Chapter III: Preface (3)

_Magnifice tanquam Pater carissime_,--The honourable Alamano is going to inform the Signoria exactly how things are, and from him you will have ample information. And as I think you will discuss whether it will be better to side with the Signoria of Venice as has been suggested, or with Niccolò Piccinino, as you will see in the despatch brought by the said Alamano, I hereby give you my opinion. Seeing that the Signoria of Venice are up to their throats in water, and that their State is half ruined, and that now, when the need is great, they do nothing; and also considering that to remedy this state of things they will need much time, and will delay when quickness is necessary; and also considering that the Signoria of Florence, yourself, and others, were always advised to ally yourselves with the said Piccinino, I conceive that it is far more dangerous to steer a middle course than to side with one or the other. For these reasons it is far better to side with Niccolò Piccinino, particularly as the Duke of Milan has several times advised me to do so, and has just written me duplicate instructions, saying he will never give me Madonna Bianca, or anything else I desire from him, unless I am in perfect accord with and make an alliance with Niccolò Piccinino. This can be done to avoid all trouble. So I send Battista my secretary with my conclusions for you to see, and have taken time enough to answer for the reply to come from Florence; for whatever you decide is to be done, will be well done. In case you do not agree, take the course that seems best to that Magnificent Commune, only let me know; for what I once said I say again, that my wishes are those of that Magnificent Commune. Only I wanted to give my opinion. If the Magnificent Commune and you decide for Niccolò Piccinino, you can tell Battista to write at once without referring to me, and to follow his instructions, because the Commune is contented with what I have done. Despatch the courier to Mantua, for he knows that road, and in case he has not passed through let him wait. But if the alliance with Niccolò Piccinino does not please you do not write there, but to me here as quickly as possible. In any case negotiations with Venice must be kept open, and if you write to Battista be so good as to tell me at once, so that I may know how things go.--Given in our Camp, 22nd August 1438.

Francesco Sforza,
_Vicecomes et Marchio_, _&c._[39]

The careful, rather fussy nature of Contessina is shown in this letter to her son, who was evidently staying, together with his younger brother Giovanni, with his uncle Lorenzo, perhaps at Trebbio, the old castle on a hill above Cafaggiuolo in the Mugello.

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici

Most dear Son,--Thou tellest me to send thee the grey cape lined with lynx, because thou hast suffered from the cold. But why? For hadst thou asked for it before I should have sent it as I did the other. It appears to me you have all decided not to return to Careggi on Monday where, thanks be to God, we are all well. It will be a happy hour, for it seems to me a thousand years till you come home again. I am sure you are all very busy there, particularly Ginevra,[40] so help her in every way that thou knowest and canst, and keep thy things in order and don’t leave one thing here and another there, and tell the other boy to do the same. It would be well that both of you should order a pair of shoes from P. Thou hast a pair of hose with the shoes, but he has not. So I send thee a pair of his oldest hose which button on to the shoes. Tell the bearer who it was that sent thee those new shoes which do not fit, and he will inform Francesco Martelli who ordered them for thee. If thou hast aught to send in the bag of Antonio Martelli’s messenger do so, unless it is something that has to pay duty. I was going to send some cloth hose, but as thou art coming back so soon I shall not trouble about them. Let me know what thou sendest by the messenger. No more. God guard thee.--Florence, the 14th day of October 1438.[41]

The two following documents relate to the celebrated Council of the Church which met at Florence during Cosimo’s second term of office as Gonfalonier, or chief magistrate. The Œcumenical Council of Basel had actually come into conflict with Pope Eugenius, in the end deposed him, and declared the papal chair vacant. Whereupon Eugenius ordered the Council to transfer its sittings to Ferrara, excommunicated all its members who refused to obey and packed the assembly with his adherents. But a pestilence broke out at Ferrara, and proposals were made to bring the assembled ecclesiastics to Florence. The citizens were eagerly excited, for both the Patriarch and the Emperor of Constantinople were expected to attend. The Pope arrived in Florence on January 2nd, 1439-40, the Patriarch on the 12th, and the Emperor John Palæologus on the 15th February (the entry of the latter is represented in the fresco in the chapel of the Riccardi palace), and were all sumptuously lodged. The essential findings of this Council are important, for they were reproduced in the Canons of Trent. It was supposed to unite the Greek and Latin Churches, but its real result was to introduce the Italians to ancient Greek literature, and, if such things can be dated, it marks the beginning of the Italian Renaissance.

Cosimo’s brother Lorenzo de’ Medici was sent to Ferrara in December 1438 to arrange with the Pope about transferring the Œcumenic Council to Florence. The instructions given by the Signory are curious and show how burdensome the Councils were to the cities in which they were held.

Commissio Laurentii de’ Medicis, _3 Decembris 1438_

Thou art to go to Ferrara and present thyself at the feet of H.H. Pope Eugenius, commending to him our city, and this Signoria and our whole people, as faithful and devout sons of Holy Church and of His Holiness, offering our city and our people to His Holiness.

To descend now to substantial matters; thou wilt say that this Signoria has heard that His Holiness is inclined to come to Florence with his Court, and the Greeks, and the other members of the Council gathered together there. Having heard this the Signoria send thee to H.H. to devoutly offer our city as the residence and the abode of H.H. and his Court and the others above mentioned; being moved thereto, as in all matters, by their special devotion towards H.H.

Should His Sanctity ask anything special for the Greeks thou wilt answer that we shall willingly provide houses for them gratis, without demanding any rent, and that we shall strive to render the houses suitable for their various degrees of nobility. If money for the maintenance of the Greeks is mentioned, which we hear amounts to 1500 florins a month, thou art to say that our Commune is very short of money on account of the long war, &c., and for this reason our Commune would be most grateful not to be burdened, but nevertheless if absolutely necessary we are ready to lend H.H. the said amount of 1500 florins, or of ducats, every month, on receipt of a promise and valid security as to repayment at a given date, to be agreed upon by both parties. For as the Greeks come on business of the Church, it is only reasonable that the Church should pay and bear the burden. It is enough if we advance the money every month, which will only be repaid after some time. Otherwise it would seem as though we had bought his visit, which would not be at all to the honour of our Commune, and we are certain His Sanctity does not desire us to do anything which would be dishonourable to our Commune.

We consent to begin the payment of 1500 florins, or ducats, per month, from the day the Greeks leave Ferrara, and to continue it while they are in Florence, but not for more than eight months.

If agreements and conventions for the Court are mentioned, such as taxes on houses, jurisdiction, immunity from excise duties in and out of the town and such things, and houses for the Lord Cardinals, &c., thou art to say we are ready to concede everything that is reasonable and just, and that the last time H.H. was at Florence with his Court, agreements and conventions were made, and the same thing can be done now. When H.H. is here we can settle, and add or correct whatever is reasonable on one side and the other.

_Additio facta Commissioni Laurentii de’ Medicis_

Lorenzo, thou seest the commissions we have given thee in the full instructions. Strive to carry them out. But if the Pope insists on having money for the expenses of the Greeks without giving any security or promise to repay, reduce the various amounts as much as possible, so as not to exceed 1500 ducats a month, or at the utmost 1700; to begin when the Court arrives here, or, that being impossible, when they leave Ferrara, and then only promise money for eight months and no longer.

If the Pope will not consent to the agreements about his Court mentioned in thy instructions being drawn up here, ask what he demands, and look at the conventions conceded to him when he was here last, and act upon those within certain limits, for some of them need revision. The necessary changes have been noted at the end of each article.

The Signoria think the Pope ought gladly to promise and to give security for the repayment of the money used for the expenses of the Greeks; reason and justice demand this, therefore do thy best in this matter, so shalt thou reap honour and the Republic benefit by thy intelligence and industry. Should the Pope ask for any security for his own person or that of others, see that thou understandest clearly the nature of such security and write to us here; we will then do what His Sanctity wishes.[42]

Francesco Sforza _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir et tanquam Pater honorandissime_,--If I have erred in writing my humble opinion to Your Magnificence, I beg you will not attribute it to presumption, but rather to my fidelity, and to affection for the State of our Lord the Pope and for your Commune. I do not deal in occult secrets, but speak of what I have seen in the past while weighing present events, which are by no means clear. Believe me, Cosimo, my motives are not dictated by passion, because I am the devoted and faithful servant of our Holy Father, of Holy Church, and especially of Monsignore the Florentine Cardinal, therefore I think the present opposition of His Reverence to the Lord of Foligno is, _sententia mea_, not only untimely but dangerous to the State of His Holiness and may be also to yours. I do not say this to excuse the errors of the said Lord, indeed if it were of any use I would blame him, but to try and ward off imminent danger. You know the position of Foligno, her Lord can do much damage with even a small number of men. The Perugians are suspicious, and suspicion is a malady one cannot doctor, so that a great disaster and much trouble may arise in the land, and it is ill fighting with desperate men. Believe me that other lords and communes are as suspicious as the Perugians, each one is intent on guarding his own State, and the discords of parties here are not good for the State of our Holy Father, for Holy Church, or for your Commune. It seems to me that for the common good Monsignore the Cardinal should rather attend to the conquest of Romagna; he could do nothing more useful, it would cut the passage of the Ducal troops, and it is no longer a good frontier for the League or for you gentlemen of Florence. If ever the possession of Romagna was necessary it is so now, considering the action of the Council towards His Sanctity; although from what I hear it will not lead to much, still it unsettles the minds of the people, and Italy is altogether in a disturbed condition, as you see. The establishment of Romagna as a barrier would be a great boon to the State of His Holiness, to the Church, and to yourselves; if we do not strike when we can, when we wish to do so it will be too late. Remember that the last time we fell out with the Lord of Foligno he obtained help from troops in Romagna; had they been in Lombardy they would not have come, indeed they could not. I pass over many things which it would be difficult to answer, but I beg of you, Cosimo, to think over this, which touches your Republic very closely, and of all the troubles which are brewing or which may brew from the Alps downwards; do your best to find a remedy, and you will be the author of peace and quiet in all Tuscany. You may rest assured, Cosimo, that I write in all sincerity and truth, without subterfuge, if you will believe me. Not only my small faculties but my life is at the service of our Holy Father and of Holy Church, and also at that of your Commune. One thing I will not conceal, and that is that I suspect this enterprise of Foligno is distasteful to the Illustrious Count, and having entered with such goodwill and liberality into the affair, great caution must be used not to do anything he would dislike. I write all this not with the desire of pleasing or of displeasing any one, but to satisfy myself, as I conceive it to be my bounden duty, seeing the affection shown me by His Holiness and by Monsignore your Cardinal, and the great benefits I have received from your Commune. I should be very glad if you would impart what I have written, if it so pleases you, to Neri di Gino and to Piero di Messer Luigi. Be assured, Cosimo, that for good reasons I do not mention many things which I well understand. Offering myself, &c.--Siena, July 20, 1439, _manu propria_.[43]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at the Baths of Petriolo_ [_near Siena_]

Most dear Son,--The reason I write is that this morning at table Cosimo told me that Maestro Mariotto had gone to spend eight days with thee, and said that when Maestro M. returns he will let me come to be with thee, so I pray thee to ask him to remain with thee as long as thou art there, as I think thou hast need of him, and also Cosimo is well pleased that he should remain, and bids thee arrange so that he may be content. Let me know, for if he comes away nothing shall prevent my coming, for on no account will I permit thee to be there without him or me, so tell me his intentions. Had I known when he left I would have saved him the trouble and come myself. Tell me whether thou hadst rain on the day of thy departure, and if thou hast need of anything write to me. I say no more. Christ protect thee.--In Florence on the 13th day of September 1443.

Mona Contessina di Cosimo.[44]

Karissimo figliuolo, la chagione di questa si è che essendo io stamane a tavola Chosimo mi disse che maestro Mariotto era venuto chostà per stare techo otto dì et Chosimo dicie che tornando qua il maestro M., ch’ elli si contenta ch’ io venghi costà a star techo Sicchè io ti priegho che ttu lo prieghi ch’ elli stia techo tanto quanto tu chè mi pare che ttu n’abbia nicissità et anche Chosimo si chontenterebbe ch’ elli stesse techo et profferali che ttu lo provederaj per modo che da sarà contento Avisambti che sse delli torna che rimosso ogni chagione io verrò costà ch’a niun modo io voglio che ttu stij chostì sanza lui et sanza me sicchè avisami di sua intenzione che ss’ io l’avessi saputo quando di qui si partì non bisogniava che delli pigliasse questa faticha che io sarei venuta chostà Avisami se avesti dell’aqua il dì che andasti et se vuoi nulla schrivimelo Altro no dicho Xpo ti guardi. In Firenze a dì XIII di settembre MCCCCXLIII.

M^a Chontessina di Chosimo.[45]

Alberto Averardo de’ Alberti, _from Rome, to_ Giovanni de’ Medici

The condition of this city thou must have heard from others, so I shall be brief. There are many splendid palaces, houses, tombs, and temples, and other edifices in infinite number, but all are in ruins; much porphyry and marble from ancient buildings, and every day these marbles are destroyed by being burnt for lime in scandalous fashion. What is modern is poor stuff, that is to say the buildings; the beauty of Rome lies in what is in ruin. The men of the present day, who call themselves Romans, are very different in bearing and in conduct from the ancient inhabitants. _Breviter loquendo_, they all look like cowherds. Their women are generally handsome in face; all the rest is uncommonly dirty; the reason, they tell me, is that they all cook. They seem agreeable, but one seldom sees them. Amusements there are none, save to go to these pardons (indulgences) which are perpetual, and in these days of Lent the women frequent them, as well as those who, like me, have nothing else to do.

_Ex Urbe delacerata_ (From the ruined City), 22nd March 1443 (1444).

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _in Rome_

Since thy departure I have no news of thee save from one who saw thee when leaving Siena, and who said thou wert well. I know not how thou hast fared, as the weather has not been favourable, but by now thou must be near Rome. I trust God has guided thee in safety; this week has seemed to me like a year. Therefore I pray thee let me know how thou art, and whether the journey has fatigued thee. Remember above all to have care of thyself, and if thou needest aught from here let me know. We are all well, thanks be to God. I say no more. God protect thee.--The 21st day of February 1444 (1445).

Mona Contessina.[46]

_The Same to the Same_

To-day I received thy letter, and see that thou art well: please God to preserve thee so. It has been told me that fever has begun there as it did last summer; I pray thee if there be any danger come away, for Roman fevers are bad. Remember Bartolommeo di Nanni di Nettolo, he had enough of them: do not wait to fall ill, as Piero did at Ferrara.

I have a jar of excellent raisins, and will send it in a few days; when it arrives see that it is given to Monsignore di Capora.

Lucrezia is well, she is stouter and altogether improved; she bids me remind you of her salve. Shouldst thou need anything I can do for thee tell me. Pray to those holy relics and to the Pardons, especially to the Holy Face (_Sudario_), to give thee holiness.

Tell Riccio his people are well, and that I caused capons, spices, saffron, and comfits to be given to the women for the confinement; and Matteo, who has just come from the Mugello, says that he has sent stakes for his vineyard. No more at present: Christ guard thee.--In Florence, 20th March 1444 (1445).

Mona Contessina.[47]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero

I have thy letter asking for the rose-coloured lucco[48] lined with down, a jacket, and the boots. The hat I sent thee by Benedetto Altoviti. The other things I will send next week. I have received the steaks, the hams and the salted meat thou hast sent. I write so shortly because the messenger is going off in haste. No more. God keep thee.--From Florence on the 11th day of April 1445.

La Contessina.[49]

The following is the first letter from Lucrezia, the devoted wife of Piero de’ Medici (the Gouty). She was the daughter of Cosimo de’ Medici’s intimate friend, Francesco Tornabuoni, and must have been a remarkable woman. Cosimo had a high opinion of her ability; after his death in 1464 her husband consulted her on all political questions, and when she was absent kept her minutely informed about passing events. She corresponded with many of the literary men of her time, was no mean poetess, and many of her sacred plays and lauds were very popular. Niccolò Valori praises her rare eloquence and her translations from Holy Writ into the vulgar tongue. She was also an excellent housewife, and by her tact, goodness, and kindly manners did much to preserve the pre-eminence of the Medici. The education of her children occupied her greatly, and few princes of that day were brought up like Lorenzo and Giuliano. Lucrezia’s deep religious feeling was tempered by a joyous, merry nature, which comes out in her letters, and accounts for the affection she inspired in so many and such different people. It is strange that no authentic portrait of her is known. One cannot help thinking she must be depicted in Ghirlandajo’s fresco in the choir of S. Maria Novella representing the life of S. John the Baptist, which she narrated in her poem _La Vita di San Giovanni Battista_. The more so that the fresco was commissioned by her brother Giovanni Tornabuoni, and contains many portraits of his family and of friends and dependants of the Medici. It is true it was painted a few years after her death, still her image cannot have faded so rapidly from recollection.

Lucrezia de’ Medici, _at the Baths of Petriolo, to her husband_ Piero _at Florence_

Lord and Master mine,--Yesterday I had a letter from thee advising me what to do about the baths. I had already settled to do all thou sayest in thy letter and whatever Maestro Giovanni orders; nothing will seem fatiguing or irksome to me for regaining my health, which I believe by the grace of God will improve, so I think you will all be well pleased.

I see thou hast purged thyself and art going to the villa, of which I am glad; be careful to keep well and do not give way to melancholy, for I shall return cured and do honour to Maestro Giovanni, to whom I show much attention, for he deserves it.

If thy coming here can be done without fatigue and with pleasure to thyself it would be a great joy to me, but if troublesome and fatiguing to thee, do not come. I am glad Bianca Maria has recovered; how I pray to God that she may continue well as thou, I, and her husband desire, I leave thee to imagine. To Mona Nanna and to Filippo I have given greetings and they commend themselves to thee and to all; commend me to Cosimo, to Mona Contessina, Mona Ginevra, and Giovanni, and salute Pier Francesco and kiss Bianca Maria from me. Christ guard us.--In Petriolo, May 17, 1446.

If without trouble and it pleases thee, thou canst spare Franceschino for the remaining time I am here, I should be very glad, as he is most useful to me in this place, but whatever pleases thee pleases me.[50]

✕ Al nome di Dio.

Domine et maggiore mio, ieri ebbi una tua per quella m’avisi del governo mio intorno a fatti del bangno ero diliberato far tanto quanto m’avisi per la letera tua et quanto per maestro Giovanni mi sarà ricordato et non mi parà faticha ne disagio niuna chosa per la santa la quale credo, gratia di dio, che n’arà a seguire per modo che credo che tutti ne sarete ben chontenti.

Vego ti se’ purgato et vaitene in villa che mi piace et chonfortoti a stare sano et non ti dare manichonia che tornerò guarita. Al maestro Giovanni faremo onore e buona chonpagnia perchè ’llo merita.

La venuta tua se sarà con achoncio et chontentamento di te l’arò molto charo, ma sendoti disagio et schoncio son chontetta la lasci istare, piacemi la Bianca Maria si sia rifatta et chosì priego idio perseveri come il chontentamento vostro e il mio e del marito, lacerò pensare a te, a Maria Nanna et a Filippo ho fatte le salutatione e rachomandasi a te e a tutti voi e rachomandami a Chosimo e mona Ginevra e Giovanni e saluta Pier Francesco e bacia la Bianca Maria per mia parte. Ne’ altro per ora. Xpo ci guardi in Petriuolo.

Se si può con tuo chontentamento et achoncio per questo resto del tempo lascianci Francescino l’are molto charo perche eè utile ai bisogni mia in questo luocho nondimeno ogmni tuo chontentamento eè mio.

per la tua Lucretia,
ti si rachomanda.[51]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero _at Trebbio_

I send thee a quarter of a roe, a hare and a kid, so shall not send any veal. I understand thy letter and also trust that God will bestow this grace upon us, and I send thee capers. Giovanni[52] wanted to go at all hazards to-day to see Lucrezia and the children: he says too that he has hardly seen thee. With difficulty I prevented him so that he might not be over-tired. Tell Lucrezia that the child’s frock shall be re-lined and she shall have it on Monday, and that she must encourage the baby to suck and have a care of all the children. Cosimo is well: this morning his knee pained him a little, a touch of the gout; but it will soon pass, as it is but a slight thing. If Lucrezia or thou shouldst want anything let me know. No more. Christ guard thee.--In Florence on the 6th day of February 1449 (1450).

Mona Contessina in Florence.[53]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _in Rome_

Most dear Son,--As there was no need I have not written since thy departure. Now it seems to me necessary, because we hear the plague is causing many deaths, even among the well-to-do. I must beg thee for God’s sake and for the sake of the love I bear thee to return as soon as thou canst. Thou knowest how anxious Cosimo and I are about thy stay in Rome; thy brother also is anxious. Had Cosimo known that plague was there he would never have let thee go. Cosimo has perpetual fever as he had when thou didst leave him, and these doctors call gout fever, and have done so for some time as thou knowest, and one can never be sure what may happen from one day to another. Therefore I beseech thee to return as quickly as thou canst, for thou art well aware how much he has to do. More I will not write to-day. Piero and his family have gone to Careggi because he also has fever. Tell me how thy ailment is? I will add no more.--In Florence 24th February 1449 (1450). From thy

Mona Contessina di’ Cosimo.[54]

Cosimo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni _his son in Rome_

With my own hand I wrote thee a letter on the 21st: since then I have had two letters from thee announcing thy safe arrival, and that thou art trying to obtain the indulgences in order to come away. I advise thee to do so with all possible speed, for although thou sayest that the death of the Bishop of Volterra has not changed matters, other letters I have seen declare the contrary; a prolonged stay is therefore not advisable.

The affectionate manner in which our Holy Father received thee, and what thou sayest as to the love he bears us, is most grateful to me. I see by his reply that thou hast told him what I said, that we are not idle and will do all we can to persuade them to follow the counsels of His Holiness. But it will be difficult, because if either party thinks to gain anything he will not abide by the agreement. What the Venetians want and what the Count wants is of such importance to them that nothing else will be regarded as of any moment. We have sent Messer A. and are leaving no means untried to reconcile them, as we know how important it is to our city.

Messer Agniolo Simonetto and Messer N. Arimboldi sent to the King by the Count with powers to sign the compact will have arrived; I know not what is thought of it there, but we shall soon hear the truth.

From Lombardy letters have come from the Count of the 19th, dated from Vimercato. He reports that with his whole force he is there and at Melzi and Casciano and other places near by, and that Milan is so surrounded that no supplies can enter. The Venetian troops are encamped in the positions he held at first, and one sees that both armies are suffering much discomfort. Any attempt to revictual Milan must be made by ascending from the heights into the plain and passing by the places held by the Count, when there would be fighting. They say Milan is in dire straits. Other news there are none, and we know not what is said there. Innocenzio Cotta has taken the town and fortress of S. Calombano for the Count, which it seems is a place of importance. Nothing more is said about our peace with the King, and to my sorrow there is a coolness about sending ambassadors. Pray God it may be for the best.

I see Messer Giovanni di Nerone is to have the bishopric of Volterra; I hope he may do well. If Messer Carlo[55] gets the Parish Church[56] I do not mind. I did not wish to ask for the canonry of Messer Giovanni which is in the gift of the Consuls, as many citizens wanted it. With this I send thee a letter from Messer Giovanni Migliorati received to-day. Thou wilt see what he writes. If this be true, and it can be had for Messer Carlo, it would be well. If thou thinkest it might be of use, speak to His Holiness about it and try to obtain a conditional promise, I would then let thee know at once if the event occurs: for our Holy Father shows us such affection that it seems to me unwise not to ask if one can get anything. No more at present. Christ guard thee.--In Florence on the last day of February 1449 (1450).

Cosimo de’ Medici.[57]

Contessina de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni _her son at Volterra_

In the name of God on the 18th day of December 1450.

Yesterday I had a letter from thee. The things thou wantest shall all be sent by the first man going to Volterra. Cosimo continues to improve; he has not been very ill this time, although the fever has not yet left him, but it is slight. Thy shoes were ready, but they have made them black, so others must be made, and I will send them by the first messenger. We have not yet heard of the arrival of our party, but one who met them on the road says they were well: as soon as I hear I will let thee know. Although I told thee we paid too much for the pigs, I want thee to send us a pig or a roe for Christmas, if they are offered to thee; if we have to buy them we will not have them. Messer Rosello writes that he is coming to pass Christmas with me, and has sent Cosimo a fine cloak of Polish fashion of marten and sable, a pair of gloves, and the tooth of a fish a foot and a half long. As we have to prepare for the festival of the Three Kings, they will make a little change from my cloth of gold.

The plague affects us but little. For three days out of four during the week no one mentions it, they are all people one does not know. I should be so glad to know how thou art, and whether thou art better or worse since thy departure. Thy return, when it takes place, will be a great joy to me.

Antonio degl’ Strozzi has been to see me, and pestered me much about that business: he wants to come here for Christmas, tell him what thou thinkest; and so be he says that I promised him anything do not believe it, for he could learn nothing from me: so be cautious how thou dealest with him.

Tell the women I do not write because there is a dearth of writers until Mateo returns from Rome, he ought to be here to-morrow. Salute them from me, and say many things, and caress the children and kiss them for love of me; if the women want anything I can send, tell me. No more at present. God guard thee.

Mona Contessina in Florence.[58]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _at Volterra_

In the name of God on the 3rd day of January 1450 (1451).

Most dear Son,---I only write this because for several days I have not had a letter, and because I thought Antonio degl’ Strozzi was coming back, and from him I might have heard news of thee. But Michele has been here, and says that since Friday thou hast been expecting the party from Rome. So I write to tell thee that it is impossible they could arrive because they were expected at Siena that evening. By now they ought to be with thee; if they are do not fail to tell us how they fare, for Roberto wrote to Cosimo that they left last Friday. If they come here we shall send thee word. No more at present. Christ protect thee. Written in haste.

Mona Contessina in Florence.[59]

_The Same to the Same_

In the name of God on the 5th day of January 1450 (1451).

The other day I wrote to thee in haste, and have now heard of the arrival of Piero and Pier Francesco.[60] God be praised. We shall be much rejoiced if they have returned in good health: I hear Piero’s foot has given him some trouble. I know not what thou hast decided about staying or returning; if thou dost return here put all thy belongings together in one place, so that if they are wanted thou wilt not be obliged to ask those women to find them, and so drive them crazy. I think Cosimo has written to thee about the strong box he wants. Here the plague has ceased, and I am glad thou art coming back; although it might be well to stay a little longer and see how thy health goes, but thou canst always return there if necessary. Tell me thy decision. I wrote the day before yesterday to ask thee to search in the cupboard in my room there for a pair of scissors which belong to Cosimo and to bring them, or they can be put into the strong box. No more to-day. Salute Pier Francesco from me, and tell him he is welcome back, and that I long to see him. Christ guard thee.

Mona Contessina in Florence.[61]

When, after the death of Visconti, Francesco Sforza had attained the object of his ambition and become Duke of Milan in 1450, Cosimo sent his eldest son Piero with Neri Capponi, Luca Pitti, and Diotisalvi Neroni, to salute the new duke. “They proceeded in triumph,” writes Cambi, “through the Milanese territory, and all their expenses were paid. The number of horsemen was so great when they arrived within five miles of Milan that it seemed like a manœuvring ground. Then the Duke in person advanced to meet them, and embraced and kissed them. Never was greater honour paid to Florentine ambassadors.”[62]

Piero de’ Medici was also one of the citizens deputed to meet the Emperor Frederick III. on his entry into Florence in January 1451. He dismounted at the church of S. Gallo, which had been magnificently decorated with hangings of cloth of gold and silk. In his train was the poor boy-King of Hungary, Bandilagho, as Cambi writes Ladislaus, and many German princes and bishops, whose outlandish names are quite beyond the old chronicler’s powers of spelling. “The Emperor seated himself,” continues Cambi, “on a most splendid chair under the loggia of the church, and all the gentlemen stood round him while the Ten of the Balìa bent the knee before him on either side, representing the Magnificent Signori. Messer Carlo d’Arezzo made a speech, to which Monsignore Enea, Bishop of Siena [the celebrated Æneas Sylvius, afterwards Pope Pius II.], replied in the name of the Emperor. Then the Emperor mounted again, and the Ten of the Balìa took the bridle of his horse, and in that manner they proceeded to the fore-port of the Porta S. Gallo where the Magnificent Signori of Florence awaited him seated. The Colleges had a fine banner with the Emperor’s arms, and when he came under it the Signori rose and went to his bridle, which the Ten abandoned. Mariotto Benvenuti, the Gonfalonier of Justice, took the right side and Rosso Ridolfi took the left, the other Signori with all the citizens following them, and thus they accompanied the Emperor to S. Maria Novella where the Pope’s apartments had been prepared for him. The magistrates were on foot, and the others who had gone out to meet him were on horseback. It was, indeed, a splendid sight. Please God he may recognise it, and be grateful for such honours which have been so costly.”[63]

After the sack of Constantinople in 1453 Florence became the headquarters of Greek men of learning. For fifteen years John Argyropoulos “poured forth wisdom from his golden mouth,” and Demetrius Chalcondyles, Johannes Andronicus Calistus, Constantius and Johannes Lascari succeeded him. They gave a fresh impetus to the study of Platonic philosophy as opposed to that of Aristotle; even the children of the chief citizens spoke Greek with such case and purity that Poliziano exclaims, “Athens has not been destroyed by the barbarians but has migrated to Florence.” It was then that Cosimo determined to found the celebrated Platonic Academy, and selected Marsilio Ficino, the son of his physician, to preside over it, although he was little more than a boy.

The sack of Lodi gave Cosimo’s opponents an opportunity to interfere in home politics. Their first step in June 1454, on the pretext that war was over, was to abolish the Balìa, which they imagined was the mainstay of his authority. This, of course, was useless as long as the Scrutiny made by the Balìa and the Accopiatori appointed by them were still in office. In November, therefore, a new Scrutiny was made, and in January 1455 the new Signory ordered that in six months’ time the power of the Accopiatori should cease, and the Gonfalonier and the Priors be once more chosen by lot. The measure was a popular one, and it worked, not against Cosimo, but against Luca Pitti, Diotisalvi Neroni, and Agnolo Acciaiuoli, as it put an end to their power of manipulating the appointments to office. The disturbed condition of Italy after the death of Pope Nicholas the peace-lover, and the discharge by the Venetians of Jacopo Piccinino, whose standard became the rallying-point for all discontented and dissatisfied men, reacted upon Florence. A feeling of unrest was abroad. Many citizens considered the Government weak and vacillating, and were only waiting for the election of a Signory who shared their views to make an attempt to “reform” the city. But without the consent of Neri Capponi this was impossible. So things remained as they were until his death in 1457 left Cosimo with a free hand. The re-assessment of the _catasto_ early in 1458 was a heavy blow to his opponents, the new register of property entailing upon them considerable loss. In their dismay they turned to Cosimo, and suggested the creation of a new Balìa, a new Scrutiny, and fresh Accopiatori, but he refused to listen to any proposal for the renewal of the Balìa save in the usual way through the Colleges and the Councils. When Luca Pitti became Gonfalonier of Justice in 1458 he tried in vain to induce the Council to appoint a new Balìa, and Girolamo Machiavelli, a hot-headed republican who declared against all Balìe as inimical to the freedom of the citizens, was arrested and tortured with others who shared his views. Luca Pitti made the most of this so-called conspiracy, and tried to set his authority against that of Cosimo. Losing patience, Cosimo said to him: “You strive towards the indefinite, I towards the definite. You plant your ladder in the air, I place mine on the earth so that I may not climb so high as to fall. It seems to me but just and natural that I should desire the honour and reputation of my house to surpass yours. Let us therefore do like two big dogs which sniff one at the other when they meet, and then, both having teeth, separate and go their ways; you to attend to your concerns, I to look after mine own.” Cosimo then summoned a parliament. His position can be gauged by the advice given to Duke Sforza by his Ambassador to Florence: “When you would have one thing done rather than another, write your opinion or your desire privately to Cosimo, and he will always arrange it for you. Do not waste your time in saying, I would have their opinion, &c.... Popular governments are alien to and diverse from others, and Cosimo cannot be for ever in the Palace as he once was.” Pope Pius II. also declared, “Nothing is denied to Cosimo. He is the arbiter of peace and of war, and the moderator of the laws. Not so much a private citizen as the lord of the country. The policy of the Republic is discussed in his house; he it is who gives commands to the magistrates. Nought of royalty is wanting to him save the name and the state of a king.”

Contessina de’ Medici _to_ Ginevra, _wife of her son_ Giovanni, _at the Baths of Petriolo_

Dearest Daughter,--In these days I received a letter from thee and learn thou art well, which rejoices me. I see that thou art preparing to return, it seems to me a thousand years. Piero is going there now, so leave out the things he may need, and leave Florino and Giannello and give over everything to them in case thou comest away before Piero arrives; he will need a good many days for the cure of his eczema. The curtains thou tookest away bring back to me here, for Mona Lucrezia takes mine with her, and some slaves from here, so she will need no other women. Thy boy is well and has cut two teeth, and I think will get accustomed to these wet nurses in such a way ...[64] night and day we see after him. It seems to me that having cut his teeth and the evenings being warm he will do well. I say no more. May Christ guard thee.--In Florence on the 10th day of April 1455.

Mona Contessina di Cosimo.[65]

Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Giovanni _at Milan_

During the last days I have written thee several letters, but have only had one from thee from Modena. We have heard of thy arrival at Milan, and of the great honours paid thee by the Duke, at which I am well pleased.

I expect to hear from thee how things passed.

As I told thee, and as I have written to thee, I do not at all desire that thou shouldest go further in order to accompany the Duke of Calabria. We should lose more here than we should gain there by this. Thou hast already done quite enough by accompanying him hitherto, without going any further, and next month thou must return here. No more at present. Christ guard thee.--Florence, July 28, 1455.

Cosimo de’ Medici.[66]

Lucrezia de’ Medici (_from Careggi or Cafaggiuolo_) _to her husband_ Piero _at Florence_

This day I received thy letter, which is most dear to me as telling how thou art. I see that by the grace of God riding has not been too irksome to thee, of which I am glad. Mona Contessina told me the same, and that thou hast been received with great demonstrations of affection. Truly, as thou sayest, we have much to thank God for. So I beg thee to bear gladly a little discomfort, for these things are not accomplished without some fatigue. I see all the family is well, which is a great consolation to hear, and I thank thee. I beg that, as we are not coming there, thou wilt return as soon as thou canst, for it seems to us a thousand years since we saw thee, particularly to Giuliano. Lorenzo is learning the verses his master there gave him and then teaches them to Giuliano. No more at present. Commend me to Cosimo and to Mona Contessina. We are all well. Christ guard thee.--28th February 1457 (1458).

Thy Lucrezia.[67]

The entry into Florence of Galeazzo Maria, Count of Pavia, son of Francesco Sforza, Duke of Milan, is described in a curious poem written in 1459 by an unknown author.[68] Leaving Cafaggiuolo, where the lad slept, he entered Florence on 17th April 1459, and dismounted at the Medici palace. Next day Messer Galeazzo visited the Signoria, who made him sit in their midst and offered him their services. “I thank you for your greeting,” answered the young Count, “and beg you to command me and to dispose of all I possess. For you I will abandon any enterprise, and serve you against any power.” Then with a prayer to God to grant them happiness and long lives the lad of fifteen added: “I beg you to pardon my youth if, from want of knowledge, I have not spoken aright in your presence; remember I am but a boy. I commend you to Christ our Lord.” From his letters to his father we get a glimpse of the home life of Cosimo. He writes that even the ladies of the family helped to entertain him, and he was charmed with the playing of one of Piero’s daughters on the “organo di cave.” At a dinner at Careggi he notes that Giovanni, Cosimo’s second son, did not sit at table, but acted as a kind of steward, and saw that every one was properly served. After dinner a poet improvised verses in honour of the guest. “Certes, Lucian or Dante could have done no better,” he remarks. Then they danced, Piero’s wife Lucrezia Tornabuoni, Giovanni’s Maria Ginevra degl’ Alessandri, and a daughter of the Strozzi, held to be the handsomest maiden in Florence, and some peasant girls.

Two days later came Pope Pius II. on his way to the Congress he had summoned at Mantua to arrange for another crusade. He was received with great honour, and young Sforza made an oration, kneeling in the dust before the Pope. Then Pius seated himself on a gestatory chair and was borne into the city on the shoulders of the lords of Faenza, Rimini, Carpi, and Forli, instead of riding on a mule, which was the usual practice. “This,” observes Cambi, “was a proof of pride, not of holiness.” The old chronicler then describes a tournament in the Piazza S. Croce “for the temporal lords, but many ecclesiastics also went. And on 29th April there was a ball in the Mercato Nuovo, which was enclosed with a stockade surrounded by seats covered with tapestry. Sixty young Florentine gentlemen, who were expert dancers, richly adorned with pearls and jewels, and many pretty maidens and girls who were good dancers, danced; and they changed their dresses several times. All the ambassadors were there and some of the cardinals, and it was calculated that in the seats, in the houses round, and on foot, there were more than 60,000 persons. There was also a great hunt in the Piazza de’ Signori, which was closed all round with a stockade, and inside were turned loose two lions, two horses, four bulls, two young buffaloes, a cow and a calf, a wild boar, a giraffe, with twenty men and a large ball of wood, so made that a man could stand upright inside and roll it about in order to exasperate the animals. But the loud shouts of the people so frightened the lions that they were as though stupefied, many men broke into the enclosure and the lions were as lambs among them. The preparations had been great, and the expense large, but the pleasure given was small.”[69]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Piero _at Venice_

Dearest Son,--This day I have received thy letter saying that thou art well and improving every day, which rejoices me. I think thou must wish for news of Cosimo. Some days ago he had a bad attack of plague. He is ill in bed, but this time he has escaped and now the fever is slight. I hear that thou hast bought the quilts and the ticking, which is well done. If thou wouldst like to send them to Careggi, I [will keep them][70] until thy return. Do as thou wilt. The other family is quite well. It seems to me a thousand years until thy return, and I hear no rumour of it; I do not know how long thy absence will last, which is a grief to me. I say no more at present. May God guard thee.--In Florence on the 21st day June 1459.

Mona Contessina.[71]

Cosimo de’ Medici _to his son_ Giovanni _at the Baths of Petriolo_

The men who brought back the horses gave us thy letters, and told us of thy safe arrival, thanks be to God. We have heard nothing from thee since, nor how the baths agree with thee; we should be glad to have news often from thee to say how thou art, so do not omit to cause some one to write often. Here by the grace of God we are all very well and are preparing a fine feast at Careggi for the day of S. Cosimo. In three days we expect Guglielmo de’ Pazzi,[72] for Lorenzo has gone with his tutor to Cafaggiuolo, where he was expected. Be diligent in doing all that is necessary, and come back as soon as thou canst. Be not remiss in what thou art there for, and be careful to take thy baths properly, so that they may be beneficial. Christ guard thee.--Careggi, September 1459.

Cosimo de’ Medici.[73]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her son_ Giovanni _and his_ _wife_ Ginevra _at Bagno a Morba_

Dearest Children,--We have received your letters, which have given us great pleasure and relief, seeing that thou art better and that the improvement continues; may it please God that it shall continue, in order to give these two old people joy and consolation whilst they still live. It has been reported to thee that Cosimo and Piero have been ill; this annoys me, for I did not wish anything to sadden thee, so that the baths might have their proper effect. Their illness was but slight. Cosimo had a cold, which was soon cured, and he is now well; Piero had some pain, which is not yet gone; but you both know what always happens, so he will soon be well also. Cosimo has put an end to the worry of being one of the Eight, and Pier Francesco has been named in his stead: this might also be done for thee. I should be glad, Ginevra, to hear from thee how the baths act and how Mona Nanna serves thee. If I can do aught for thee here, tell me. Mona Pippa has the ailment thou knowest of, the others of thy party are well.--At Careggi on the 28th day of August 1460.

Thy Contessina.[74]

The last few years of Cosimo’s life were clouded by ill-health and suffering, and the knowledge that the growing arrogance and rapacity of his party, the Palleschi, were to a great extent alienating the affection and the esteem of the citizens from his house. Then the death in 1461 of Cosimino, the only child of Giovanni and Ginevra de’ Medici, was a bitter grief to his grandparents, whose especial pet the little boy had been. Two years later Giovanni himself died, and the old man sadly exclaimed that the palace in Via Larga was now far too large for so small a family. He had always counted on the help Giovanni would give to his elder brother Piero, who was crippled with gout, and his death at the early age of forty-six was a blow from which Cosimo never rallied.

Pope Pius II. _to_ Cosimo de’ Medici