Chapter VII: Part 7

He also retracts in regard to John Huss. "I say now, not that _some_ articles, but _all_ the articles of John Huss, are Christian throughout. The pope, in condemning Huss, condemned the gospel. I have done five times more than he, and yet I much fear have not done enough. Huss merely says, that a wicked pope is not a member of Christendom; but I, were St. Peter himself sitting to-day at Rome, would deny that he was pope by the appointment of God."

CHAP. XI.

Coronation of Charles--The Nuncio Aleander--Will Luther's
Books be burnt?--Aleander and the Emperor--The Nuncios and
the Elector--The Son of Duke John pleads for
Luther--Luther's calmness--The Elector protects
Luther--Reply of the Nuncios--Erasmus at Cologne--Erasmus
with the Elector--Declaration of Erasmus--Advice of
Erasmus--System of Charles V.

The powerful words of the Reformer penetrated all minds, and contributed to their emancipation. The sparks of light which each word threw out were communicated to the whole nation. But a great question remained to be solved. Would the prince, in whose states Luther dwelt, favour the execution of the bull, or would he oppose it? The reply seemed doubtful. At that time the Elector and all the princes of the empire were at Aix-la-Chapelle where the crown of Charlemagne was placed upon the head of the youngest but most powerful monarch of Christendom. Unprecedented pomp and magnificence were displayed in the ceremony. Charles V, Frederick, the princes, ministers, and ambassadors, immediately after repaired to Cologne. Aix-la-Chapelle, where the plague was raging, seemed to empty itself into this ancient town on the banks of the Rhine.

[Sidenote: THE NUNCIO ALEANDER.]

Among the crowd of strangers who pressed into the city were the two papal nuncios, Marino Carracioli and Jerome Aleander. Carracioli, who had previously executed a mission to Maximilian, was appointed to congratulate the new emperor, and confer with him on matters of state. But Rome had become aware that, in order to succeed in extinguishing the Reformation, it was necessary to send into Germany a nuncio specially entrusted with the task, and with a character, address, and activity fitted to accomplish it. Aleander had been selected.[318] This man, who was afterwards decorated with the cardinals' purple, seems to have been of rather an ancient family, and not of Jewish parentage as has been said. The guilty Borgia called him to Rome to be secretary to his son, the Cesar, before whose murderous sword all Rome trembled.[319] "Like master like servant," says a historian, who thus compares Aleander to Alexander VI. This judgment seems too severe. After the death of Borgia, Aleander devoted himself to study with new ardour. His skill in Greek, Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic, gave him the reputation of being the most learned man of his age. He threw his whole soul into whatever he undertook. The zeal with which he studied languages was not a whit stronger than that which he displayed in persecuting the Reformation. Leo X took him into his service. Protestant historians speak of his epicurean habits--Roman historians of the integrity of his life.[320] He seems to have been fond of luxury, show, and amusement. "Aleander," says his old friend Erasmus, "lived in Venice, in high office, but in low epicureanism." He is admitted to have been violent in temper, prompt in action, full of ardour, indefatigable, imperious, and devoted to the pope. Eck is the blustering, intrepid champion of the school,--Aleander the proud ambassador of the arrogant court of the pontiffs. He seemed formed to be a nuncio.

[318] Studium flagrantissimum religionis, ardor idolis...incredibile
quanta solertia (Pallavicini, i, p. 84.)

[319] Capello, Venetian ambassador at Rome, in 1500, says of him,
"Tutta Roma trema di esso ducha non li faza amazzar"... (Relatione
M.S. Archives of Vienna, extracted by Ranke.)

[320] Er wird übel als ein gebohrner Jude und schaendlicher Epicurer
beschrieben. (Seckend. 286.)--Integritas vitæ qua prænoscebatur...
(Pallavicini, i, p. 84.)

Rome had made every preparation to destroy the monk of Wittemberg. The duty of assisting at the coronation of the emperor, as representative of the pope, was to Aleander only a secondary mission, fitted to facilitate his task by the respect which it secured to him. The essential part of his commission was to dispose Charles to crush the growing Reformation.[321] In putting the bull into the hands of the emperor, the nuncio had thus addressed him:--"The pope, who has succeeded with so many great princes, will have little difficulty in bringing three grammarians to order." By these he meant Luther, Melancthon, and Erasmus. Erasmus was present at this audience.

[321] "Cui tota sollicitudo insisteret, nascentis hæresis evellendæ."
(Pallavicini, i, p. 83.) Whose whole anxiety was directed to the
extirpation of the growing heresy.

[Sidenote: WILL LUTHER'S WORKS BE BURNT?]

No sooner had Aleander arrived at Cologne, than he proceeded in concert with Carracioli, to put everything in train for burning Luther's heretical writings throughout the empire, but more especially under the eyes of the princes of Germany who were then assembled. Charles V had already consented to its being done in his hereditary states. The minds of men were greatly agitated. "Such measures," it was said to the ministers of Charles, and to the nuncios themselves, "far from curing the evil, will only make it worse. Do you imagine that the doctrine of Luther exists only in the books which you throw into the flames? It is written where you cannot reach it--on the hearts of the population.[322] If you will employ force, it must be that of innumerable swords, drawn to massacre an immense multitude.[323] Some billets of wood, collected for the purpose of consuming some bits of paper, will do nothing; such weapons become not the dignity either of the emperor or the pontiff." The nuncio defended his faggot piles. "These flames," said he, "are a sentence of condemnation written in gigantic letters, and understood alike by those who are near, and those who are at a distance, by the learned and the ignorant, by those even who cannot read."

[322] "Altiusque insculptam in mentibus universæ fere Germaniæ."
(Pallavicini, i, p. 88.)

[323] "In vi innumerabilium gladiorum qui infinitum populum
trucidarent." (Ibid.)

But, in reality the nuncio's efforts were directed not against papers and books, but Luther himself. "These flames," resumed he, "are not sufficient to purify the infected air of Germany.[324] If they deter the simple, they do not correct the wicked. The thing wanted is an edict from the emperor against Luther's head."[325]

[324] "Non satis ad expurgandam aërem Germaniæ jam tabificum." (Ibid.,
p. 89.)

[325] Cæsaris edictum in caput ... Lutheri. (Ibid.)

Aleander did not find the emperor so complying on the subject of the Reformer's person as on that of his books.

"Having just ascended the throne," said he to Aleander, "I cannot, without the advice of my counsellors, and the consent of the princes, strike such a blow at an immense faction, surrounded by such powerful defenders. Let us first know what our father, the Elector of Saxony, thinks of the affair; after that, we shall see what answer to give to the pope."[326] On the Elector, therefore, the nuncios proceeded to try their wiles, and the power of their eloquence.

[326] "Audiamus antea hac in re patrem nostrum Fredericum." (L. Op.
Lat., ii, p. 117.)

On the first Sunday of November, after Frederick had attended mass in the convent of the Cordeliers, Carracioli and Aleander requested an audience. He received them in the presence of the Bishop of Trent, and several of his counsellors. Carracioli first presented the papal brief. Milder than Aleander, he thought it best to gain the Elector by flattery, and began to laud him and his ancestors. "In you," said he, "we hope for the salvation of the Roman Church and the Roman empire."

[Sidenote: THE NUNCIOS AND THE ELECTOR.]

But the impetuous Aleander, wishing to come to the point, came briskly forward, and interrupted his colleague, who modestly gave way to him.[327] "It is to me," said he, "and Eck, that Martin's affair has been entrusted. See the immense perils to which this man exposes the Christian commonwealth. If a remedy is not speedily applied, the empire is destroyed. What ruined the Greeks if it was not their abandonment of the pope? You cannot remain united to Luther without separating from Jesus Christ.[328] In the name of his Holiness, I ask of you two things: _first_, to burn the writings of Luther; _secondly_, to punish him according to his demerits, or at least to give him up a prisoner to the pope.[329] The emperor, and all the princes of the empire have declared their readiness to accede to our demands; you alone still hesitate...."

[327] "Cui ita loquenti de improviso sese addit Aleander ..." (L. Op.
Lat., ii, p. 117.)

[328] Non posse cum Luthero conjungi, quin sejungeretur a Christo.
(Pallavicini. p. 86.)

[329] Ut de eo supplicium sumeret, vel captum pontifici transmitteret.
(L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 117.)

Frederick replied, by the intervention of the Bishop of Trent, "This affair is too grave to be decided on the spur of the moment. We will acquaint you with our resolution."

Frederick's position was difficult. What course will he adopt? On the one side are the emperor, the princes of the empire, and the chief pontiff of Christendom, from whose authority the Elector has as yet no thought of withdrawing; on the other, a monk, a feeble monk; for his person is all that is asked. The reign of the emperor has just commenced, and will discord be thrown into the empire by Frederick, the oldest and the wisest of all the princes of Germany? Besides, can he renounce that piety which led him as far as the sepulchre of Christ?...

Other voices were then heard. John Frederick, son of Duke John, and nephew of Frederick, the pupil of Spalatin, a young prince, seventeen years of age, who afterwards wore the electoral crown, and whose reign was marked by great misfortunes, had been inspired with a heartfelt love of the truth, and was strongly attached to Luther.[330] When he saw him struck with the anathemas of Rome, he embraced his cause with the warmth of a young Christian and a young prince. He wrote to the doctor, he wrote also to his uncle, soliciting him to protect Luther against his enemies. At the same time, Spalatin, though indeed he was often very desponding, Pontanus, and the other counsellors who were with the Elector at Cologne, represented to him that he could not abandon the Reformer.[331]

[330] ... Sonderliche Gunst und Gnade zu mir unwürdiglich und den
grossen Willen und Lust zer der heiligen göttlichen Wahrheit ... (L.
Ep. i, p. 548, to John Frederick, 30th October, 1520.)

[331] "Assiduo flabello ministrorum, illi jugiter suadentium ne
Lutherum desereret." (Pallavicini, i, p. 86.)

[Sidenote: THE ELECTOR PROTECTS LUTHER.]

Amid the general agitation, only one man remained tranquil--that man was Luther. While others were trying to save him by the influence of the great, the monk, in his cloister at Wittemberg, thought that the great stood more in need of being saved by him. Writing to Spalatin, he says, "If the gospel was of a nature to be propagated or maintained by the power of the world, God would not have entrusted it to fishermen.[332] To defend the gospel appertains not to the princes and pontiffs of this world. They have enough to do to shelter themselves from the judgments of the Lord and his Anointed. If I speak, I do it in order that they may obtain the knowledge of the divine word, and be saved by it."

[332] Evangelium si tale esset, quod potentatibus mundi aut
propagaretur aut servaretur, non illud piscatoribus Deus demandasset.
(L. Ep. i, p. 521.)

Luther's expectation was not to be deceived. The faith which a convent of Wittemberg contained exercised its influence in the palaces of Cologne. The heart of Frederick, shaken perhaps for an instant, became gradually stronger. He was indignant that the pope, notwithstanding of urgent entreaties to investigate the matter in Germany, had condemned it at Rome, on the demand of the Reformer's personal enemy; and that in his absence that enemy should have dared to publish in Saxony a bull which threatened the existence of the university and the peace of his people. Besides, the Elector was convinced that Luther had been wronged. He shuddered at the thought of delivering an innocent man into the cruel hands of his enemies. Justice, rather than the pope, such was the rule he adopted. He resolved not to yield to Rome. On the 4th November, when the Roman nuncios were in his presence with the Bishop of Trent, his counsellors announced to them, on the part of the Elector, that he was much grieved to see how Doctor Eck had taken the opportunity of his absence to involve in condemnation several persons not adverted to in the bull; that it might be that, since his departure, an immense number of the learned and the ignorant, the clergy and the laity, had united in adhering to the cause and the appeal of Luther;[333] that neither his Imperial Majesty, nor any person, had shown him that the writings of Luther had been refuted, and that the only thing now necessary was to throw them into the fire, that he moreover demanded a safe conduct for Doctor Luther, to enable him to appear before learned, pious, and important judges.

[333] "Ut ingens vis populi, doctorum et rudium, sacrorum et
profanorum, sese conjunxerint...." (L. Op. Lat., ii, p. 116.)

[Sidenote: ERASMUS AT COLOGNE.]

After this declaration, Aleander, Carracioli, and their suite, retired to deliberate.[334] It was the first time the Elector had publicly declared his intentions with regard to the Reformer. The nuncios had anticipated a very different result. "Now," thought they, "that the Elector, by persisting in playing his part of impartiality, would expose himself to dangers, the full extent of which cannot be foreseen, he will not hesitate to sacrifice the monk." So Rome had reasoned. But her schemes were destined to fail before a power to which she had not adverted--the love of justice and truth.

[334] "Quo audito, Marinus et Aleander seorsim cum suis locuti sunt."
(Ibid., p. 117.)

When again before the Elector's counsellors, "I would fain know," said the imperious Aleander, "what the Elector would think were one of his subjects to choose the King of France or some other foreign prince for judge?" Seeing at length that the Saxon counsellors were not to be shaken, he said, "We will execute the bull; we will prosecute and burn the writings of Luther. As to his person," added he, affecting a disdainful indifference, "the pope has no anxiety to dip his hand in the blood of the wretch."

News of the reply which the Elector had given to the nuncios having reached Wittemberg, Luther's friends were overjoyed. Melancthon and Amsdorff, in particular, cherished the most flattering hopes. "The German nobility," said Melancthon, "will shape their course by the example of a prince whom they follow in every thing as their Nestor. If Homer called his hero '_the wall of the Greeks_,' why should not Frederick be called '_the wall of the Germans_?'"[335]

[335] Homerica adpellatione murum Germaniæ. (Corp. Ref. i, p. 272.)

[Sidenote: ERASMUS WITH THE ELECTOR.]

Erasmus, the oracle of courts, the torch of the schools, the light of the world, was then at Cologne, having been invited thither by several princes who wished to consult him. At the period of the Reformation, Erasmus was at the head of the true middle (_juste milieu_) party, at least he thought he was, but erroneously; for when truth and error are in presence of each other, the right side is not the middle. He was the chief of that philosophical and university party, which had for ages aspired to correct Rome, without being able to do so; he was the representative of human wisdom; but this wisdom was too weak to repress the arrogance of the papacy. The wisdom of God was necessary--that wisdom which the world often calls folly, but at the bidding of which mountains are crushed. Erasmus was unwilling either to throw himself into the arms of Luther, or to seat himself at the feet of the pope. He hesitated, and often vibrated between these two powers, sometimes attracted towards Luther, and then suddenly repelled towards the pope. He had declared for Luther in a letter to the Archbishop of Mentz, in which he had said, "The last spark of Christian piety seems ready to be extinguished. It is this that has moved Luther's heart; he cares neither for money nor honour."[336] The publication of this letter by the imprudent Ulric von Hütten, subjected Erasmus to so much annoyance that he resolved to act with more prudence in future. Besides, he was accused of being in concert with Luther whose unguarded speeches moreover offended him. "Almost all good people,"[337] said he, "are for Luther, but I see that we are on the high way to a revolt. I would not have my name coupled with his. It hurts me and does him no good."[338] "Be it so," replied Luther, "since it pains you, I promise never to mention your name, nor that of any of your friends." Such was the man to whom both the enemies and the friends of the Reformer applied.

[336] "Et futurum erat .... ut tandem prorsus extingueretur illa
scintilla Christianæ pietatis; hæc moverunt animum Lutheri .... qui
nec honores ambit nec pecuniam cupit." (Erasm. Ep. Londini, 1642, p.
586.)

[337] Favent vero ferme boni omnes. (Corp. Ref. i, p. 205.)

[338] Er will von mir ungenennt seyn. (L. Ep. i, p. 525.) Nam ea res
me gravat et Lutherum non sublevat. (Corp. Ref. i, p. 206.)

[Sidenote: OPINION OF ERASMUS.]

The Elector, aware that the opinion of a man so much respected as Erasmus would carry great weight, invited the illustrious Dutchman to come to him. Erasmus complied. This was on the 5th of December. The friends of Luther saw this step not without secret apprehension. The Elector was sitting before the fire, with Spalatin beside him, when Erasmus was introduced. "What think you of Luther?" immediately asked Frederick. The prudent Erasmus, surprised at the direct question, at first tried to evade it. He twisted his mouth, bit his lips, and said nothing. Then the Elector, opening his eyes (says Spalatin,) as he was wont to do when speaking to persons from whom he wished a precise answer, looked piercingly at Erasmus,[339] who, not knowing how to disembarrass himself, at last said, half in jest, "Luther has committed two great faults; he has attacked the pope's crown and the monks' belly." The Elector smiled, but gave Erasmus to understand that he was in earnest. Then Erasmus, laying aside his reserve, said, "The source of all this dispute is the hatred of the monks against letters, and the fear they have of seeing an end put to their tyranny.[340] What have they put in operation against Luther? Clamour, cabal, hatred, libels. The more virtuous, and the more attached to the doctrines of the gospel a man is, the less is he opposed to Luther.[341] The harshness of the bull has excited the indignation of all good men, and nobody has been able to discover in it the meekness of a vicar of Jesus Christ.[342] Out of so many universities two only have attacked Luther, and even these have only condemned, not convicted him. Let not people deceive themselves; the danger is greater than some suppose. Things difficult and arduous are at hand.[343]... To begin the reign of Charles with an act so hateful as the imprisonment of Luther would be of sad augury. The world is thirsting for evangelical truth.[344] Let us beware of culpably resisting it. Let the affair be examined by grave men of sound judgment; this would be more accordant with the dignity of the pope himself."

[339] Da sperret auch wahrlich mein gnädister Herr seine Augen nur
wohl auf... (Spalatin Hist. MS. in Seckend. p. 291.)

[340] Lutherus peccavit in duobus, nempe quod tetigit coronam
pontificis et ventres monachorum, (See 1st vol.)

[341] Cum optimus quisque et evangelicæ doctrinæ proximus dicatur,
minime offensus Luthero. (Axiomata Erasmi in L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 115.)

[342] Bullæ sævitia probos omnes offendit ut indigna mitissimo Christi
vicario. (Ibid.)

[343] Urgent ardua negotia.... (Ibid.)

[344] Mundus sitit veritatem evangelicam. (Axiomata Erasmi in L. Op.
Lat. ii, p. 115.)

Thus spoke Erasmus to the Elector. The reader will perhaps be astonished at his frankness; but Erasmus knew to whom he was speaking. Spalatin was delighted, and going out with Erasmus, accompanied him as far as the house of the Count of Nuenar, provost of Cologne, where the illustrious scholar was residing. Erasmus, in a fit of frankness, went into his room, took up the pen and wrote down the substance of what he had said to the Elector, and gave it to Spalatin. But fear of Aleander soon took possession of the timid Erasmus, the courage which he had felt in the presence of the Elector and his chaplain vanished, and he begged Spalatin to send back his too bold writing lest it should fall into the hands of the terrible nuncio. It was too late.

The Elector, feeling strong in the opinion of Erasmus, spoke in more decided terms to the emperor. Erasmus himself strove in nocturnal conferences,[345] like Nicodemus of old, to persuade the counsellors of Charles that it was necessary to remit the whole affair to impartial judges. Perhaps he had some hope of being named arbiter in this cause which threatened to divide the Christian world. His vanity would have been flattered by the office. But, at the same time, not to lose himself at Rome, he wrote the most submissive letters to Leo, who replied in kind terms, and thereby put poor Aleander to the torture.[346] From love to the pope, he could have sharply rebuked the pope. Erasmus communicated the pontiff's letters because they added to his credit. The nuncio made a complaint at Rome: "Pretend," was the answer, "that you do not observe the naughtiness of that man. Prudence requires it: it is necessary to leave the door open for repentance."[347]

[345] Sollicitatis per nocturnos congressus. (Pallavicini, p. 87.)

[346] Quæ male torquebant Aleandrum. (Ibid.)

[347] Prudentis erat consilii hominis pravitatem dissimulare. (Ibid,
p. 88.)

[Sidenote: POLICY OF CHARLES V.]

Charles V himself embraced a vacillating system, which consisted in flattering both the pope and the Elector, and in seeming to incline alternately towards the one or the other according to the wants of the moment. One of his ministers, whom he had sent to Rome on certain Spanish matters, had arrived at the very time when Eck was loudly prosecuting Luther's condemnation. The wily ambassador instantly saw the advantages which his master might derive from the Saxon monk, and on the 12th May, 1520, wrote the emperor, who was still in Spain: "Your Majesty should go into Germany, and there show some favour to one Martin Luther, who is at the Court of Saxony, and, by his discourses, is giving much uneasiness to the Court of Rome."[348] Such, at the outset, was the light in which Charles viewed the matter. His object was not to know on which side truth or error lay, or to ascertain what the great interest of Germany demanded. What does policy require, and by what means can the pope be induced to support the emperor? This was the whole question, and at Rome was well known to be so. The ministers of Charles gave Aleander a hint of the plan which their master meant to follow. "The emperor," said they, "will act towards the pope as the pope acts towards the emperor: for he cares not to increase the power of his rivals, and in particular of the king of France."[349] At these words the imperious nuncio gave vent to his indignation: "What!" replied he, "even should the pope abandon the emperor must the emperor abandon religion? If Charles means thus to take his revenge ... let him tremble! This unprincipled course will turn against himself." The imperial diplomatists were not moved by the menaces of the nuncio.

[348] Despatches of Manuel Llorente, i, p. 338.

[349] Pallav. p. 91.

CHAP. XII.

Luther on Confession--True absolution--Antichrist--Rally
around Luther--Satires--Ulric von Hütten--Lucas Cranach--The
Carnival at Wittemberg--Staupitz intimidated--Luther's
Labours--Luther's Humility--Progress of the Reformation.

[Sidenote: LUTHER ON CONFESSION AND TRUE ABSOLUTION.]

If the legates of Rome failed with the mighty of the world, the inferior agents of the papacy succeeded in producing disturbance among the weak. The militia of Rome had heard the command of their chief. Fanatical priests employed the bull in alarming consciences, and honest but ill informed ecclesiastics regarded it as a sacred duty to act conformably to the instructions of the pope. Luther had begun his struggle against Rome in the confessional,[350] and in the confessional Rome gave battle to the adherents of the Reformer. The bull, though openly contemned by the nation, became powerful in these solitary tribunals. "Have you read the writings of Luther," demanded the confessors, "do you possess them? do you regard them as sound or as heretical?" If the penitent hesitated to pronounce the anathema, the priest refused him absolution. Several consciences were troubled. The people were strongly agitated. This skilful manœuvre promised to restore to the papal yoke whole districts already gained to the gospel. Rome congratulated herself on having, in the thirteenth century, erected a tribunal destined to bring the free consciences of Christians under subjection to the priests.[351] While it continues in force her reign is not ended.

[350] Vol. i, to p. 20.

[351] In 1215, by the fourth Lateran Council, under Innocent III.

Luther became aware of these circumstances. Single handed what will he do to defeat the manœuvre? The Word--the Word uttered loudly and boldly: such is his weapon. The Word will search out these alarmed consciences, these frightened souls, and strengthen them. A powerful impulse was required, and Luther's voice was heard addressing penitents with heroic boldness, and a noble disregard of all secondary considerations. "When you are asked," says he, "whether or not you approve my books, answer, 'You are a confessor, and not an inquisitor or a gaoler. My duty is to confess what my conscience dictates; yours not to probe and discover the secrets of my heart. Give me absolution, and thereafter dispute with Luther, the pope, and whomsoever you please; but do not connect the sacrament of peace with strife and combat.' If the confessor will not yield, then," continues Luther, "I would rather dispense with his absolution. Give yourself no uneasiness; if man will not absolve you God will absolve you. Rejoice in that you are absolved by God himself, and present yourself without fear at the sacrament of the altar. The priest will have to account at the final judgment for the absolution which he shall have refused you. They may indeed refuse us the sacrament, but they cannot deprive us of the strength and grace which God has attached to it.--God has placed salvation neither in their will nor in their power but in our faith. Leave their sacrament, altar, priest, church: the Word of God condemned in the bull is more than all these things. The soul can dispense with the sacrament, but cannot live without the Word. Christ, the true Bishop, will himself undertake to nourish you spiritually."[352]

[352] Und wird dich der rechte Bischoff Christus selber speisen. (L.
Op. lxvii, p. 563.)

[Sidenote: ANTICHRIST. RALLY AROUND LUTHER.]

Thus, Luther's voice found its way into families, and alarmed consciences, imparting to them courage and faith. But it was not enough for him merely to defend himself; he felt it his duty to attack and return blow for blow. Ambrose Catherin, a Roman theologian, had written against him. [353]"I will stir up the bile of the Italian beast," said Luther; and he kept his word. In his reply, he proved by the revelations of Daniel and St. John, by the epistles of St. Paul, St. Peter, and St. Jude, that the reign of Antichrist, predicted and described in the Bible, was the papacy. "I know for certain," says he, in conclusion, "that our Lord Jesus Christ lives and reigns. Strong in this assurance, I would not fear several thousands of popes. May God at length visit you according to his infinite power, and cause the day of the glorious advent of his Son to shine, that day in which he will destroy the wicked. And let all the people say, Amen!"[354]

[353] Italicæ bestiæ bilem movebo. (L. Ep. i, p. 570.)

[354] Ostendat illum diem adventus gloriæ Filii sui quo destruatur
iniquus iste. (L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 162.)

And all the people did say, Amen! A holy fear took possession of men's souls. They saw Antichrist seated on the pontifical throne. This new idea, an idea which derived great force from the prophetical description, being thrown by Luther into the midst of his age, gave Rome a dreadful shock. Faith in the divine Word was substituted for that, which, till then the Church alone had obtained, and the power of the pope, which had long been adored by the people, became the object of their hatred and terror.

Germany replied to the papal bull by surrounding Luther with acclamation. The plague was in Wittemberg, and yet arrivals of new students daily took place, while from four to six hundred pupils regularly took their seats in the academic halls at the feet of Luther and Melancthon. The church of the convent and the town church were too small for the crowds eager to hear the words of the Reformer. The prior of the Augustins was in terror lest these churches should give way under the pressure of the audience.[355] But the movement was not confined within the walls of Wittemberg: it extended over Germany. Letters full of consolation and faith, from princes, noble and learned men, reached Luther from all quarters. He showed the chaplain more than thirty of them.[356]

[355] Es möchte noch gar die Kirche und Capelle um der menge willen
einfallen. (Spalatin in Seckend. p. 295.)

[356] Mehr als dreyssig Briefe von Fürsten.... (Ibid.)

One day the Margrave of Brandenburg, with several other princes, arrived at Wittemberg to visit Luther. "They wished to see the man,"[357] said the Margrave. In fact all wished _to see the man_, whose word alarmed the pope, and caused the pontiff of the West to totter on his throne.

[357] Videre enim hominem voluerunt. (L. Ep. i, p. 544, Jan. 16,
1521.)

[Sidenote: SATIRES. ULRICH VON HUTTEN.]

The enthusiasm of Luther's friends increased from day to day. "Unparalleled folly of Emser!"--exclaimed Melancthon--"to presume to measure weapons with our Hercules, overlooking the finger of God in the actions of Luther,[358] as the king of Egypt overlooked it in the hand of Moses." The mild Melancthon found strong expressions to excite those who seemed to him to retrograde or remain stationary. "Luther has stood up for the truth," wrote he to John Hess, "and yet you keep silence. He still breathes, he still prospers, though Leo is indignant and roars with rage. Remember, it is impossible for Roman impiety to approve of the gospel.[359] How should this unhappy age be without its Judases, Caiaphases, Pilates, and Herods? Arm yourself then with the power of the Word of God against such adversaries."

[358] ... Dei digitum esse quæ à Martino fiant. (Corp. Ref. i, p.
282.)

[359] "Non posse Evangelium Romanæ impietati probari." (Ibid. p. 280.)

All the writings of Luther, his Lord's Prayer, and especially a new edition of the German theology, were eagerly devoured. Reading societies were formed, for the purpose of procuring his works, for the use of the members. Friends made new impressions of them, and circulated them by means of hawkers. They were also recommended from pulpits. A German church was demanded, one in which no dignity should in future be conferred on anyone who was not able to preach to the people in German, and the German bishops of which should every where oppose the papal power.

Moreover, cutting satires directed against the leading Ultra-Montanists were circulated throughout the provinces of the empire. The opposition united all its forces around this new doctrine, which give it precisely what it wanted, by justifying it in regard to religion. The greater part of the lawyers, weary of the quirks of the Ecclesiastical tribunals, attached themselves to the Reformation, but its cause was keenly embraced above all by the Humanists. Ulric von Hütten was indefatigable. He wrote letters to Luther, to the legates, and the leading men of Germany. "I tell you, and tell you again, O Marinus!" said he to the legate, Carracioli, in one of his publications, "the mists with which you blinded us are cleared away--the gospel is preached--the truth proclaimed--the absurdities of Rome treated with contempt--your ordinances languish and die--liberty begins."[360]

[360] "Ablata illa est a vobis inducta olim nostris oculis caligo,
prædicatur Evangelium .. spes est libertatis" ... (Ulric ab Hütten
Eques Mar. Carrac. L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 176.)

[Sidenote: LUCAS CRANACH. THE POPE IN EFFIGY.]

Not contenting himself with prose, Hütten had recourse to verse also. He published his Cry on the Burning by Luther.[361] Appealing to Jesus Christ, he prayed him to consume, with the brightness of his countenance, those who dared to deny his power. He began, moreover, to write in German. "Hitherto," said he, "I have written in Latin, a language which all could not comprehend, but now I address myself to my country." His German rhymes laid open and enabled the people to read the shameful and voluminous record of the sins of the Roman Court. But Hütten was unwilling to confine himself to mere words; he was impatient to bring his sword into the struggle, for he thought that by the swords and halberds of the many valiant warriors, of which Germany was proud, the vengeance of God was to be accomplished. Luther opposed his infatuated projects. "I would not," said he, "that men should fight for the gospel by violence and carnage. I have written so to Hütten.[362]

[361] "Quo tu oculos, pie Christe, tuos, frontisque severæ Tende
supercilium, teque esse ostende neganti Qui te contemnunt igitur,
mediumque tonanti Ostendunt digitum, tandem iis te ostende potentem.
Te videat ferus ille Leo, te tota malorum Sentiat inluvies,
scelerataque Roma tremiscat, Ultorem scelerum discant te vivere
saltem, Qui regnare negant" ...(In Incendium Lutheranum Exclamatio
Ulrichi Hütteni Equitis Mar. Carrac. L. Op. Lat. ii, p. 176.)

[362] Nollem vi et cæde pro Evangelio certari; ita scripsi ad hominem.
(L. Ep. i, p. 243.)

The celebrated painter, Lucas Cranach, published, under the title of the _Passions of Christ and Antichrist_, engravings which represented, on the one hand, the splendour and magnificence of the pope, and on the other, the humility and sufferings of the Redeemer. Luther wrote the inscriptions. These engravings, executed with great spirit, produced an astonishing effect. The people withdrew from a church which appeared so opposed to the spirit of its Founder. "This work," said Luther, "is excellent for the laity."[363]

[363] Bonus est pro laicis liber. (L. Ep. i, p. 571.) It would be
worth while to make a new impression of this work; I found a copy of
it in the library of Zurich.

Several, in opposing the Papacy, had recourse to arms which ill accorded with the holiness of the Christian life. Emser, in replying to Luther's tract, entitled, 'To the Goat Emser,' had published one entitled, 'To the Bull of Wittemberg.' The name was not ill chosen. But at Magdeburg, Emser's book was hung on the gallows, with this inscription, "The book is worthy of the place;" and a rod was placed beside it, to indicate the punishment which the author deserved.[364] At Doeblin, there was written under the Papal bull, in derision of its impotent thunders, "The nest is here, but the birds are flown."[365]

[364] Publico infamiæ loco affixus. (Ibid. p. 560.)

[365] Das Nest ist hie: die Vogel sind ausgeflogen. (Ibid. p. 570.)

[Sidenote: STAUPITZ INTIMIDATED.]

At Wittemberg, the students, taking advantage of the carnival, clothed one of their number in a dress resembling that of the pope, and paraded him through the streets "pompously, but rather too ludicrously," says Luther.[366] On arriving at the public square they went down to the banks of the river, and some of them, feigning a sudden attack, seemed to wish to throw the pope into the water; but the pope, having no liking for such a bath, took to his heels. His cardinals, bishops, and familiars, followed his example, dispersing over all the quarters of the town, while the students continued to pursue them. There was not a corner of Wittemberg where some Roman dignitary did not flee before the shouts and laughter of the inhabitants, who were all in motion.[367] "The enemy of Christ," says Luther, "who sports both with kings and with Christ himself, well deserves to be thus sported with." In this we think him in error. Truth is too beautiful, and ought never to be made to walk through the mire. She ought to fight without such auxiliaries as songs, caricatures, and carnival frolics. It may be that without these popular demonstrations, her success would be less apparent, but it would be more pure, and consequently more durable. Be this as it may, the imprudent and passionate conduct of the Court of Rome had excited universal antipathy, and the bull by which the Papacy thought to stifle every thing was itself the cause of general revolt.

[366] Nimis ludicre Papam personatum circumvenerunt sublimem et
pompaticum.... (Ibid. p. 561.)

[367] ... Fugitivum cum Cardinalibus, Episcopia, famulisque suis, in
diversas partes oppidi disperserunt et insecuti sunt. (Ibid. 17th Feb.
1521.)

Still the Reformer's whole course was not one of exultation and triumph. Behind the car in which he was drawn by his zealous countrymen, transported with admiration, there was not wanting the slave appointed to remind him of his frailty. Some of his friends seemed disposed to call a halt. Staupitz, whom he called his father, seemed shaken. The pope had accused him, and Staupitz had declared his readiness to submit to the judgment of his Holiness. "I fear," said Luther to him, "that in accepting the pope for judge, you will seem to throw off me and the doctrines which I have maintained. If Christ loves you, he will constrain you to retract your letter. Christ is condemned, spoiled, blasphemed; it is time not to fear, but to cry aloud.[368] Wherefore, while you exhort me to humility, I exhort you to pride; for you have too much humility, just as I have too much of its opposite. I shall be called proud and avaricious, an adulterer, a murderer, an anti-pope, a man guilty of all crimes. It matters not, so long as they cannot accuse me of having kept an impious silence at the moment when the Lord was grieved, and said 'I looked on my right hand, and beheld but there was no man that would know me.' (Ps. cxlii, 4.) The word of Jesus Christ is not a word of peace, but a sword. If you will not follow Jesus Christ, I will walk alone, advance alone, and gain the day." [369]

[368] Non enim hic tempus timendi sed clamandi. (L. Ep. i, p. 557.)

[369] Quod si tu non vis sequi sine me ire et rapi. (Ibid. p. 558.)
But if you will not follow, allow me to go and hurry on.

[Sidenote: LABOURS OF LUTHER.]

Thus Luther, like the commander of an army, kept an eye on the whole field of battle, and while he urged fresh troops forward into the thickest of the fight, marked those who appeared faint-hearted and recalled them to their post. His exhortations were everywhere heard. His letters rapidly succeeded each other. Three presses were constantly employed in multiplying his writings.[370] His words had free course among the people, strengthened consciences which the confessionals had alarmed, raised up those ready to faint in convents, and maintained the rights of truth in the palaces of princes.

[370] "Cum tria prela solus ego occupare cogar." (L. Ep. i, p. 558.)

"Amid the tempests which assail me," wrote he to the Elector, "I always hoped I would one day find peace. But I now see it was only a man's thought. Day after day the wave is rising, and I already stand in the midst of the ocean. The tempest breaks loose with fearful roar.[371] With one hand I grasp the sword, and with the other build up the walls of Sion.[372] Her ancient links are snapt asunder, broken by the hand which darted the thunders of excommunication against her." "Excommunicated by the bull," says he, "I am loosed from the authority of the pope and monastic laws. With joy I embrace the deliverance. But I lay aside neither the habit of the order nor the convent."[373] And yet, amidst all this agitation, he never loses sight of the dangers by which his own soul is beset during the strife. He feels the necessity of keeping a watch upon himself. "You do well to pray for me," wrote he to Pellican, who was living at Bâle. "I cannot devote enough of time to holy exercises. My life is a cross. You do well to exhort me to modesty. I feel the want of it; but I am not my own master: I know not what spirit rules me. I wish ill to nobody;[374] but my enemies press me with such fury that I am not sufficiently on my guard against the seductions of Satan. Pray then for me."

[371] "Videns rem tumultuosissimo tumultu tumultuantem." (Ibid. p.
546.)

[372] Una manu gladium apprehendens et altera murum ædificaturus.
(Ibid., p. 565.)

[373] Ab ordinis et Papæ legibus solutus....quod gaudeo et amplector.
(Ibid., p. 568.)

[374] ....Compos mei non sum, rapior nescio quo spiritu, cum nemini me
male velle conscius sim. (Ibid, p. 555.)

[Sidenote: CONQUESTS BY THE WORD OF GOD.]

Thus both the Reformer and the Reformation hastened on in the direction in which God called them. The movement extended. Men who might have been expected to be most faithful to the hierarchy began to be shaken. "Even those," says Eck, ingenuously enough, "who hold of the pope the best benefices and the richest canonries remain mute as fishes. Several among them even extol Luther as a man filled with the Spirit of God, and call the defenders of the pope sophists and flatterers."[375] The Church, apparently great in power, supported by the treasures, the powers and the armies of the world, but in reality emaciated and enfeebled, without love to God, without Christian life, without enthusiasm for the truth, found herself in presence of men, simple, but bold, men who, knowing that God is with those who combat for His Word, had no doubt of victory? Every age has experienced how powerful an idea is in penetrating the masses, in arousing nations, and, if need be, hurrying thousands to the field of battle and to death; but if such is the influence of a human idea, what must be the power of an idea sent down from heaven when God opens the door of the human heart. The world has not often seen such a power in operation. It did see it, however, in the first days of Christianity and in those of the Reformation; and it will see it in days yet to come. Men who disdained the world's wealth, and grandeur, and were contented to lead a life of pain and poverty, began to move in behalf of the holiest thing upon the earth--the doctrine of faith and of grace. In this heaving of society, all the religious elements were brought into operation, and the fire of enthusiasm hurried men boldly forward into a new life an epoch of renovation which had just opened so majestically, and towards which Providence was hastening the nations.

[375] Reynald. Epist. J. Eckii ad Cardinal Contarenum.

BOOK SEVENTH.

THE DIET OF WORMS.

1521. (_January--May._)

CHAP. I.

Conquests by the Word of God--The Diet of
Worms--Difficulties--Charles demands Luther--The Elector to
Charles--State of Men's minds--Aleander's Alarm--The Elector
sets out without Luther--Aleander awakens
Rome--Excommunication of the Pope, and Communion with
Christ--Fulmination of the Bull--Luther's motives in the
Reformation.

The Reformation, which commenced with the struggles of an humble soul in the cell of a convent at Erfurt, had never ceased to advance. An obscure individual, with the Word of life in his hand, had stood erect in presence of worldly grandeur, and made it tremble. This Word he had opposed, first, to Tezel and his numerous host, and these avaricious merchants, after a momentary resistance, had taken flight. Next, he had opposed it to the legate of Rome at Augsburg, and the legate, paralysed, had allowed his prey to escape. At a later period he had opposed it to the champions of learning in the halls of Leipsic, and the astonished theologians had seen their syllogistic weapons broken to pieces in their hands. At last he had opposed it to the pope, who, disturbed in his sleep, had risen up upon his throne, and thundered at the troublesome monk; but the whole power of the head of Christendom this Word had paralysed. The Word had still a last struggle to maintain. It behoved to triumph over the emperor of the West, over the kings and princes of the earth, and then, victorious over all the powers of the world, take its place in the Church to reign in it as the pure Word of God.

[Sidenote: THE DIET OF WORMS.]

The whole kingdom was agitated. Princes and nobles, knights and citizens, clergy and laity, town and country, all were engrossed. A mighty religious revolution, of which God himself was the prime mover, but which was also deeply rooted in the minds of the people, was threatening to overthrow the long venerated head of the Roman hierarchy. A new generation, of a grave, profound, active, and energetic spirit, filled the universities, towns, courts, and castles, the rural districts, and not unfrequently cloisters also. The feeling that a great social transformation was at hand animated all minds with holy enthusiasm. In what relation will the new emperor stand to this movement of the age, and what will be the issue of the mighty impulse, by which all feel that they are borne along?

A solemn Diet was about to be opened. It was the first imperial assembly over which the youthful Charles was to preside. Nuremberg, where, in virtue of the Golden Bull, it ought to have been held, being desolated by the plague, it had been summoned to meet at Worms, on the 6th of January, 1521.[376] Never had a Diet been attended by so many princes. All desired to be present at this first act of the government of the young emperor, and to make a display of their power. Among others, the young Landgrave, Philip of Hesse, who was afterwards to play so important a part in the Reformation, arrived at Worms in the middle of January, with six hundred cavaliers, among them men of renowned valour.

[376] Sleidan, vol. i, p. 80.

But there was a still more powerful motive which induced the electors, dukes, archbishops, landgraves, margraves, bishops, barons, and lords of the empire; as well as the deputies of towns, and the ambassadors of the kings of Christendom, at this moment, to throng the roads leading to Worms with their brilliant equipages. It had been announced that the Diet would be occupied with the nomination of a council of regency to govern the empire during the absence of Charles, with the jurisdiction of the imperial chamber, and other important questions. But the public attention was particularly directed to another matter, which the emperor had also mentioned in his letter convening the Diet, viz., the Reformation. The great interests of politics trembled before the cause of the Monk of Wittemberg. This cause was the principal subject of conversation among all personages who arrived at Worms.

[Sidenote: CHARLES DEMANDS LUTHER.]

Every thing announced that the Diet would be difficult and stormy. Charles, scarcely twenty years of age, pale and sickly, yet as skilful as any one in the graceful management of his horse and in breaking a lance, of a character imperfectly developed, and with a grave and melancholy but still benevolent expression of countenance, gave no proof as yet of distinguished talent, and seemed not to have adopted a decided course. The able and active William of Croi, Lord of Chievres, who was his grand chamberlain, his governor, and prime minister, and possessed absolute authority at the court, died at Worms. Numerous ambitious projects were competing with each other. Many passions were in collision. The Spaniards and Belgians were eager to insinuate themselves into the counsels of the young prince. The nuncios multiplied their intrigues, while the princes of Germany spoke out boldly. A struggle might have been foreseen, yet a struggle in which the principal part would be performed by the secret movements of factions.[377]

[377] Es gieng aber auf diesem Reichstag gar schlüpferig zu...
Seckend. p. 326.

Charles opened the Diet on the 28th of January, 1521, being the festival of Charlemagne. He had a high idea of the importance of the imperial dignity. In his opening address he said, that no monarchy could be compared to the Roman empire, to which of old almost the whole world had been subject; that, unhappily, the empire was now only the shadow of what it had been; but that he hoped, by means of his kingdoms and powerful alliances, to re-establish it in its ancient glory.

But numerous difficulties immediately presented themselves to the young emperor. How will he act, placed, as he is, between the papal nuncio and the Elector to whom he owes his crown? How can he avoid dissatisfying Aleander or Frederick? The former urged the emperor to execute the papal bull, and the latter begged him to undertake nothing against the monk without giving him a hearing. Wishing to please these two opposite parties, the young prince, during a sojourn at Oppenherm, had written to the Elector to bring Luther to the Diet, assuring him that no injustice would be done him, that he would meet with no violence, and that learned men would confer with him.

This letter of Charles, accompanied by letters from Chievres and the Count of Nassau, threw the Elector into great perplexity. An alliance with the pope might at any instant become necessary to the young and ambitious emperor, and in that case it was all over with Luther. Frederick, by taking the Reformer to Worms, was perhaps taking him to the scaffold; and yet the orders of Charles were express. The Elector ordered Spalatin to acquaint Luther with the letters which he had received. "The enemy," said the chaplain to him, "is putting every thing in operation to hasten on the affair."[378]

[378] Adversarios omnia moliri ad maturandum id negotii. (L. Ep. i, p.
534.)

[Sidenote: THE ELECTOR'S LETTER TO CHARLES V.]

Luther's friends trembled, but he trembled not. He was then in very feeble health; no matter. "If I cannot go to Worms in health," replied he to the Elector, "I will make myself be carried; since the emperor calls me, I cannot doubt but it is a call from God himself. If they mean to employ violence against me, as is probable, (for assuredly it is not with a view to their own instruction that they make me appear,) I leave the matter in the hands of the Lord. He who preserved the three young men in the furnace, still lives and reigns. If He is not pleased to save me, my life is but a small matter; only let us not allow the gospel to be exposed to the derision of the wicked, and let us shed our blood for it sooner than permit them to triumph. Whether would my life or my death contribute most to the general safety? It is not for us to decide. Let us only pray to God that our young emperor may not commence his reign with dipping his hands in my blood; I would far rather perish by the sword of the Romans. You know what judgments befel the emperor Sigismund after the murder of John Huss. Expect every thing of me--save flight and recantation;[379] I cannot fly, still less can I recant."

[379] Omnia de me præsumas præter fugam et palinodiam.... (L. Ep. i,
p. 536.)

Before receiving this letter from Luther, the Elector had taken his resolution. As he was advancing in the knowledge of the gospel, he began to be more decided in his measures. Seeing that the conference of Worms could not have a happy result, he wrote to the emperor. "It seems to me difficult to bring Luther with me to Worms; relieve me from the task. Besides, I have never wished to take his doctrine under my protection, but only to prevent him from being condemned without a hearing. The Legates without waiting for your orders, have proceeded to take a step insulting both to Luther and to me, and I much fear, that in this way they have hurried him on to an imprudent act which might expose him to great danger were he to appear at the Diet." The Elector alluded to the pile which had consumed the Papal bull.