Chapter XII: Introduction (3)

I have since writing this morning heard the official account of the surrender of Almeida, and the fact is this. On the morning of the 27th a shell fell near the principal magazine as they were in it and making cartridges, the door being open the whole blew up with an explosion that destroyed a considerable part of the town, and of course created the greatest confusion in the place. Cox, finding all his ammunition gone, except a few rounds, sent to propose surrendering in case the garrison might be allowed to join our army, which in consequence of the intervention of the Marquez D’Alorna, Pampeluna, and other Portuguese traitors, was refused by Masséna. Cox declared he would not surrender under other conditions, and recommenced the fire till next morning (the 28th) when every cartridge being used he was forced to surrender as Prisoners of war. As the garrison marched out and were formed on the glacis, it was offered them to either march prisoners to France, or enter the service of Napoleon. To a man they refused the former (_sic_)[23] (except one Major of Artillery who had been before tried as a Traitor), a most noble act on the part of a garrison mostly Militia, which strongly shews the spirit of the people. I also much rejoice in my friend Cox having got off with honour and credit to himself and the British nation.

The French Colonel and some men who were taken with him, passed through this since I wrote. He belongs to the _Gendarmerie_ and is a handsome looking fellow, though he has a very sneaking appearance. He as well as his companions were wounded. The Lt.-Col., his friend, was killed. We last night took 9 Dns. prisoners at Freixedas which the French occupied, and have since again abandoned. Adieu. Yr. most affecte. Son,

WM. W.

I am writing as hard as I can, so pray excuse the difficulty you will have in reading this Postscript.

The Major of Artillery Barretto, who proved a traitor, was sent by Cox as a flag of truce. The scoundrel told all he knew, and never even returned to the place. I suppose he found it too warm a berth, and was devilish glad to get out of it. A traitor is almost always a coward. He flies from a greater hoping to find a lesser danger with the enemy, or from the same reason that a man robs or murders, from natural vice or villainy. What miscreants are Alorna, etc., etc.

[23] There is some confusion here; to make good sense “the latter” should be read. But see Oman, vol. iii., p. 275.

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EXTRACT FROM LETTER, DATED HENDON PLACE, _Oct. 2, 1810_.

HENDON PLACE, _Oct. 2, 1810_.

No arrivals, and of course no news from dear William. Lord W. had retreated towards Vizeu. We presume things were going on as usual on the 11th, as Paris papers to the 23rd are in town, and they hear at Paris in eleven days from the army.

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EXTRACT FROM LETTER, HENDON PLACE, _16th Oct. 1810_.

HENDON PLACE, _16th Oct. 1810_.

I give you joy of the glorious news. How delightful it is that the Portuguese have behaved so nobly. They have shown Bony’s ‘spoiled child of Fortune’ what they can do when well organised and commanded. Some of the Regts. were commanded by Portuguese. It will give dear William great satisfaction, though he will be sadly disappointed at not being there. He had been afflicted with his old complaint—was gone to the rear to recover. I do pity him not sharing in the glory when he has partaken so much of the fatigue, and General Beresford’s army having borne the whole brunt of the action makes it doubly mortifying as such an opportunity may not again offer. I long for letters from him, but fear we have no chance till the Packet arrives. Capt. Burgh told Papa he was quite recovered.

The French have concentrated their whole force, and were so determined to carry the day they only brought _Frenchmen_ into the field. They would not trust their foreigners, who continue to desert in great numbers. Masséna applied to Lord Wellington for permission to bury his dead, which was refused, as Ld. W. wanted to ascertain their numbers.—Above 2000 were interred, and the general proportion is 3½ wounded to 1 killed. On this occasion it is supposed to be much greater, as the French had no artillery or cavalry, and we played away after them with grape and shot from our artillery down the hills.

Four of the Pintos are among the wounded or killed. A cousin of theirs is wounded.

A. E. W.

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EXTRACT FROM LETTER DATED HENDON, _25th Oct. 1810_, REFERRING TO W. W.’S LETTER, _Oct. 6_.

HENDON, _25th Oct. 1810_.

At last we have got letters from Dear William. They are of a very old date (_6th Oct._) and must have been unaccountably delayed in London, as the Packet of the 8th has been long arrived and one of the 16th arrived on Monday. Poor dear fellow, he has had another dismal voyage of pain and suffering from Figueira to Lisbon, but again met with kind friends, and is, God be praised, restored to health—in one of the letters he says Jack Croft joined him as soon as he heard of his being ill at Coimbra, and accompanied him in a crowded transport of sick and wounded, sharing the floor and his bearskin, and administered to him and his fellow sufferers every comfort in his power, and on his arrival at Lisbon took the trouble off his hands of seeking for a lodging for a poor little fellow under his protection, who had lost a leg and been obliged to suffer two operations for it, but is now likely to do well. A son of Sir J. Frederick’s, Major Stanhope, saw William on the 12th at Belem. He was then so much recovered that he talked of joining the Marshal (now Sir W. B.) in a day or two. I suppose you will like to have an extract. The first part of his letter is all about my mother’s illness, as he had just received my letters acquainting him of it. He then says he has recovered his strength and looks so wonderfully fat, every one is astonished at it. “It will, however, require a fortnight or 3 weeks’ quiet sea-bathing to confirm the tone of my nerves, which have been a good deal shook by resisting a very tedious and debilitating illness in hopes of sharing in the glory of my companions: and it has been a bitter disappointment to have been in the rear during the late glorious actions, when the Portuguese troops behaved so nobly. What a pleasure it must be to the Marshal. And he deserves it, for his exertions (for which success is the best payment) and for his excellent honourable character. I believe everybody now does him justice for the honour and rectitude of his intentions. Of the movements of the army I know little, but believe they are falling back on the positions at Mafra, etc., which are entrenched and prodigiously strong. If the French press forward I think a decisive and good battle inevitable, but I do not think they will, and, if they do, I have not a doubt of the result, and Nap. will have got into a pretty scrape. If they beat us, we have equally strong positions at St Juliens, but this God forbid. For the sake of the poor natives I trust all will be well. They deserve it for their loyalty and willingness, but I really have great confidence that the infamous invader will get a complete defeat. The French left 3000 dead on the field at Busaco. How they could attempt to attack such a position I know not, nor can I conceive, except that they entirely despised the Portuguese Infantry. Inganarao says they were mistaken! but we have yet to give them better proof of it.

Clara is safe and well at Porto, and her obstinacy in staying in the Convent has caused me great anxiety—

A. E. W.

Major Elliot’s treatise on the defence of Portugal is remarkably well worth reading, and gives a very just and true and impartial account of the people and country.

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HD. QRS., P.A., CASAL ESCHIN, a mile to the Eastward of
ENXARA DOS CAVALEIROS, 5 l. from Lisbon,
_Oct. 20, 1810_.

MY DEAREST FATHER,

You will see from the date that I am quite recovered, and have joined the Army and my excellent friend the Marshal, who, to my great joy I found on my return two or three days ago, quite well notwithstanding the fatigue he has undergone, I was in such a constant fidget in Lisbon, and so uncomfortable that I could not remain any longer, particularly as the weather did not admit of my sea-bathing, which was my principal object in going to Belem.

I am much disappointed at not hearing from the family last packet. A packet is daily expected and I trust I shall be more fortunate.

On my return I found our Army in a position as strong as anything can well be imagined, studded with Redoubts and Batteries, extending from the front of Torres Vedras to the Tagus at Alhandra, by Bucellas, on the chain of hills which runs behind Sobral, nearly from the sea to the river. It is rather an extended one, but a part is so strong by nature, and by art, that the troops can with great safety in great part be spared to repel the enemy wherever he may attack, and I feel not a doubt of his being forced to abandon the enterprize and retreat, or that if he attack us, scarcely a more desperate measure than the other, he will be completely defeated and destroyed.

Masséna, as far as my very slender knowledge of these matters goes, is in a most desperate scrape, and I scarce see how it is possible to get out of it without the loss of a great part of his army. I cannot account for his incautious advance, for he has little reason to doubt the conduct of the Portuguese after the Busaco business, and could scarce be such a fool as to imagine that because we retired, we were hurrying to embark without fighting a battle, after having so completely beaten him at Busaco. I dare say he had no idea of the great strength of these lines. I had none myself, though I had seen parts of them. But now that he is close to us, I cannot see how he can avoid fighting us. Even should we be unfortunate, we have other strong lines to retire to, and we must fight him again. As for embarking, I do not see how that is to be accomplished, if we are defeated, and did I feel less confident of victory, and less fearful that they _will not_ attack us, I should think the game as desperate for us as for them. However, nothing can exceed the confidence and spirit of our army, who are very well provided, while we know for certain the French want entirely for bread, and must soon for meat. At present they have enough. Their Officers tell them they are to be in Lisbon in a fortnight, but the reports of their deserters, and their number, sufficiently prove how little they are believed.

Trant and Genl. Miller and Colonel Wilson advanced suddenly with a large body upon Coimbra, and took about 5000 sick and wounded, 80 Officers and a whole company of the Marines of the Imperial guard, who have all except about 200 arrived at Porto, and are long e’er this embarked. It was a dashing movement which completely destroys the enemy’s communications that way with Spain, and has spread the greatest terror and dismay in the French Army, as well as great disgust at their sick being abandoned, with so weak a garrison as 300 men. Many of these wretches must die and have died. Such are the horrors of war, but one cannot pity them, when we consider the enormities and cruelties they commit everywhere, where they pass, they are a horde of the most savage Banditti, and, desperately miserable themselves, they spread terror and desolation wherever they approach.

We go every morning to a large work near Sobral, in which place they are, and from whence we see almost all our own position, and what they are about. Their posts are about ¼ mile from it, and close to ours. Junot’s and Ney’s _Corps d’armée_ in our front in the different villages, but most encamped near a large pine wood, and in it, about 3 miles in our front. And this is their principal force, about 30 to 35,000 men; and Regnier’s corps is on our right near the Tagus in front of Hill. Ld. Wellington’s dispositions are very much approved by everybody, and said to be masterly. As far as I can judge, I think so too.

The greatest cordiality exists between the Portuguese and English troops, and they are so disposed as mutually to support and encourage each other, without much being risked by their misconduct should it be so, which nobody now fears, or could in justice the most captious, after the proofs they have given of their courage and good will.

J. Croft came yesterday and shared my bearskin with me on the softest straw I could procure, and this morning he rode at daybreak with me to the Battery, where I showed him the lions. It was very interesting, as there were several movements on the part of the enemy, who appeared to be concentrating their force in the wood I before mentioned, and near it, fronting our centre. But my own private opinion is that if they attack us at all, they will attack the left.

Croft afterwards set off again for his son, and as I did not think I should be able to get back again in time to write, I begged him to mention that he had seen me and I was well. I have, however, fortunately returned in time to write this hasty scrawl with a wretched pen and greasy paper, which must excuse me with you for the difficulty you may have in reading it.

I have received the second part of the translation on the Defence of Portugal, but have not had time to read a line yet, for we breakfast at ½-past 4 and dine at six, which, with a good deal of riding, makes us most ready to avail ourselves of all leisure moments to sleep.

Adieu. I hope my next may be to announce a most glorious victory, of which I have not a doubt, whenever they attack us, and which from circumstances I do not think they can long delay, and we are quite ready to receive them.

Believe me, my dear Father, Ever most gratefully and most affectionately, Yours,

WM. WARRE.

From some deserters from the enemy’s Cavalry who are come in we hear that they are practising or rather drilling their men to charge with the bayonet. It is rather ridiculous at this time of day, after pompous boasting of having carried everything at the points of their bayonets. They cannot drill their hearts and minds, and we shall always beat them at that work, as our fellows’ minds and nerves require no drilling.

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FALMOUTH, _Nov. 14, 1810_.

MY DEAR FATHER,

I am very much afraid you will receive this letter before that I wrote to go by last Packet, and which, owing to a provoking mistake, was left behind and goes in this. By it you will see that after I rejoined the Marshal my illness and pains returned with increased violence, and it was intended to prepare you for what I feared would be the consequence, my being forced to return home. But still I was most unwilling to quit my post, and give up at such an interesting crisis, the chance of an opportunity of making myself known. And this made me bear for upwards of a fortnight the torture of laying on the ground with but little comfort and less rest. It could not, however, last long, and my horse falling with me and on my bad leg and bruising it, forced me to go to Lisbon, and have a consultation on my case, when after some deliberation it was determined that I should go home, and I accordingly embarked on board the _Walsingham_ Packet, and after a very rough and tiresome voyage of 10 days, we are at length arrived at this place, at which I shall be forced to delay a day or two before I can venture to travel. When I came on board I was almost a cripple, and suffered an agony of pain beyond anything I can describe. However I have, thank God, for the last two or three nights been able to sleep a little, though I am very weak, and the cold pinches me much. By avoiding with great care catching cold, and by slow journeys, I trust when I arrive in London that I shall at least be free from pain. I hope to be able to get to town in about 8 days or less, if I find I can bear the journey well. Poor Ross is arrived with me and will remain a few days. He is better, I think, considerably than when he came on board, but still very weak and low. He goes to Bath, as soon as he can travel. My last will give you all the news, since which things remained _in statu quo_ when we sailed. The general opinion was that Masséna was about to retreat. Loison’s division had passed the Zezere. With most affecte. love, etc., etc., yr. affecte. son,

WM. WARRE.

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HONITON, _Nov. 18, 1810_.

MY DEAR, DEAR FATHER,

I arrived at this place this evening after being three days on the road since I left Falmouth, and most completely tired of Cornish moors and Cornish travelling at 4½ miles an hour. I only reached Bodmin instead of Launceston the first day, and Oakhampton on the next, and though I intended to have remained this day at Exeter and rested, I resolved, having lost a day, to push on, and, except I find myself unusually unwell, shall proceed by short stages to London without halting an entire day anywhere, and about the 22nd I hope to arrive. I am happy to say I have borne the journey better than I expected notwithstanding the weather, which has been much against me. I am, however, a good deal fatigued, and it is not unlikely I may be forced to remain a day on the road. I did not send you the reports by the _Stag_ merchant vessel from Oporto, as considering dates and circumstances they appear to me quite improbable, not to say quite impossible. That a battle took place so that accounts reached Porto on the 7th is impossible, (as we sailed on the 4th, and such a thing was not expected), except indeed we can do away all improbabilities, those of the French attacking us, and then, _en militaire_, I do believe their defeat inevitable, and that Ld. Wn. attacked them I do not believe. Pray give my most affecte. love to my beloved Mother, I am, etc., etc., Yr. ever affectionate son,

WM. WARRE.

1811.