Chapter XIV: Act IV: Scene 1, where the controversy is renewed; and therefore it

will be proper in considering this question to state the evidence and arguments in both places. It is maintained on one side that the _rapier_ was not used in England before the reign of Elizabeth; and in support of this opinion a passage from Carleton's _Thankful remembrance of God's mercy_ is offered; which, being only a second-hand and inaccurate statement from Darcie's _Annals of Elizabeth_, is not deserving of further notice. Darcie himself informs us that one Rowland York (who appears to have betrayed Deventer to the Spaniards in 1587) was the _first_ that brought into England "that wicked and pernicious fashion to fight in the fields in duels with _a rapier called a tucke_ onely for the thrust, &c." On this passage it may be remarked, that the _rapier_ is not _generally_ spoken of, but only a particular sort, the _tucke for the thrust_. On the same side Stowe is next cited, who mentions that the mode of fighting with the sword and buckler was frequent with all men till that of _the rapier and dagger_ took place, when _suddenly the general quarrel of fighting abated_, which began about the 20th of Elizabeth (1578). Now here the date seems rather applicable to the cessation of the very popular combats with sword and buckler, and the substitution only, and, as it will presently appear, the revival of the rapier and dagger, as a more limited manner of fighting, from its superior danger. There is another passage in Stowe, p. 869, which not being already cited, and throwing some light on the nature of the rapier, may deserve notice. The historian relates that "Shortly after (referring to the 12th or 13th year of Elizabeth) began _long tucks_ and _long rapiers_, and he was held the greatest gallant that had the deepest ruffe and longest rapier: the offence to the eye of the one, and the hurt unto the life of the subject that came by the other, caused her majesty to make proclamation against them both, and to place selected grave citizens at every gate to cut the ruffes, and breake the rapiers points of all passengers that exceeded a yeard in length of their rapiers, and a nayle of a yeard in depth of their ruffes." But this is likewise no evidence in favour of the _general_ introduction of the _rapier_ in the reign of Elizabeth, as Stowe merely refers to the _long foining or thrusting rapier_. The last quotation on this side of the question is from Bulleine's _Dialogue between soarnesse and chirurgi_, 1579, where the _long foining rapier_ is also mentioned as "a _new_ kind of instrument to let blood withall."

On the opposite side, Mr. Ritson produces a quotation from Nashe's _Life of Jacke Wilton_, who lived in the reign of Henry the Eighth, to show that _rapiers_ were used at that period. This sort of evidence might appear, on a first view, inadmissible, on the ground that Nashe had committed an error, very common with Shakspeare, in ascribing a custom of his own time to a preceding one, if it were not supported by the manuscript cited by Mr. Steevens in vol. iii. p. 327, in which, but not in the quotation from it, it appears that the _rapier_ actually was in use in the time of Henry the Eighth; and therefore it is impossible to decide that this weapon, which, with its name, we received from the French, might not have been known as early as the reign of Henry the Fourth, or even of Richard the Second. Shallow's ridicule of _passes and stoccadoes_ seems more objectionable, and may possibly deserve the appellation of anachronism. It is not a little remarkable that the _rapier_ was an article of exportation from this country in Cromwell's time. See _Oliverian acts_, A.D. 1657.

SCENE 1. Page 369.

FORD. Though Page be a secure fool, and stands so firmly on _his_
wife's frailty, yet I cannot put off _my_ opinion so easily: she
was in his company, &c.

This speech is surely not so obscure as the notes seem to consider it. Ford says that _Page_ makes a firm stand with respect to, or on the question of, _his_ wife's frailty. What follows better deserves explanation, because the grammatical construction of the last sentence is, that _Page's_ wife was in Falstaff's company; whereas Ford means to say, "I cannot put off _my_ opinion, i. e. of _my own wife_, so easily; as _she_ was in Falstaff's company," &c. The emphasis should be laid on the words _his_ and _my_, and then the whole will be far more intelligible.

SCENE 2. Page 375.

FAL. Your _cat-a-mountain_ looks.

A term borrowed from the Spaniards, who call the wild cat _gato-montes_.

SCENE 2. Page 375.

FAL. Your _red lattice_ phrases.

Mr. Steevens, speaking of this external mark of an alehouse, says, "Hence the present chequers." But in reality the _lattice_ is the younger of the two, as the reference in the note to the Pompeii plate in _Archæologia_ demonstrates. Although the Romans were not acquainted with the game of chess, they certainly were with such a one as required a board with squares; and in all probability this sign of a house of entertainment where table games were played, has been handed down to us from the ancients. The resemblance of _lattice_ work, or _laths_ crossing each other, to a chess or backgammon board, might induce some ignorant painters to exhibit the former; but the _chequers_ have once more reassumed their station. Nor was _red_ always the colour; for, in the cant language of jolly fellows, a red or _blue_ lattice was termed _a free school for all comers_. See Heywood's _Philocothonista_, 1635, 4to.

SCENE 2. Page 376.

QUICK. There is one mistress Ford, sir:--I pray come a little
nearer this ways:--I myself dwell with master Doctor Caius.

FAL. Well, on: mistress Ford, you say----

Is it not more natural that Falstaff should, in this first instance, repeat the dame's own words, and say, "Well, one mistress Ford, you say."

SCENE 2. Page 389.

FORD. ... an Irishman with my _aqua vitæ_ bottle----

_Irish aqua vitæ_ was certainly _usquebaugh_, and not _brandy_, as Mr. Malone has observed; but Ford is here speaking of _English aqua vitæ_, which was very different from the other so called from the Irish words _uisge_, aqua, and _beatha_, vita. That the curious reader may judge for himself, and at the same time be furnished with the means of indulging any wish that he may have for tasting the respective sorts in their genuine form, the following receipts for making them are subjoined:--The first is from a manuscript monkish common-place book, written about the reign of Henry the Sixth. "For to make water of lyff, that ys clepyd aqua vitæ. Take and fylle thy violle fulle of lyes of stronge vine, and put therto these powdrys. First powder of canel, powder of clowes, powdyr of gyngevir, powdyr of notemugys, powder of galyngale and powdyr of quibibis, poudyr of greyn de parys, poudyr of longe pepyr, powdyr of blacke pepir, carewey, cirmowitteyn, comyn, fenyl, smallache, persile, sawge, myntys, rewe, calamente, origaun, one ounce or more or lesse as ye lykyth; stampe hem a lytill for it will be bettyr, and put hem to these powdrys, than set thy glas on the fyre set on the hovel and kepe it wel that the eyre come not owte and set ther undyr a viole and kepe the watyr." The next is from _Cogan's Haven of health_, 1612, 4to, chap. 222. "To make aqua vitæ. Take of strong ale, or strong wine, or the lees of strong wine and ale together, a gallon or two as you please, and take half a pound or more of good liquorice, and as much annise seedes; scrape off the bark from the liquorice, and cut it into thin slices, and punne the annise grosse, and steepe altogether close covered twelve houres, then distill it with a limbecke or serpentine. And of every gallon of the liquor you may draw a quart of reasonable good _aqua vitæ_, that is of two galons two quarts. But see that your fire be temperate, and that the heade of your limbecke bee kept colde continually with fresh water, and that the bottome of your limbecke bee fast luted with rye dough, that no ayre issue out. The best ale to make _aqua vitæ_ of, is to be made of wheate malte, and the next of cleane barley malte, and the best wine for that purpose is sacke." The last is a receipt for making "Usquebath, or Irish aqua vitæ. To every gallon of good aqua composita, put two ounces of chosen liquorice bruised and cut into small peeces, but first cleansed from all his filth, and two ounces of annis seedes that are cleane and bruised; let them macerate five or six days in a wodden vessell, stopping the same close, and then draw off as much as will runne cleere, dissolving in that cleere aqua vitæ five or sixe spoonefulls of the best malassoes you can get: Spanish cute if you can get it, is thought better than malassoes: then put this into another vessell, and after three or foure dayes (the more the better) when the liquor hath fined itselfe, you maie use the same: some adde dates and raisins of the sun to this receipt; those grounds which remaine you maie redistill and make more aqua composita of them, and of that aqua composita you maie make more _usquebath_."--Plat's _Delightes for ladies_, 1611, 24to. It is to be observed, that _aqua composita_ is wine of any kind distilled with spices and sweet herbs. _Brandy_, or _burnt_ wine, seems first to occur in Skinner's _Etymologicon_, 1671, under the name of _Brandewin_, from the Dutch or German, and soon after in its present form; yet _aqua vitæ_ was continued a long while afterwards.

SCENE 3. Page 395.

HOST. _Cry'd game_, said I well?

The evidence, and indeed the sense, in favour of the phrase to _cry aim_, preponderates so greatly, that one cannot hesitate in discarding the nonsensical expression of _cry'd game_, which derives not the least support from any of Mr. Steevens's quotations. The probability is very great that there was an error of the press, and that the words should have been printed according to the orthography of the time, "Cry'd I _ayme_, said I well?" A _g_ might easily have crept in instead of a _y_.