid. 255.)

But Luther's words met with an enthusiastic reception, especially from the students. They felt the difference between the spirit and life of the doctor of Wittemberg, and the sophistical distinctions, and vain speculations, of the chancellor of Ingolstadt. They saw Luther founding upon the word of God, and they saw Dr. Eck founding only on human traditions. The effect was soon visible. The classes of the university of Leipsic almost emptied after the discussion. One circumstance partly contributed to this. The plague threatened to make its appearance--but there were many other universities--for example, Erfurt, or Ingolstadt, to which the students might have repaired. The force of truth drew them to Wittemberg, where the number of the students was doubled.[131]

[131] Peifer Histor. Lipsiensis, 356.

[Sidenote: CRUCIGER. MELANCTHON'S CALL.]

Among those who removed from the one university to the other was a youth of sixteen, of a melancholy air, who spoke little, and often amid the conversation and games of his fellow-students seemed absorbed by his own thoughts.[132] His parents at first thought him of weak intellect, but they soon found him so apt to learn, and so completely engrossed by his studies, that they conceived high hopes of him. His integrity, his candour, his modesty, and his piety, made him a general favourite, and Mosellanus singled him out as a model to all the university. He was called Gaspard Cruciger, and was originally from Leipsic. This new student of Wittemberg was afterwards the friend of Melancthon, and the assistant of Luther in the translation of the Bible.

[132] Et cogitabundus et sæpe in medios sodalitios quasi peregrinante
animo. (Melch. Adami, Vita Crucigeri, p. 198.)

The Leipsic discussion produced results still more important, in as much as the theologian of the Reformation then received his call. Modest and silent, Melancthon had been present at the discussion almost without taking any part in it. Till then his attention had been engrossed by literature, but the discussion gave him a new impulse, and gained him over to theology. Henceforth his science did homage to the word of God. He received the evangelical truth with the simplicity of a child. His audience heard him expound the doctrines of salvation with a grace and clearness by which all were charmed. He boldly advanced in this, which was to him a new career; "for," said he, "Christ will never leave his people."[133] From this moment the two friends walked side by side, contending for liberty and truth, the one with the energy of St. Paul, and the other with the meekness of St. John. Luther has admirably expressed the difference of their calling:--"I was born," said he, "to enter the field of battle, and contend with factions and demons. Hence, my writings breathe war and tempest. I must root up the trunks, remove the thorns and the brambles, and fill up the marshes and pools. I am the sturdy wood-cutter who must clear the passage and level the ground; but master Philip advances calmly and softly; he digs and plants, sows, and waters joyously, in accordance with the gifts which God has, with so liberal a hand, bestowed upon him."[134]

[133] Christus suis non deerit. (Corp. Reform. i, 104.)

[134] L. Op. (W.) xiv, 200.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S EMANCIPATION.]

If Melancthon, the quiet sower, was called to the work by the discussion of Leipsic, Luther, the hardy wood-cutter, felt his arm strengthened, and his courage still more inflamed by it. The mightiest result of this discussion was produced in Luther himself. "Scholastic theology," said he, "sunk entirely in my estimation, under the triumphant presidency of Dr. Eck." In regard to the reformer, the veil which the School and the Church had hung up in front of the sanctuary was rent from top to bottom. Constrained to engage in new enquiries, he arrived at unexpected discoveries. With equal astonishment and indignation he saw the evil in all its magnitude. While poring over the annals of the Church, he discovered that the supremacy of Rome had no other origin than ambition on the one hand, and credulous ignorance on the other. The narrow point of view under which he had hitherto looked at the Church was succeeded by one both clearer and wider. In the Christians of Greece and the East he recognised true members of the Catholic Church; and, instead of a visible head, seated on the banks of the Tiber, he adored, as sole Head of his people, that invisible and eternal Redeemer, who, according to his promise, is always, and in all parts of the world, in the midst of those who believe in his name. The Latin Church Luther no longer regarded as the universal Church. The narrow barriers of Rome were thrown down; and he shouted for joy when he saw the glorious domain of Jesus Christ stretching far beyond them. Henceforth he felt that he could be a member of the Church of Christ without belonging to the Church of the pope. In particular, the writings of John Huss made a strong impression on him. To his great surprise, he discovered in them the doctrine of St. Paul and St. Augustine, the doctrine to which he had himself arrived, after so many struggles. "I believed," said he, "and, without knowing it, taught all the doctrines of John Huss.[135] So did Staupitz. In short, without suspecting it, we are all Hussites, as are also St. Paul and St. Augustine. I am confounded at it, and know not what to think.... O what dreadful judgments have not men merited from God! Evangelical truth, when unfolded, and published more than a century ago, was condemned, burned, and suppressed.... Woe! Woe to the earth!"

[135] Ego imprudens hucusque omnia Johannis Huss et docui, et
tenui.... (L. Ep. ii, p. 452.)

Luther disengaged himself from the papacy, regarding it with decided aversion and holy indignation. All the witnesses, who in every age had risen up against Rome came successively before him to testify against her, and unveil some of her abuses or errors. "O darkness!" exclaimed he.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S CHARITY. ECK ATTACKS MELANCTHON.]

He was not allowed to be silent as to these sad discoveries. The pride of his adversaries, their pretended triumph, and the efforts which they made to extinguish the light, fixed his decision. He advanced in the path in which God was leading him, without any uneasiness as to the result. Luther has fixed upon this as the moment of his emancipation from the papal yoke--"Learn by me," said he, "how difficult it is to disencumber oneself of errors which the whole world confirms by its example, and which, from long habit, have become a second nature.[136] For seven years I had been reading, and, with great zeal, publicly expounding the Holy Scriptures, so that I had them almost entirely by heart.[137] I had also all the rudiments of knowledge and faith in the Lord Jesus Christ,--that is to say, I knew that we were not justified and saved by our works, but by faith in Christ: and I even maintained openly, that the pope is not head of the Christian Church by divine authority. And yet ... I could not see the inference, viz.--that certainly and necessarily the pope is of the devil. For whatever is not of God must, of necessity, be of the devil."[138] Further on, Luther adds--"I no longer vent my indignation against those who are still attached to the pope, since I myself, after reading the Holy Scriptures so carefully, and for so many years, still clung to the pope with so much obstinacy."[139]

[136] Quam difficile sit eluctari et emergere ex erroribus, totius
orbis, exemplo firmatis.... (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.)

[137] Per septem annos, ita ut memoriter pene omnia tenerem....
(Ibid.)

[138] Quod enim ex Deo non est, necesse est ex diabolo esse. (Ibid.)

[139] Cum ego tot annis sacra legens diligentissime, tamen ita hæsi
tenaciter. (Ibid.)

Such were the true results of the discussion of Leipsic--results far more important than the discussion itself, and resembling those first successes which discipline an army and inflame its courage.

CHAP. VII.

Eck attacks Melancthon--Melancthon's defence--Interpretation
of Scripture--Luther's firmness--The Bohemian
Brethren--Emser--Staupitz.

Eck abandoned himself to all the intoxication of what he would fain have passed off as a victory. He kept tearing at Luther, and heaped accusation upon accusation[140] against him. He also wrote to Frederick. Like a skilful general, he wished to take advantage of the confusion which always succeeds a battle, in order to obtain important concessions from the prince. Preparatory to the steps which he meant to take against his opponent personally, he invoked the flames against his writings, even those of them which he had not read. Imploring the Elector to convene a provincial council, the coarse-minded doctor exclaimed, "Let us exterminate all this vermin before they multiply out of measure."[141]

[140] Proscidit, post abitum nostrum, Martinum inhumanissime.
(Melancthon Corp. Refor. i, 106.)

[141] Ehe das Ungeziffer uberhand nehme. (L. Op. (L.) xvii, 271.)

[Sidenote: MELANCTHON'S DEFENCE.]

Luther was not the only person against whom he vented his rage. He had the imprudence to call Melancthon into the field. Melancthon, who was in terms of the greatest intimacy with the excellent Œcolampadius, gave him an account of the discussion, and spoke of Eck in eulogistic terms.[142] Nevertheless, the pride of the chancellor of Ingolstadt was offended, and he immediately took up the pen against this "grammarian of Wittemberg, who, it is true," said he, "was not ignorant of Latin and Greek, but had dared to publish a letter in which he had insulted him, Dr. Eck."[143]

[142] Eccius ob varias et insignes ingenii dotes.... (L. Op. Lat. i,
p. 337.)

[143] Ausus est grammaticus Wittembergensis, Græce et Latine sane non
indoctus, epistolam edere.... (L. Op. Lat. i, p. 338.)

Melancthon replied. It is his first theological writing, and displays the exquisite urbanity which characterised this excellent man. Laying down the fundamental principles of Hermeneutics, he shows that the Holy Scriptures ought not to be explained according to the Fathers, but the Fathers according to the Holy Scriptures. "How often," says he, "did not Jerome commit mistakes, how often Augustine, how often Ambrose; how often do they differ in opinion, how often do they retract their own errors; ... there is only one volume inspired by the Spirit of heaven--pure and true throughout."[144]

[144] Una est Scriptura, cœlestis Spiritus, pura, et per omnia
verax. (Contra Eckium Defensio, Corp. Refor. i, p. 115.)

"Luther," it is said, "does not follow some ambiguous expositions of the ancients, and why should he follow them? When he expounds the passage of St. Matthew, "_Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church_," he agrees with Origen, who by himself alone is worth a host; with Augustine in his homily, and Ambrose in his sixth book on St. Luke, to say nothing of others. What, then, you will say, do the Fathers contradict each other? Is it surprising that they should?[145] I believe in the Fathers, because I believe in the Holy Scriptures. The meaning of Scripture is one, and simple, like heavenly truth herself. We arrive at it by comparing different passages together; we deduce it from the thread and connection of the discourse.[146] There is a philosophy enjoined us in regard to the Book of God, and it is to employ it as the touch-stone by which all the opinions and maxims of men must be tried."[147]

[145] Quid igitur? Ipsi secum pugnunt! quid mirum? (Contra Eckium
Defensio, Corp. Refor., i, p. 115.)

[146] Quem collatis Scripturis e filo ductuque orationis licet
assequi. (Ibid. 114.)

[147] Ut hominum sententias, decretaque, ad ipsas, ceu ad Lydium
lapidem exigamus. (Ibid. p. 115.) By it (Scripture), as by a Lydian
stone, let us test the decisions and opinions of men.

[Sidenote: LUTHER'S FIRMNESS, EMSER. STAUPITZ.]

It was a long time since these great truths had been so elegantly expounded. The Word of God was restored to its proper place, and the Fathers to theirs. The simple method by which we ascertain the meaning of Scripture was distinctly traced. The Word had precedence over all the difficulties and the expositions of the School. Melancthon furnished the answer to those who, like Dr. Eck, would envelope this subject in the mists of a remote antiquity. The feeble _grammarian_ had risen up, and the broad and sturdy shoulders of the scholastic gladiator had bent under the first pressure of his arm.

The weaker Eck was, the more noise he made, as if his rhodomontades and accusations were to secure the victory which he had failed to obtain in debate. The monks and all the partisans of Rome re-echoing his clamour, Germany rang with invectives against Luther, who, however, remained passive. "The more I see my name covered with opprobrium," said he in finishing the expositions which he published, on the propositions of Leipsic, "the prouder I feel; the truth, in other words, Christ, must increase, but I must decrease. The voice of the Bridegroom and the bride delights me more than all this clamour dismays me. Men are not the authors of my sufferings, and I have no hatred against them. It is Satan, the prince of evil, who would terrify me. But he who is in us is greater than he who is in the world. The judgment of our contemporaries is bad; that of posterity will be better."[148]

[148] "Præsens male judicat ætas; judicium menus posteritatis erit."
(L. Op. Lat. i, 310.)

If the Leipsic discussion multiplied Luther's enemies in Germany, it also increased the number of his friends abroad; "What Huss was formerly in Bohemia, you, O Martin, are now in Saxony," wrote the brothers of Bohemia to him; "wherefore pray and be strong in the Lord."

About this time war was declared between Luther and Emser, now a professor of Leipsic. The latter addressed a letter to Dr. Zach, a zealous Roman Catholic of Prague, in which his professed object was to disabuse the Hussites of the idea that Luther was of their party. Luther could not doubt that under the semblance of defending him, the learned Leipsicker's real purpose was to fasten on him a suspicion of adhering to the Bohemian heresy, and he resolved to tear aside the veil under which his old Dresden host was endeavouring to shroud his enmity. With this view he published a letter addressed to the "goat Emser," Emser's arms being a goat. Luther concludes with a sentiment which well delineates his own character, "To love all, but fear none."[149]

[149] L. Op. Lat. i, 252.

[Sidenote: LUTHER ON THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS.]

While new friends and new enemies thus appeared, old friends seemed to draw off from Luther. Staupitz, who had been the means of bringing the Reformer out of the obscurity of the cloister of Erfurt, began to show him some degree of coolness. Luther was rising too high for Staupitz to follow him.--"You abandon me," wrote Luther to him. "The whole day I have been exceedingly grieved on your account, like a child just weaned and weeping for its mother.[150] Last night," continues the Reformer, "I dreamed of you, you were keeping aloof from me, and I was sobbing and shedding tears; then you gave me your hand, and told me to dry up my tears, for you would return to me."

[150] Ego super te, sicut ablactatus super matre sua, tristissimus hac
die fui. (Ep. i, p. 342.)

The pacificator, Miltitz, wished to make a new attempt at conciliation. But what hold can be had on men while still under the excitement of the contest? His endeavours led to no result. He brought the famous rose of gold, but the Elector did not even take the trouble to receive it in person.[151] Frederick knew the artifices of Rome, and was not to be imposed upon.[152]

[151] Rosam quam vocant auream nullo honore dignatus est; imo pro
ridicula habuit. (L. Op. Lat. in Præf.) What is called the golden rose
he held in no estimation, nay, he held it in derision.

[152] Intellexit princeps artes Romanæ curiæ et eos (legatos) digne
tractare novit. (Ibid.) The prince understood the arts of the Roman
Court, and knew what treatment was due to them (the legates).

CHAP. VIII.

Epistle to the Galatians--Christ for us--Blindness of
Luther's Adversaries--First Ideas on the Supper--Is the
Sacrament Sufficient without Faith?--Luther a Bohemian--Eck
attacked--Eck sets out for Rome.

[Sidenote: BLINDNESS OF ADVERSARIES.]

Far from drawing back, Luther uniformly continued to advance, and at this time struck one of his severest blows at error, by publishing his first commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians.[153] It is true, the second commentary was superior to the first; but still the first contained a forcible exposition of the doctrine of justification by faith. Every expression of the new apostle was full of life, and God employed him to imbue the hearts of the people with divine knowledge. "Christ gave himself for our sins," said Luther to his contemporaries.[154] "It was not silver or gold that he gave for us, nor was it a man or angels. He gave himself--himself, out of whom there is no true greatness; and this incomparable treasure he gave ... for our sins. Where, now, are those who proudly boast of the powers of our will? where are the lessons of moral philosophy? where the power and strength of the law? Our sins being so great that they cannot possibly be taken away without an immense ransom, shall we pretend to acquire righteousness by the energy of our will, by the power of the law, and the doctrines of men? What will all these cunning devices, all these illusions, avail us? Ah! we will only cover our iniquities with a spurious righteousness and convert ourselves into hypocrites, whom no worldly power can save."

[153] 3rd September, 1519.

[154] L. Op. (L.) x, 461.

But while Luther thus proves that man's only salvation is in Christ, he also shows how this salvation changes his nature, and enables him to abound in good works. "The man," says he, "who has truly heard the word of Christ, and keeps it, is immediately clothed with the spirit of charity. If thou lovest him who has made thee a present of twenty florins, or done thee some service, or in some way given thee a proof of his affection, how much more oughtest thou to love him, who, on thy account, has given not silver or gold, but himself, received so many wounds, endured a bloody sweat, and even died for thee; in one word, who, in paying for all thy sins, has annihilated death, and secured for thee a Father full of love in heaven!... If thou lovest him not, thy heart has not listened to the things which he has done; thou hast not believed them; for faith works by love." "This epistle," said Luther, in speaking of the Epistle to the Galatians, "is my epistle--I am married to it."

His opponents caused him to proceed at a quicker pace than he would otherwise have done. At this time Eck instigated the Franciscans of Juterbock to make a new attack upon him; and Luther, in his reply,[155] not satisfied with repeating what he had already taught, attacked errors which he had recently discovered. "I would fain know," says he, "in what part of Scripture the power of canonising saints has been given to the popes; and also what the necessity, or even the utility is, of canonising them?"... "However," adds he, ironically, "let them canonise as they will."[156]

[155] Defensio contra malignum Eccli judicium. (Lat. i, p. 356.)

[156] Canoniset quisque quantum volet. (Ibid. p. 367.)

These new attacks of Luther remained unanswered. The blindness of his enemies was as favourable to him as his own courage. They passionately defended secondary matters, and said not a word when they saw the foundations of Roman doctrine shaking under his hand. While they were eagerly defending some outworks, their intrepid adversary penetrated into the heart of the citadel, and there boldly planted the standard of truth; and hence their astonishment, when they saw the fortress sapped, blazing, and falling to pieces amid the flames, at the moment when they thought it impregnable, and were hurling defiance at their assailants. Thus it is that great changes are accomplished.

[Sidenote: FIRST IDEAS ON THE LORD'S SUPPER.]

The sacrament of the Lord's supper began, at this time, to engage Luther's attention. He looked for it in the mass, but in vain. One day, shortly after his return from Leipsic, he mounted the pulpit. Let us mark his words, for they are the first which he pronounced, on a subject which afterwards divided the Church and the Reformation into two parties. "In the holy sacrament of the altar," says he, "there are three things which it is necessary to know; the sign, which must be external, visible, and under a corporal form; the thing signified, which is internal, spiritual, and within the mind; and faith, which avails itself of both."[157] Had the definitions not been pushed farther, unity would not have been destroyed.

[157] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 272.

Luther continues. "It were good that the Church should, by a general council, decree that both kinds shall be distributed to all the faithful; not, however, on the ground that one kind is insufficient, for faith by itself would be sufficient." These bold words pleased his audience, though some were astonished and offended, and exclaimed, "This is false and scandalous."[158]

[158] Ibid. p. 281.

The preacher continues. "There is no union closer, deeper, or more inseparable than that between food and the body which is nourished by it. In the sacrament, Christ unites himself to us so closely that he acts in us as if he were identified with us. Our sins attack him. His righteousness defends us."

But Luther, not deeming it enough to expound the truth, attacks one of the most fundamental errors of Rome.[159] The Roman Church pretends that the sacrament operates by itself, independently of the disposition of him who receives it. Nothing can be more convenient than such an opinion, since to it, both the eagerness with which the sacrament is sought, and the profits of the clergy are to be ascribed. Luther attacks this doctrine,[160] and maintains its opposite[161]--viz., that faith and a right disposition of heart are indispensable.

[159] "Si quis dixerit per ipsa novæ legis sacramenta _ex opere
operato_ non conferri gratiam, sed solam fidem divinæ promissionis, ad
gratiam consequendam sufficere, anathema sit." (Council of Trent,
Sess. 7, can. 8.) If any man says that grace is not bestowed through
the Sacraments of the New Covenant, by the mere act, (_ex opere
operato_,) but that faith alone in the divine promise is sufficient to
obtain grace, let him be anathema.

[160] Known by the name of opus operatum, the work performed.

[161] That of the _opus operantis_, the work of the performer, the
communicant.

This energetic protestation was destined to overthrow ancient superstitions; but, strange to say, it attracted no attention. Rome overlooked what might have made her scream in agony, and impetuously attacked the unimportant observation which Luther threw out at the commencement of his discourse, concerning communion in two kinds. The discourse having been published in December, a general cry of heresy was raised. "It is just the doctrine of Prague unadulterated," was the exclamation at the Court of Dresden, where the sermon arrived during the Christmas festivals. "It is written, moreover, in German, in order to make it accessible to the common people."[162] The devotion of the prince was troubled, and on the third day of the festival he wrote to his cousin Frederick. "Since the publication of this discourse, the number of persons who receive the sacrament in two kinds has received an increase of 6000. Your Luther, from being a professor of Wittemberg, is on the eve of becoming a bishop of Prague, and an arch-heretic".... The cry was, "he was born in Bohemia, of Bohemian parents, he was brought up at Prague, and trained in the writings of Wickliffe."

[162] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 281.

Luther judged it right to contradict these rumours in a writing in which he gravely detailed his parentage. "I was born at Eisleben," said he, "and was baptised in St. Peter's church. The nearest town to Bohemia in which I have ever been, is Dresden."[163]

[163] L. Op. (L.) xvii, p. 281.

The letter of Duke George did not prejudice the Elector against Luther, for a few days after he invited him to a splendid entertainment which he gave to the Spanish ambassador, and at which Luther valiantly combated the minister of Charles.[164] The Elector's chaplain had, by his master's order, requested Luther to use moderation in defending his cause. "Excessive folly displeases man," replied Luther to Spalatin, "but excessive wisdom displeases God. The gospel cannot be defended without tumult and scandal. The word of God is sword, war, ruin, scandal, destruction, poison;"[165] and, hence, as Amos expresses it, "it presents itself like a bear in the path, and a lioness in the forest. I ask nothing, I demand nothing. There is one greater than I who asks and demands. Whether he stands or falls, I am neither gainer nor loser."[166]

[164] Cærterum ego natus sum in Eisleben.... (L. Ep. i, p. 389.)

[165] Cum quo heri ego et Philippus certavimus, splendide invitati.
(Ibid. p. 396.) With whom Philip and I had a debate yesterday at a
splendid entertainment.

[166] Verbum Dei gladius est, bellum est, ruina est, scandalum est,
perditio est, venenum est.... (L. Ep. i, p. 417.)

[Sidenote: ECK'S ATTACK.]

It was obvious that faith and courage were about to become more necessary to Luther than ever. Eck was forming projects of revenge. Instead of the laurels which he had counted on gaining, he had become a laughing-stock to all men of intellect throughout the nation.[167] Cutting satires were published against him. Eck was cut to the very heart by "An Epistle of Ignorant Canons," written by Œcolompadius, and a complaint against him probably by the excellent Pirckheimer of Nuremberg, exhibiting a combination of sarcasm and dignity of which the 'Provincial Letters' of Pascal alone can give some idea.

[167] Ego nihil quæro; est qui quærat. Stet ergo, sive cadat; ego
nihil lucror, aut amitto. (Ibid. p. 418.)

Luther expressed his dissatisfaction with some of these writings. "It is better," said he, "to attack openly than to keep barking behind a hedge."[168]

[168] Melior est aperta criminatio, quam iste sub sepe morsus. (Ibid.
p. 425.)

How greatly the chancellor of Ingolstadt had miscalculated! His countrymen abandon him, and he prepares for a journey beyond the Alps, to invoke the aid of strangers. Wherever he goes he vents his threatenings against Luther, Melancthon, Carlstadt, and the Elector himself. "From the haughtiness of his expressions," says the doctor of Wittemberg, "one would say he imagines himself to be God Almighty."[169] Inflamed with rage, and thirsting for vengeance, Eck, having in February, 1520, published a work on the primacy of St. Peter,--a work devoid of sound criticism, in which he maintained that this apostle, the first of the popes, resided for twenty-five years at Rome--set out for Italy in order to receive the reward of his pretended triumphs, and to forge at Rome, near the papal capitol, thunders mightier than the frail scholastic arms which had given way in his hands.

[169] Deum crederes omnipotentem loqui. (L. Ep. i, p. 380.)

Luther was aware of all the dangers to which the journey of his antagonist would expose him--but he feared not. Spalatin, alarmed, urged him to make proposals of peace. "No," replied Luther, "so long as he clamours, I cannot decline the contest. I commit the whole affair to God, and leave my bark to the winds and waves. It is the battle of the Lord. How can it be imagined that Christ will advance his cause by peace? Did he not combat even unto death, and have not all the martyrs since done the same?"[170]

[170] Cogor rem Deo committere, data flatibus et fluctibus nave.
Bellum Domini est.... (Ibid. p. 423.)

Such was the position of the two combatants of Leipsic, at the commencement of the year 1520. The one was stirring up the whole papacy to strike a blow at his rival, who, on his part, waited for war as calmly as if he had been waiting for peace. The year on which we are entering will see the bursting of the storm.

BOOK SIXTH.

THE BULL OF ROME.

1520.

CHAP. I.

Character of Maximilian--The Competitors for the
Empire--Charles--Francis I--Inclination of the Germans--The
Crown offered to Frederick--Charles is Elected.

A new character was going to appear upon the stage. God saw meet to place the monk of Wittemberg in presence of the most powerful monarch who had appeared in Christendom since Charlemagne. He chose a prince, in the fervid vigour of youth, to whom every thing presaged a reign of long duration--a prince whose sceptre extended over a considerable portion both of the old and the new world; so that, according to a celebrated expression, the sun never set on his vast dominions--and opposed him to this humble Reformation, which began with the anguish and sighs of a poor monk, in the obscure cell of a convent at Erfurt. The history of this monarch and his reign seems to have been destined to give a great lesson to the world. It was to show the nothingness of all "the power of man," when it presumes to contend with "the weakness of God." Had a prince, friendly to Luther, been called to the empire, the success of the Reformation would have been attributed to his protection. Had even an emperor opposed to the new doctrine, but feeble, occupied the throne, the triumphant success of the work would have been accounted for by the feebleness of the monarch. But it was the proud conqueror of Pavia who behoved to humble his pride before the power of the Divine Word, that all the world might see how he, who had found it easy to drag Francis I a captive to Madrid, was compelled to lower his sword before the son of a poor miner.

[Sidenote: COMPETITORS FOR THE IMPERIAL CROWN.]

The Emperor Maximilian was dead, and the electors had met at Frankfort to give him a successor. In the circumstances in which Europe was placed, this election was of vast importance, and was regarded with deep interest by all Christendom. Maximilian had not been a great prince; but his memory was dear to the people, who took a pleasure in remembering his presence of mind and good-humoured affability. Luther often talked of him to his friends, and one day related the following anecdote.