Chapter VIII: Part 8

In the time of this _Pope_, _Italy_ had like to have seen sixteen Cities of it become Protestants, as Monsieur _De Lion_, the French King’s Embassadour told the _Pope_; and thus the occasion was:

Paul _and his Kindred_, _for I know not what reasons_, _did bear a secret grudge to the State of_ Venice, _and did wait for nothing more than for some occasion of shewing their spleen_; _and it falling out that the State of_ Venice, _according to their ancient Form of Government_, _did put some Church-men in Prison_; _the_ Pope _upon the notice of it excommunicated not only the Senate_, _but the whole Nation of the_ Venetians, _as if they had been guilty of their Magistrates fault_. _But these wise Senators were not so easily daunted_, _but resolving either to preserve their power and authority within their Government_, _or to hazard the ruine of it_, _set some of their Divines on work to write against the_ Pope’s _authority_, _and his Excommunication_; _which writings did then_, _and have since produced so great an effect in the minds of most men_, _that now there is not any little Prince of_ Italy _that cares for the_ Popes _Excommunication_, _as it has been clearly seen by the examples of the Duke of_ Parma, _the Commonwealth of_ Lucca, _the Duke_ Charles _of_ Lorain, _and many others_.

The constancy of the _Venetians_ was invincible in this occasion, and so great, that they sent the _Pope_ word, _That if he did not recall his Excommunication they would provide for their own preservation by such remedies as should become the dignity of their State_, _and its ancient Majesty_.

And that they might the sooner bring the _Pope_ to their desires, they politickly sent to _Geneva_ to require that City to send them some of their most able Ministers to instruct them in the Protestant Religion. This Artifice having frighted the _Pope_ into a condescendency, he was fain to come to an agreement very disadvantageous for the honour of the Sea of _Rome_.

If this _Pope_ had not been so unjustly severe towards the State of _Venice_, he would have left a much better name behind him. For to say truth, he did the Church much more good than evil: but it was, and will be, a great spot to his reputation to have gone about to undo the Bulwark of Christendom: for such has the State of _Venice_ alwaies been reputed.

We must be forced to skip _Leo_ the eleventh (for his short life gave him no time to do good, and hindred him from doing any harm to the Church) and come to _Clement_ the eighth, who was a _Pope_ that lived both with his Kindred, and for them a good while.

Christendom was involved in great troubles when he came to the Pontificate, there being nothing but Wars and Divisions. The Turks did assault _Germany_, and the Protestants did torment the rest of the Catholick Princes; besides that, the banish’d Criminals of the Kingdom of _Naples_ had made themselves Masters of a great part of it, and spread themselves over all the Country. The _Pope’s_ main end, amongst all these disorders, was first to provide for his Kindred; and that care took up so much of his time and treasure, that he was not in a condition to succour those Princes that were fighting for the defence of that Religion of which he was the Head. In the mean time the _Spaniards_, who had a mind to hinder Henry King of Navar from possessing the Crown of France, which he was lawful Heir of; foreseeing that of themselves they would not be able to resist _Henry’s_ Right, nor hold out against so generous and warlike a Prince, they did their utmost Endeavours to get the Pope on their side, and declare against the King of Navar, as against an Heretick, and by consequent incapable of receiving the Crown.

At first, the _Pope_ refused to engage openly in a business which would be necessarily expensive and troublesom; and therefore for a while he let the _Spaniards_ alone, hoping that of themselves they would be strong enough to effect the Work without him: But they having perceived his intention, soon made a breach in it by the means of the _Nipotismo_, which they gained; and at whose perswasion the _Pope_ sent an Army under the Conduct of _Appio Conti_, who was kill’d in an Encounter by some of _Henry’s_ Forces.

The Catholick Princes of the Realm of France, who were on Henry’s side, together with the greatest part of the Nation, sent upon this the Marquis of _Pisani_ to _Rome_, to desire the Pope to recall his Army, and not to oppose a Prince who had promised to be instructed in the Catholick Religion: But the _Pope_ not only refused their Request, but would not so much as endure that the Marquis should set his foot in any part of the State of the Church.

Things being in this posture, _Henry_ at last resolved to dash all his Adversaries Machines to pieces at one blow; and therefore he solemnly renounced his Heresie, and was reconciled to the Church: So in spite of the _Pope_ and the _Spaniards_, he obtained a Crown, which could never have encompassed a more worthy Head than his. After this, the _Pope’s_ Army was fain to retire, having done little or nothing.

The same hapned in _Flanders_, whither he sent another Army to help the _Spaniards_ against the _United Provinces_, who, since the death of the Duke of _Parma_, had obtained many Victories; but it was with as little success as the first: So that the _Pope_, weary of spending the Treasure of the Church to no purpose, commanded his Forces home, leaving the _Spaniards_ to look after their own Affairs.

The Expences of this _Pope_ were exorbitant; for he did undertake every thing rashly, and more out of _Capriccio_, than ripe judgment and deliberation: So that he undoubtedly did the Church more hurt than good.

There is little to be said of _Innocent_ the Ninth, _Gregory_ the Fourteenth, and _Urban_ the Seventh; for the greatest mischief they did the Church, was, that they liv’d so little. We will therefore come to _Sixtus_ the Fifth.

The _Nipotismo_ of this _Pope_ was one of the most innocent ones that ever was seen; for he hindred them from taking any part in the Government: So that they were in the Court, like Beggars at a Church door, of whom few People take notice.

Not that he was so severe, as to hinder them from a share in his Fortune; for he did bestow large Revenues upon them all: observing nevertheless, to refuse always every thing that they begg’d, and to give them when they least thought of it. He did much affect this sort of Generosity, or rather Soverainty; for he never suffered any of his Relations to put their hands into his Coffers; nay, he was so absolute, that once he banished a Kinsman of his, because he found his House better furnished, than it could be by those Gratifications which he had received from the _Pope_, who used no more words with him but these, _We have given you so much_, _and you have so much_; _How came you by the rest_? And so without delay he banish’d him, and divided his Fortune amongst his other Relations.

If the Nephews of other _Popes_ become rich, it is by the abuse they make of that Authority which they usurp in the _Pope’s_ Name. But it was not so with the _Nipotismo_ of _Sixtus_; for he never gave blindly, but with his eyes open, and discreetly: And if there were any Error committed in their growing rich, it was the _Pope_ that was the Author of it, and not they, who were meerly passive, and did but receive their Uncles Liberalities.

There is no doubt, but that under this _Pope_ the Church received much more benefit than damage; for the _Nipotismo_ having no Power, could not be otherwise than good and innocent; and the _Pope_ himself was so wise and vertuous a Prince, that there were few Miscarriages in his time; if we except that only occasion, in which _Sixtus_, by his too hasty Excommunication of King _Henry_ the Third of _France_, brought the Church in danger of losing for ever so noble and flourishing a part of _Christendom_; as it had hapned already, by the rashness of one _Pope_, that the Kingdom of _England_ was entirely lost, only because _Clement_ the Seventh would not yield a little of his Authority. And indeed, I think, the greatest blemish upon the Reputation of _Sixtus_ is, that he suffer’d himself to be so far transported with anger, as to Excommunicate _Henry_ the Third of _France_, for having caused the Cardinal of _Guise_ to be killed, and the Cardinal of _Bourbon_ to be shut up in a close Prison, with the Archbishop of _Lyons_, who were indeed all three Traytors to the Kingdom, and Conspirators against the Royal Person of _Henry_. The Consistory of Cardinals did oppose this violent Resolution of _Sixtus_, by remonstrating to him the terrible consequence of it, and the danger that all the Church would incur by the loss of so noble a Christian Kingdom.

But the _Pope_ laughing at all this, answered the Cardinals in this manner; _If therefore you will have it so_, _we will bring it to pass_, _that from henceforward you shall be neither honour’d nor reverenc’d by Princes nor Kings_; _but despis’d_, _vilified_, _and exposed to the hands both of the Oppressor_, _and the Executioner_. _Certainly_, _if the killing of Cardinals be conniv’d at_, _and pass’d over without resentment and chastisement_, _it may very easily become the Case of every one of you_. _However_, _we will rather do that which Justice requires_, _though you little care that Reason be done for the Violence committed_, _not so much against you_, _as the Sacred Purple_.

Nevertheless, the _Pope_ was wary, not to precipitate things so suddenly; but suffered five Months to pass, after the death of the Cardinal of _Guise_: during which interval, he made by Letters several Admonitions to the King; all which proved to no purpose, the King being resolute not to free the Cardinal out of Prison, which the _Pope_ so vehemently urged. Whereupon, seeing he could not prevail, he thundered out the greater Excommunication, with all the accustomed Forms, against the King, and against all those who in the said matter should afford Counsel to, or in any manner whatsoever assist him. Besides which, he also cited the said King to make his personal Appearance at _Rome_, within the term of seventy days, there to give account of the Death of the Cardinal of _Guise_, and the Imprisonment of the Cardinal of _Bourbon_.

The King conceived great indignation upon this proceeding of the _Pope_, and began to advise with the Prelates, Bishops, and Counsellors of greatest trust with him, how to ward off such a Storm; and things were carried so far, that the Council-Royal seem’d resolv’d to create a Patriarch in _France_, particularly for the _Gallicane_ Church, who should not in any wise be subject to, or have so much as the least Communication with the Church of _Rome_: And ’tis likely the _French_, who affect Novelties, would not have been backward to close with this Resolution.

But whilst Matters went on in this manner, it so came to pass, that the King, as he lay with a great Army at S. _Cloud_, two Leagues from _Paris_, was on the first day of _August_, in the year 1569. wounded in the belly with a two-edged Knife, by a Dominican Fryar named _Jaques Clement_ Native of the City of _Lans_, and of the age of twenty three years, as he was receiving Letters from the hand of the said Friar, who was upon his knees; of which Wound he died within fourteen hours, in regard his Entrals were pierc’d, having imploy’d this short in ordering such things as concerned his Soul.

This Murder hapned seventy eight days after the Summons by the _Pope_ for his Appearance at _Rome_, within seventy days; and his Holiness rejoyced not a little at it, since hereby the displeasure, which the Consistory of Cardinals, the People, and Nobility had conceiv’d against him, as one that car’d not much to see the destruction of a Kingdom, which would breed disturbance to the common quiet of _Italy_, from Age to Age, both by Sea and Land.

Great were the Stirs which succeeded in _France_ after the King’s death; inasmuch as _Henry_ King of _Navar_, next Heir to the Crown, began to endeavour the possession thereof, by warring against the Lords of the _Ligue_, who were back’d and upheld by the _Spaniards_, by whom the Succession of _Henry_ was infinitely opposed.

In these Commotions and Broils of _France_, the _Pope_ gave not those Assistances to the _Ligue_, which they expected and required; and this upon several accounts, but especially because he would not condescend to the Instances of the Cardinals and the _Spaniards_, who much solicited him; giving them this answer, _When we were against the dead_ Henry, _all you were our Opponents_; _Now that you would persecute the living_ Henry, _we will not side with you_, _for the sake of our own Interest_.

It was not a little displeasing to the King of _Spain_, that the _Pope_ did not succour the _Ligue_, nor declare Excommunicate those Princes and Prelates that followed the side of _Navar_; so that the King resolv’d to make some Protestations to the _Pope_ concerning this Tergiversation. But his Holiness wanted not Pretexts to fence with, and in a manner made sport with those _Spanish_ Cardinals, who importun’d him either to unite with the _Ligue_, or send considerable Assistance to it.

_Gregory_ the Thirteenth had Nephews, who did not degenerate from the Name of _Buoncompagno_; that is to say, they little car’d to do good, and less to do evil. Nevertheless, according to the Instinct which seems natural to _Pope’s_ Nephews, this Family of _Buoncompagno_ could not restrain it self from disgusting some of the principal Persons of the City, by the death of two Gentlemen, pretended to be slain by accident, through the indiscretion of the _Sbirri_ or Serjeants. A Policy observed by all Nephews, to colour their vindicative Outrages upon all occasions.

From hence it may be gathered, That the intention of the _Buoncompagni_ propended more to Evil than to Good; and accordingly they fail’d not to give Instances of the former, though ’tis hard to find any of the latter.

But if Nephewship ever did good in _Rome_, ’twas in the time of _Pius_ the Fifth, when all the Proceedings of the Nephews were directed to Good, in regard they wanted Spirit to gainsay the good intention of this _Pope_; who could not endure to see them in _Rome_, out of a jealousie, that being fatned with the Treasure of the Church, they might fall into the same wicked Road, which had been trodden out by so many others.

_Paul_ the Fourth (for there is not much to be said of _Pius_ the Fourth) took not the same course; for he advanc’d a Nephew, who for the space of neer five years, knew not how to do any thing but evil, and evil so enormous, that his Uncle was forced to drive him out of _Rome_, and his Successor to put him to death in _Rome_.

In the beginning of this _Pope’s_ Reign, the Murthers, Rapes, Violences, Robberies, Cheats, Injustices, and a thousand other Enormities and Vices, which surrounded the Ecclesiastical State, to the damage of all _Christendom_, were attributed to the _Pope_, who had set up his Kindred in _Rome_; whom after the _Pope_ had banished the City, his Holiness’s Reputation seem’d to revive in the hearts of the Catholicks, who had been scandalized at him, and now saw, that all the Mischiefs were to be attributed to the _Pope’s_ wicked Relations.

’Tis a strange thing, That amongst so many Nephews great and small of the House of _Caraffa_, into whose hand the _Pope_ had put the Government of the Church, there should not be one into whose head ever came so much as a single thought to do any manner of good to the Church, to _Christendom_, or to the afflicted State Ecclesiastical.

The mischief which the Nephews of _Pope Caraffa_ brought to the Church, or rather to the whole World, was so great, that to this present day the People of _Rome_ retain a certain impression of hatred against all that bear the Name of _Caraffa_, however Noble Gentlemen; it not being possible for any so much as to behold one of them, without regret and aversion.

Cardinal _Caraffa_ was twice in danger (I say, in danger; for in him the _Papacy_ would have been endanger’d) to be _Pope_; Once at the time of the Election of _Innocent_, and before at that of _Urban_; But at both times he was excluded, for the sole consideration of his being of the Family of _Caraffa_; the very Name whereof, in remembrance of the Nephews of _Paul_ the Fourth, remains extremely odious both to small and great.

Otherwise, the Cardinal in himself was a Person of merit, and vertue sufficient, to enable to ascend to such a Dignity, as well as those others that have ascended in his place. Some excluded him, because they doubted lest the _Caraffi_ would turn once again to the _Sicut erat_, that is, to aggrandize themselves at the cost of the Church, and the damage of all _Christendom_; and so much the more, in regard the number of the said Cardinal’s Nephews was so great, that even himself could hardly count them; notwithstanding that he did what he could to make it believed, that he was wholly free from personal interest, as well as that of blood.

Long would the discourse be, and infinite the words, if I were obliged to give account of the Nephews of all the _Popes_, one after another (according to the order begun) down to _Sixtus_ the fourth: to whom, as being the Introducer, not of the _Nipotismo_ it self into _Rome_, but of the Pride and boundless Authority thereof, may be justly attributed all the Evil, which, for the two last Ages, the Nephews of _Popes_ have caused to the Church.

Wherefore, I will for the present omit to make a distinct survey of the mischiefs of the other; partly, because I know not readily how to discover the good of any; and partly, because my heart will not suffer me to view, without tears, the Evil of all; which is the more grievous, because irremediable.

What might I say of _Marcellus_ the second, who lived but a short time, and gave no authority to his Nephews? Or what of _Julius_ the third, who minded nothing else but Feasting, sometimes with one, sometimes with another; and kept his Kindred at _Rome_, rather to accompany him to Entertainments, than to assist him in the Government of the Church, which he little heeded?

What Discourse shall I make of _Paul_ the Third, who would have had the _Farnesian_ Lillies turned the State of the Church into one sole Garden for their own use? Or of _Clement_ the Seventh, who out of a _Capriccio_ lost the Kingdom, by refusing to grant _Henry_ the Eighth of _England_ a Divorce from _Catherine_, and a Licence to marry _Anne Bouillon_, with whom he was in love? What praise shall I attribute to _Adrian_ the Sixth, a great Enemy to his own Relations, and perpetually averse from the introducing of a _Nipotismo_?

What shall I say of _Leo_ the Tenth, of the most Noble Family of the _Medici_? Where shall I find the good which he did to the Church, spoiling other Princes of their States, to transfer them to his own House? What Title shall we give to _Julius_ the Second, of whom it was not known whether he were inclin’d to the hatred or love of his Relations? What shall I say of _Pius_ the Third, who liv’d not long enough to receive the Visits of his Kindred?

But if there be not much to be said of the forementioned _Popes_, there is a super-abundance of matter to be said of _Alexander_ the Sixth, whose very memory raises horror in the breasts of the _Romans_, even to this day. It seems God Almighty thought fit to chastise _Christendom_ with the barbarity of this _Pope_, who, not contented with his own cruel, covetous, and insatiable nature, introduc’d a _Nipotismo_ not degenerating from the manners of their Uncle.

Amongst the other _Popes_ and their Nephews, was seen, though in the midst of much ill, some spark and glimmering of good; whereas in the Person of _Alexander_ and his Nephews, was never perceptible the least ray of good, amidst a vast Ocean of evil; deplorable even by future Ages, not only to those which were so unhappy as to see him living.

Some strongly believed, That this _Barbarian Pope_ had sworn himself, and caus’d his Kindred likewise to swear, _Never to do good to the Church_. And they had reason to think so, whilst no sort of Reason prevailed with him, or any of them, who acted all things with an Authority not otherwise limited than by their own unbridled Passion.

He would not allow that the City of _Rome_ should enjoy certain holy priviledges peculiar to it alone; and therefore in the year 1500, having publish’d an Universal _Jubile_, he granted more Indulgences to those that staid at home than to those who, as the custom is, came to visit the Churches of _Rome_, ordain’d for that purpose.

Nevertheless, some were willing to think that he did this out of good policy, as doubting lest, all the people of Christendom being already offended with the wicked carriage of his Sons, there might happen at _Rome_, amidst the variety and confusion of sundry Nations, some resolution to the prejudice of all his House. But such reasons had no place in his mind; for those that came to _Rome_, were led thither by devotion; and the diversity of Nations hinders the Union of a People that would take Arms against their Lord.

The principal cause lay in his own humour, which was cruel and totally averse from doing good to any others besides his own Relations: And whereas by so great a concourse the _Romans_ were likely to gain something by the traffick of holy Merchandise, to wit, Medals, Crowns, and other consecrated works, besides the Rent of Lodgings, and sale of Provisions; He would not that they should enjoy this benefit, although the hindrance of it was accompanied with loss both to himself, the Church of St. _Peter_, and the Office of the Datary.

All the good he did to the Church, was, that he shew’d himself very liberal to Writers and Learned men of all sorts; not out of any natural inclination towards them, but only to oblige them to write well of himself and his Kindred. And accordingly there were some infamous Writers (as I may deservedly call them) who made comparison between his Raign and that of _Alexander_, with a parallel of the qualities of these two persons. Amongst the rest one made a Book, intituled, _The glories of the Papacy of_ Alexander _the Sixth and the_ Borgian _Family_. God give a thousand ill years to such Writers, who flatter falsly, and at their pleasure make Angels of Devils, and Saints of Tyrants.

An other good thing which this _Pope_ seem’d to do to the City of _Rome_, was, that there being a great dearth in the State, he caused great plenty of corn to be brought from _Sicily_, and by this means render’d the City very plentifully stored. But ’twas not any affection for the people that induc’d him to it, but he did it out of consideration of great profit to himself; for he sold corn at _Rome_ for double the price it cost in _Sicily_, trading with the Churches money, and putting the gain into the purse of his Bastards. Whence it may be concluded, that he never had any intention to do good to the publick.

_Innocent_ the eighth, of the house of _Cibo_, was as benign and inclin’d to do good, as _Alexander_ was cruel and addicted to do evil. The truth is, _Innocent_, who gave neither Offices nor Riches to his Relations, but with moderation (as I have said in due place) was a _Pope_ worthy of that time, when Christendom seem’d to be threatned with most heavy calamities.

This man studied from morning to night how to procure benefit to the Church, ease to the People, and comfort to the Catholicks; so that no sooner was any thing mention’d to him, but he presently answer’d, _So be that it bring good to the Publick_. From whence it may easily be gather’d, that all his motions tended to do good, and were far from the design of doing evil.

He rewarded all those Cardinals who had nominated and promoted him to the Papal Chair. To the Monastick Orders he granted particular favours and priviledges, especially to that of St. _Dominique_ and St. _Francis_. He lightned the Church, and likewise the Palace and Court of all superfluous expenses. He us’d great charity towards the Poor. He lov’d his Country, and caus’d most ample satisfaction to be given to the _Genoeses_ who had been ill treated during the vacancy of the See. He honour’d, and requir’d others to honour all extraneous Nations of the World; insomuch that the Turk himself sent an Embassadour to him with some Presents, meerly because he had understood this generous demeanour of the _Pope_; amongst which Presents was the Title of the Holy Cross, and the Spear which pierc’d the side of our Saviour. Thus the _Romans_ report and believe; and accordingly I write it.

He readily pardon’d injuries receiv’d, provided his Pardon were desir’d with humility; and he receiv’d Embassadours with so great curtesies, that in those days, the Princes of Christendom knew not how to do a greater favour to a deserving Officer of State than to send him Embassadour to _Rome_, to negotiate with so worthy and good a _Pope_.

He re-bless’d the _Venetians_, who had been interdicted by his Predecessor; and although a _Genoese_, yet he omitted not to bestow divers favours on the Senate; being wont to say, _That Popes may receive great honour by keeping good correspondence with the Republick_, _and great shame by breaking with it_. Whence during his Government he entred into League with the _Venetians_, not in order to raise war against any, but only for procuring an Universal peace, and the tranquillity of all Christendom.

He suppress’d all those Tyrants who in several places tyrannis’ed over the State Ecclesiastical. He reduc’d unto friendship the disunited hearts of the _Romans_, particularly, the Families of _Colonna_, _Orsini_, _Margoni_, and _Santa Croce_, which were all embroil’d together in civil feuds; and he commanded all Governours of the State to use their utmost endeavour for extinguishing all other intestine combustions.

He reduc’d all the Kings and Princes of _Europe_ to an Universal Peace (and believe me, ’tis little less than a miracle to unite together so many disunited minds.) And indeed since the daies of _Augustus Cæsar_, never was there seen in _Europe_ so great a peace and concord between all Princes: who attributed this blessed tranquillity to the pious intention and good conduct of the _Pope_.

He brought to pass, that three the most powerful Armies that ever appeared in the world were rais’d for the destruction of the Turk; two by Land, whereof one was commanded by the Emperour, the other by the King of _Hungary_; and the third was a very mighty Fleet commanded by the _Pope_ in Person, accompanied with the Kings of _France_, _Spain_, and _England_, besides part of the Colledge of Cardinals, and a great number of Princes.

But whilst all things were putting in order, and eight months of the year allotted for preparation already elapsed, this great _Pope_ fell sick; and his death shortly ensuing hindered Christendom from the most glorious expedition that ever was (or perhaps will be) undertaken against _Asia_; and so much the more in that _Alexander_ the Sixth was his Successor.

These examples are alledged by me, to shame those _Popes_ who are so infinitely strangers to the spirit and qualities of _Innocent_. The Church indeed much needs in these daies such a _Pope_ as he to remedy the innumerable disorders and scandals which are so dayly multiply’d in _Rome_ and the whole State by this practice of advancing Nephews. But since the death of that _Pope_ so well dispos’d to do good, there have succeeded in the Papacy a multitude of Wretches, inclin’d to nothing but to do mischief, and to avert whatever good might accidentally come to pass.

The chief mischief I find in the Papacy, is, that the unworthy examples of so many _Popes_ addicted to do hurt to the Church, far exceeds the good example of _Innocent_, who hath had few (or none) like himself, in constant seeking good, and averting evil, not only from _Rome_, but also from all Christendom.

In this present Age, _Popes_ strike in with the most, and relinquish the fewest; that is, they follow evil because many have follow’d it, and they despise good because they see it embrac’d by few; accounting it better to hazard their lives amongst a herd of Wolves than to be secure in the company of Sheep.

Greater mischief could not befall the Church, than that which hath befaln it through the strange changes either of the Nature or Disposition of the Successors of _Innocent_ the eighth, to the admiration of all but the _Popes_ themselves; who never wonder at any thing, conceiving that they have authority sufficient to sanctifie wicked actions.

Now to make a little comparison between the actions of _Innocent_ the eighth with those of _Urban_ the eighth, _Innocent_ the tenth and _Alexander_ the seventh, the three last _Popes_; it appears that these latter were wholly bent upon sumptuous Buildings, beautifying of Altars, repairing of Walls, and other external Ornaments; whereas _Innocent_ on the contrary slighted all Pomps and Magnificences, seeking only the substantial and internal good of the Church. The former plotted from morning to night how to sow division amongst Princes: but _Innocent_ spent all his nights in considering how to unite all States and Kingdoms, for the common benefit of Christendom.

Nor is there much need to believe that the _Popes_, who shall succeed _Alexander_, will be apt to imitate _Innocent_ the eighth. For in the whole Colledge of Cardinals ’tis not possible to find even but one of the like _disposition_; and I am confident there may be found above fifty of the humour of _Urban_, and above as many more of that of _Innocent_ the tenth, as also no less number of that of _Alexander_ the seventh; although there be not in all much above threescore Cardinals.

They would think it a sin to imitate good Examples for this reason, if for no other, that they have seen the same imitated by few. And the truth is, good examples are so scarce, that the _Popes_ have not had, these forty years, time to seek them; the same being in a manner hid from their eyes, and strangers to the City of _Rome_, from whence goodness seems utterly banish’d, and wickedness recall’d thither with promise of great rewards.

Great Volumes might be filled with the History of _Sixtus_ the fourth, who was the man, that first made his Nephews absolute Lords of the Church: If I should set down all the good and evil committed by the said _Pope_ during his Reign. But it would be superfluous, since all the Church receiv’d by that _Pope’s_ actions, is summarily contain’d in the Introduction and Advancement of his Nephews. A thing extremely scandalous to all Ages, and withal so mischievous that ’tis impossible ever to be laid aside; in regard the _Romans_ themselves are so accustom’d to it, being like Lepers, that feel neither the Iron nor the fire which corrodes their bowels.

It comes here into my mind, that travelling once from _Rome_ to _Loretto_, in the same Litter with a very aged _Roman_ Gentleman, I fell to discourse with him about sundry things pertaining to the Papal Government; and particularly I had the curiosity to ask him, How it could be consistent with the spirit of true _Romans_ to suffer so patiently the Dominion of the _Pope’s_ Nephews, who were so addicted to scrape up wealth, affront most Princes, overturn all things, and tyrannise both in Temporals and Spirituals, with an authority so absolute, uncontroulable, and even contrary to reason, that their Government seems rather Turkish than Christian?

He answer’d me with a smile, _That the Romans were become callous_, that is insensible; alluding to their spirits, which alike endure all things from the hands of Nephews, who by several waies tend to the destruction of whatever they meddle with.

God forgive that scandalous resolution of _Sixtus_ the fourth to introduce (I will not say the _Nipotismo_, but) the Insolence, Vanity, Ambition, Avarice, and the too great Liberty of the _Nipotismo_: For the Church had formerly seen _Pope’s_ Nephews in the _Vatican_, but not till then the Vices in their Nephews, which peradventure (if not without all peradventure) were brought in by the aforesaid _Pope_ by means of the conniv’d-at Liberty which he suffered his Relations to take, and for that having no regard to the future, but minding wholly the present, he went in the direct road to the destruction both of Church and State.

This was that _Pope_, who made war against the _Colonneses_, quarrell’d the _Venetians_, and committed several other exorbitances, for no other reason but the sake of his Kindred; who, during his thirteen long years Popedom, were never any one of them the Authors of least advantage to the Church, but altogether addicted to spend and spoil, to waste and poure out their Prodigalities at her cost.

More might be said, but to what purpose is it to rub old sores whilst every day produces new and fresh occasions of grief and trouble?

Where are those Primitive times, when the lives of the Ecclesiasticks were solely dedicated to the publick good, and they possess’d nothing as their own; but whatever was surplus to what was necessary to sustain Nature, was all disposed of to the poor, with so holy and overflowing Zeal from the true fountain of perfect Charity that it refresh’d even the very sight of the beholders?

One of the greatest evils which the _Nipotismo_ hath constantly caus’d hath been their little regard to do good to the poor. The _Romans_ do and ever have observ’d (and would to God they had not observ’d throughout all ages) that the least charity is that which comes from the houses of the _Pope’s_ Nephews, who themselves have nothing but what they receive as it were by a general Alms; which is no sooner got into their clutches but it becomes transformed into hereditary Principalities, and into a Revenue not temporal, but perpetual and eternal.

But methinks they ought at least to cover these substantial wickednesses with an appearance of good, by giving the poor the remains of their superfluities; and not suffer them to clamour at their Palace doors, from whence they are so often driven by the violence of their servants.

But the truth is, the _Romans_ give so little credit to the good they should do, having been witnesses themselves to so much of their ill; that it is not possible for them to believe that what they give in Alms proceeds from a good and charitable heart, but from hypocrisie and design.

If there was ever a charitable Cardinal in _Rome_, certainly ’tis Cardinal _Francisco_, who is indeed the most Eleemosynary person in the world: which I know, as not only having seen his publick, but his private Alms. And yet notwithstanding, there is not a _Roman_ but believes this to be a meer design, to gain the hearts of those who may be able to advance him to the Papacy. And to say the truth, The principal vertue that shined in _Alexander_, when he was Cardinal, was the great charity he shewed to the poor, giving them almost his whole Revenue; which was mention’d in design of his advantage in the Conclave. But he was no sooner chosen _Pope_ but that humour left him, and ever after he held for the height of Charity, what he did to enrich his Kindred, who were indifferently poor, and stood in need enough of the Alms of the _Vatican_.

I conclude this Book with affirming, that the mischiefs which the _Nipotismo_ have occasion’d, and still do continue to the Church, are more easie to be seen with the Eye, than writ with the Pen; and therefore those who have been at _Rome_ will have more satisfaction in the reading it, than those to whom it will be very difficult to be believ’d, nay, even to be conceiv’d in their imagination.

* * * * *

The THIRD BOOK.

The Contents.

_OF the difficulty which the Ministers of Princes meet with in treating with the Nephews of the_ Pope. _Of those things that prevail most in the_ Nipotismo. _Of the policy of the Church-men_. _Of the way the Court of_ Rome _useth to make others to conform to their designs_. _What Graces are hard to be found in_ Rome. _Of what they ought to be provided of_, _that would dispatch their business well with the_ Pope. _Of the_ Roman _Climate_, _subject to variation_. _Of the causes why some Ministers lose themselves in_ Rome. _Of the manner how the_ Pope _calls the Cardinals_. _Of the_ Popes, _who understand not Court-affairs_. _Of the Papacy of_ Gregory _the fifteenth_, _troublesome to those who were to negotiate with him_. _Of __some Ministers_, _who play their State-affairs at hazard_. _Of the Assembly of the Cardinals_, _which serves the_ Pope _for false pretext_. _Of the intricacy that was found in the time of_ Urban _the eighth_. _Of the manner of the_ Pope’s _Negotiations with the Ministers of Princes_. _Of Negotiations never to be concluded_. _Of the Answer of_ Seigneur de Lion _to his Friend_. _Of the Policies of the_ Barbarini. _Of the disgust_, _the Republick of_ Venice _receiv’d from the_ Barbarini. _Of the dissatisfaction of the_ Lucheses, _the Crown of_ Poland, _and the_ Bollougneses. _Of the cheats put upon the two Crowns of_ Spain _and_ France. _How the_ Barbarini _serv’d the King of_ Portugal, _in reference to the Bishop of_ Lamego _his Embassadour_. _Of some Examples of the Contrivances of_ Pope Innocent. _Of the Duke of_ Parma’s _Army going into the Field_. _Of the humour of_ Urban _the eighth_, _to deny favours to all_. _Of the affronts_, _which Princes do receive from the Court of_ Rome. _Of the nature of the Ecclesiasticks_. _Of the Catholick Crown_, _that admits in their State none but of the_ Roman _Faith_. _Of the damage_ the Spaniards _receive_, _by suffering themselves to be governed by the Court of_ Rome. _Of the displeasures that do arise betwixt_ Rome _and_ Spain. _Of the Northern Policy_, _and of_ Italy, _which laughs at the Spanish Zeal_. _How many Princes are disgusted_, _to see the_ Spaniards _humble themselves so to the_ Pope. _How many Ministers are deceiv’d_, _who confide in Cardinals_. _Of the effect of the Protection of Cardinals to Princes_. _Of the interest of the Cardinals to advance the Papacy_. _Of the Corruption of the Colledge of Cardinals_. _What qualified persons they chuse to be Cardinals_. _Of the_ Pope, _how he shews himself a Monarch_, _when he __pleaseth_, _and Head of a Commonwealth when he listeth_. _Of_ Alexander _the seventh’s applying himself to publick business_. _Of his Ambition to undertake more than his constitution could endure_. _Of the answers which Embassadours receive from the Cardinal_ Padrone. _Of the secresie and craft of the Court of_ Rome. _How Cardinals use to reveal secrets to Princes their Friends_. _How little the_ Pope _trusts the Cardinals_. _Of Papal Excommunications_. _Of the fear of the Church-men_. _Of the Title of_ Universal Father _in the person of the_ Pope. _Of a pleasant Example of_ Paschal _the second_, _applied to his Successors_. _How_ Popes _treat Leagues with Princes_. _Of the sudden change of the Nephews of the_ Pope, _from a low to a high degree_. _Of the effects which that produceth_. _What the Kindred of_ Alexander _did in_ Sienna. _Of the disgust which Ministers receive by treating with unexpert persons_. _Of the time that is lost in studying the nature of the_ Nipotismo. _Of a strange example which befel an Embassador who negotiated with Cardinal_ Capaccino, _Brother to_ Urban _the eighth_. _Of a_ burlesque _and biting Answer_, _given by the same Embassadour_, _to the same Cardinal_. _Of the answer of the Embassadour_ Justiniani, _made to one who asked him_, _if he went to negotiate with Cardinal_ Astalli. _Of some Examples of the Covetousness of_ Pope Boniface, _prejudicial to the Negotiators of the Court_. _Of_ Clement _the seventh_. _Of_ Paul _the fourth_. _Of_ Sixtus _the fifth_. _Of_ Urban _the eighth_. _Of the names_, _the Nephews give the hours they spend in publick business_. _Of a Reproof that_ Gregory _the fourteenth gave to his Nephew_. _Of that Peevish way wherewith the_ Pope’s _Nephews negotiate with Embassadours_. _Of the __Reason_, _why the Family of the_ Popes _do not continue long in Grandeur_. _Of a similitude of Trees applied to the Nephews of the_ Pope. _Of the wonder that ariseth in the world_, _to see the houses of the_ Popes _decay_. _Of some Families that are yet in being_. _Of the difference between those Families that give being to_ Popes, _and those that receive their being from them_. _Of the_ Popes _which came out of the house of_ Colonna. _Of the Glory of the House of_ Rovere, _how it failed in_ Urbino, _how long it continued in its Grandeur_. _Of two_ Popes _that came from the House of_ Cibo _in_ Genoa. _How that Family despised the being citizens of_ Rome. _Of the Family of_ Alexander _the sixth_. _How it was divided into two branches_; _one in_ Italy, _the other in_ Spain. _Why that in Italy failed before that of_ Spain. _Of the Family of_ Picolomini. _Of the force of_ Leo _the tenth_, _used to render the House of_ Medici _potent_. _Of the time that the Familie of_ Medici _supported themselves in Grandeur before_ Clement _the seventh_. _How they are deceiv’d_, _who believe the Grandeur of the house of_ Medici _proceeds from the papacy_. _Of the destruction of the Commonwealth of_ Florence _necessary to the Ecclesiastical State_. _The example of this Family ought not to serve for a pattern to those who discourse of the ruine of the Families of the_ Popes. _Of the Family of_ Farnese. _How they first came into_ Italy. _Of valiant men in the world_. _Of services performed by the House of_ Farnese. _Some examples concerning the same_. _A notable saying of_ Eugenio _the fourth concerning the_ Farnese. _Of the Ambition the_ Popes _had to be served by them_. _Of the ingratitude of_ Urban _the eighth_, _and_ Innocent _the tenth_, _towards the Family of_ Farnese. _Of the __interest that moved_ Paul _the third_, _to make them great_. _Of the great persecution it hath receiv’d_, _for above these forty years_. _Of the Government of_ Parma _and_ Piacenza, _how it came to the hands of the_ Farnesi. _Of the house of_ Monte, _how little a while it lasted in great splendor_, _although raised by_ Julius _the third_. _Of the House of_ Caraffa. _Of its fall_; _how near to the birth of its good fortune_. _Of the disdain of_ Paul _the fourth_, _and_ Pius _the fourth_, _to the Caraffies_. _Of the glory in which the House of_ Caraffa _shines now in_ Naples. _Of the House of_ Buon Compagnii _of_ Gregory _the thirteenth_. _Of the House of_ Perotti _of_ Sixtus _the fifth_. _To what greatness raised_. _How long it continued in that state_. _Of its failing_. _Of the House of_ Sfondrata _of_ Gregory _the fourteenth_. _Of its rise_, _and fall_. _Of the house of_ Aldobrandina, _what it was_, _and what it is_. _Of the Family of_ Burghesi, _and_ Ludovisi, _and of some other particulars touching the failing of the Pontificial Families_.

THE difficulties, which the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treaties with the _Pope’s_ Nephews, are so great, that the most refined Wits and politick Heads of the Universe cannot easily fathom them; every one losing himself in an Abyss of wonder to see the Court of _Rome_, in all her own concerns, and with all persons, so selfish and singular, whilst she alone glories in the Title of Universal.

It would be no great matter, if the Nephews would rest satisfied with embroyling and discomposing the minds only of the Principal Ministers of State; and did not likewise make themselves the unhappy instruments of bringing Treaties and Negotiations of the greatest weight to irreparable confusion: the ruine whereof must necessarily draw the consequence of damage to the Pontifical State, disorder to Christianity, and perpetual distaste to those Princes, who know themselves obliged to send their Agents to a Court, where they shall rather receive occasion of disgust than profit. For the Church-men cannot treat with any Prince, without wounding his reputation with secret reproaches and back-biting language.

There are two things, Ignorance and malice (the usual Patrimony of _Popes_ Nephews) which are predominant in the _Nipotismo_, which subvert and drown even those appearances of good, that might otherwise be found in the Court of _Rome_: And the mischief of it is, that these two are inseparable, and go alwaies hand in hand together in the _Nipotismo_; their ignorance is not accompanied with that honest simplicity which often is seen in some of weak understanding; but quite contrary, an ignorant Nephew no sooner marches into the _Vatican_ (which thing God knows too often happens) but Artificial Malice displaies her Banners; and if by chance within the Camp there happens to be found out any one that’s good and vertuous, she doth her utmost to make him pass for an ignorant lackwit. Whence the Church, Christendom, and the Court do all suffer by the malice and ignorance of those Lordly Nephews, who matter not by which of these two abject qualities they govern.

There have been several Princes in our Age, who finding themselves deluded in some of their affairs, have blam’d their own Officers, judging the errors which occasioned their damage, and were indeed committed by the _Nipotismo_, to be caused by the inability of their Ministers; as if it had been in their power to overwhelm the Course of nature, and thwart a malicious Ignorance.

_Odoardo Farnese_, Duke of _Parma_, a Prince truly worthy of a Crown, seeing the business of _Castro_, and his other Affairs with the Church, not to succeed according to his desire, rebuked his Minister who was at _Rome_, believing him a person of very slender experience in the management of the matters committed to his charge.

But when it hapned that his occasions drew himself thither, and consequently oblig’d him to treate personally with the Nephews of _Pope Urban_, he speedily reform’d the ill impression made in his mind against his Ministers, knowing then very well, by his own experience, that all the damages, he sustain’d in that affair, were derived from the ill-will was borne him by the _Barberini_: Whereupon as he went from _Rome_ he let these words fall, _That the Church indeed is a holy body_, _of which the Princes are the Members_, _and the_ Pope _the Head_; _but the Nephews by their ill management do daily discompose the Members_, _not at all regarding how thereby they prejudiced the Head_.

And to say the truth, the _Pope’s_ Nephews cannot oftentimes distinguish, what difference there is betwixt a Prince and his Minister; nor what respect the Court ought to shew to them which come to honour it.

The Church-mens understanding, to accommodate the Church so well to the benefit of their proper interest, makes many believe the subtilty of them in politick affairs to be very great. And truly, the conceipt is not ordinary, which most men have of the politick understanding of the Ecclesiasticks; every one knowing that the City of _Rome_, in the Art of Governing and making others reasons conform to its will, hath ever been in all times and ages the truest School of Policy, and almost, if not altogether, the Mistris of all Nations: as she who, at her birth from the belly of the rest by a special gift of nature, brought with her into the world the most polite Endowments and refined Customs she could bestow upon her.

Such were alwaies the Customs of _Rome_, who for the space of more than twelve Ages past, knew very well to frame conformable maximes to their own designs. But after that the _Nipotismo_ began to take possession of an Authority, not limited otherwise than by their own passions, every thing began to put on a new countenance. And having renounced the true and ancient Rules of Government, and found new methods of deport to those who make addresses to them, the Agents and Ministers of Foraign Princes, who come thither to negotiate their Masters affairs, mistake the way that others use to walk in with so much reputation.

From whence it happens, that there are very few return from their Negotiations there without just occasion of complaint; not only that they have not met with due civilities, but that they have likewise been deluded in all their transactions.

The Court of _Rome_ indeed, whilst the _Popes_ liv’d without the _Nipotismo_, were instrumental in the world to resolve the greatest intricacies of Christendom: but after they were introduced, they served only to confound and entangle the easiest matters; who interposing in things not at all concerning them, they ruin’d others business and affairs, besides their own. For they will do nothing now in _Rome_ without pretence of perfect Zeal unto Religion; and yet that Zeal hath certainly the least shew in any of their concerns. Good serves them only for the shadow, but Evil for the substance. Kindnesses from them, as honey from Bees, being seldom got without the sting of prejudice.

There are some that have fansied the Courting and flattering the _Nipotismo_ to be the only way to arrive at the end of their unbridled designs, but these found themselves deceived; for all the merit or other insinuation in the world is not able to move the obstinacy of those who (except it proceed from some capricious fancie or other inclination of their own) have no regard to remunerate or gratifie either Subject, Prince, or Prelate.

Yet it is more easie to obtain, than keep their favours: But he that doth, had better be without them: since ’tis so hard to judge whether the Tap they draw their favours from be sweet or sower.

’Tis hard to express the difficulties the Ministers of Princes meet with in their treating with the Nephews; which are so great, that some of them have caused an infinitie of Masses to be celebrated to the Holy Ghost, before they began their Negotiations with them. I my self knew one, who vowed to make himself a _Capuchin Frier_, if he could effect a certain business with them; but I believe he had no great intention to put on that habit, because his demand was for his own advantage, and the Nephews are never wont to grant any thing to any one, but what is to their prejudice.

’Tis my opinion, that to be well prepared to treate in _Rome_, one ought to be well provided of that double spirit, which _Elisha_ so earnestly desired of _Elijah_, whilst double dealing and hypocrisie are the chiefest rudiments of their Policy, I will not say that now do, but, for the space of two Ages past, have reigned in _Rome_.

Let the Agents and Ministers of Princes therefore lay their heads together in _Rome_, and say Masses to obtain new waies of managing Political Affairs, let them arm themselves with a double spirit; for the Pontificial Negotiations will try the skill of the most experienced Statesmen.

_Venice_, that with so great prudence in State-affairs foresees the future, never sends any Embassadour to _Rome_, that hath not first been tried, and rendered an incomparable Politician by the experience he hath gotten in the Courts of the chiefest Monarchies of the Universe: yet notwithstanding I my self have heard these words said by an Embassadour sent to _Rome_ from thence: _Sin hora sono stato nell Ambasciate scabrose_, _hora entro nelle pericolose_, _dio me la mandi buona conquel Nipotismo_: Till now I have been in rugged Treaties, now I enter into a dangerous one: God send me good luck with the _Nipotismo_.

He, who can live five years in the Court of _Rome_ without a stumble, will not find it hard to pass an Age or two (if nature would give him leave) in any other place with reputation and credit.

Yet we know very well by every daies experience, that many Politicians and expert Statesmen, who, for many years together in the management of several Treaties, had rendered themselves as it were immortal by the no small reputation obtained in the several Courts they had been formerly employed in, no sooner came to _Rome_, but speedily they lost it. And indeed they all come thither swell’d with the Titles of most eminent and able Statesmen, but depart from thence with very little credit.