Chapter IX: Preface (9)

The murder of Galeazzo Sforza, Duke of Milan, had further complicated matters. Girolamo Riario was astute enough to realise that if the Pope died, the change of government in Milan might expose him to the resentment of Florence, and determined to try and overthrow the Medici. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Archbishop Salviati were easily persuaded to join, but shrewd old Jacopo de’ Pazzi, who lived in Florence and knew the hold the Medici had over the people, gave them no encouragement. Promises of foreign aid and the assurance of the assent of the Pope however at last won him over. An Abruzzese, Giovan Battista da Montesecco, a captain in the service of Girolamo Riario, was selected as a man to be trusted; his confession[212] is curious reading but too long to give _in extenso_. When he met Francesco de’ Pazzi in the Archbishop Salviati’s house at Rome he expressed grave doubts. “Have a care, gentlemen, what you are undertaking. Florence is no small matter, and Lorenzo, I hear, is very popular.” The Archbishop answered that they knew better how it stood with Lorenzo, that it was their affair and he was only the instrument. Montesecco then asked what the Pope would say, and was assured he hated Lorenzo and would follow their advice. Moreover he would receive the captain. Plans were then discussed. It was arranged that troops were to be held in readiness by Giovanni Francesco da Tolentino from Imola, Lorenzo Giustini from Città di Castello, and Napoleone Orsini from Todi and Perugia, to enter Florence as soon as the assassins had done their work. Soon afterwards Montesecco was summoned to the Vatican. “I will have no bloodshed,” said the Pope, “it is not consistent with my office to cause the death of any man. Lorenzo has behaved shamefully and iniquitously towards us, but I do not desire his death, though I do desire a change of government.” Girolamo Riario promised that everything should be done to prevent bloodshed, but asked the Pope to pardon any man who was forced to commit murder. “Thou art a stupid fool,” answered the Pope. “I tell thee I will have no man killed, but I desire the government to be changed. To you, Giovan Battista, I repeat that I wish the government of Florence to be changed and Lorenzo to be overthrown, for he is an undutiful and a bad man who defies us. When he is out of the way we can deal as we choose with the Republic which will be most convenient to us.” Riario and the Archbishop agreed to this and added, “Then Your Holiness is content that we should take every means to bring this about?” Sixtus repeated, “Again I say I am not. Go and do what you will, as long as no blood is shed.” As they left Salviati turned to the Pope, “Holy Father, are you content that we steer this boat. We will guide it well.” The Pope answered, “I am. But see to it that the honour of the Holy See and of the Count does not suffer.”

The Archbishop now went to Pisa, and Francesco de’ Pazzi to Florence. Knowing the hospitable nature of Lorenzo, he suggested that Raffaello Sansoni, a nephew of Girolamo Riario (whose name he adopted), who had just been created Cardinal of S. Giorgio at the age of seventeen and was studying at Pisa, should come to the Pazzi villa near Florence. As he expected, the lad was at once invited to supper at the Medicean villa at Fiesole, and the conspirators were jubilant. But Giuliano was ill and did not come, so they were foiled. The young Cardinal, simply an instrument in the hands of the Pazzi and the Archbishop, then expressed a desire to see the Medici palace in town, and proposed the Sunday before Ascension day (26th April), when he was to celebrate High Mass in the cathedral. Lorenzo asked him to dine afterwards, and it was arranged that the two Medici brothers were to be killed as they rose from table. It is singular that no rumour of the plot had got abroad, as so many were cognisant of it. Besides Jacopo and Francesco de’ Pazzi, the Archbishop and Montesecco, there was Jacopo Salviati, the Archbishop’s brother, and his cousin another Jacopo, Bernardo Bandini, a dissipated adventurer, and Jacopo Bracciolini, son of Poggio Bracciolini the humanist, who owed much to the Medici. Jacopo was deeply in debt and inordinately vain. Two priests, destined to play a prominent part, were also implicated, Antonio Maffei of Volterra, an Apostolic scribe, and Stefano da Bagnone, chaplain to Jacopo de’ Pazzi. Montesecco had hired a band of Perugian exiles, and the Archbishop had a large retinue; these were to aid in seizing the Palazzo de’ Signori. At the last moment Giuliano sent word that he was not well enough to dine, but would attend Mass. The conspirators then determined that the deed must be done in the cathedral, as on that evening Tolentino and Giustini would be drawing near to Florence with their troops. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini undertook to kill Giuliano, Lorenzo was entrusted to the abler hands of Montesecco. No doubt all would have gone as they had planned but for the scruples of the soldier, who absolutely refused to commit a murder “where God would see him.” The two priests, who had no such feeling, offered themselves as substitutes--and failed.

Lorenzo accompanied the Cardinal and the Archbishop, who had come to Florence on the pretext of seeing his invalid mother, to the cathedral. Suddenly the conspirators saw that Giuliano had not come. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini ran across the square and persuaded him to go with them, affectionately clasping their arms round him to feel whether he wore a shirt of mail.

The scene in the cathedral is best described in the words of Filippo Strozzi, who was present: “At the words _missa est_ Ser Stefano da Bagnone, secretary of Messer Jacopo de’ Pazzi and Messer Antonio Maffei of Volterra assailed Lorenzo de’ Medici, while Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini fell upon Giuliano. Both were walking round the choir outside, and Lorenzo at once understood, drew his sword, leaped into the choir, rushed across in front of the altar, entered the new sacristy and ordered the door to be locked. There he remained until aid came from his house. He was only wounded in the neck, and in a few days was well. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini sprang at Giuliano, who was walking in front of the chapel of the Cross, and with ten or twelve blows laid him dead on the pavement; they also killed Francesco Nori, who was with him. The uproar was great in the church. I was there talking with Messer Bongianni and the other gentlemen, and we were all struck with astonishment, people flying now here, now there, while the church resounded with loud shouts, and arms were seen in the hands of partisans of the Pazzi who had joined in this matter. The Cardinal was left all alone by the side of the altar, until some priests came and led him into the old sacristy, where he remained until two of the Eight with many soldiers arrived and took him to the Palace. At the time this was happening the Archbishop of Pisa, under the pretence of paying a visit to the Signory, was at the Palace, and hearing the tumult in the city, he tried to seize it. With him was his brother Jacopo and Jacopo his cousin, Jacopo Poggio, the Perugians, and others. But the Signory and their guard defended themselves and sounded the tocsin, and the citizens rushed armed into the piazza, and forced a way into the Palace, the door of which had been closed on the inside, and all were made prisoners.”

Poliziano describes the agony of suspense of the small group in the new sacristy, who thought the church was in the hands of the Pazzi. “Some feared that the priest’s dagger was poisoned, and Lorenzo’s friend, Antonio Ridolfi, a most excellent youth, sucked the wound in his neck. Lorenzo, however, gave no heed to it, continually repeating, ‘Is Giuliano safe?’ Then came sharp knocks at the door. ‘We are friends, we are relations. Let Lorenzo come out ere the enemy gains a foothold.’ We were undecided, and shouted, ‘Enemies or friends? Is Giuliano safe?’ No answer was given. Then Sigismondo Della Stufa, devoted to Lorenzo since his boyhood, climbed up the ladders into the organ loft, looked down into the church, and saw the dead body of Giuliano. He recognised those below as friends, and shouted to us to open the door. Closing around Lorenzo we led him, so that he should not come past the dead body, to his house.”

How the Archbishop of Pisa, the Pazzi, and Jacopo Bracciolini were hung from the windows of the Palace of the Signoria, and how the people hunted their adherents through the streets, shouting, “_Palle! Palle! down with the traitors_ and cut them to pieces,” is a matter of history. Montesecco lay in hiding for some days, and before he was beheaded in the Palazzo del Podestà, dictated and signed the confession which throws full light on the participation of Sixtus IV. and his nephew Girolamo Riario in the plot.

On Ascension Day Giuliano was buried in S. Lorenzo, amid the grief of the people whose darling he was. “He was tall,” writes Poliziano, “broad-shouldered, wide-chested, with well-developed and strong arms, a small waist, powerful thighs, and well-made legs; black, sparkling eyes, a dark complexion, with thick black hair falling on to his shoulders. A fine rider, jouster, and dancer, an excellent wrestler and runner, passionately devoted to the chase, submitting patiently to want of sleep, to hunger, and to thirst, which he often endured for a whole day. Magnanimous, steady, pious, and without vice, he delighted in music, painting, and everything connected with art. He liked poetry, and wrote some good verse in the vulgar tongue. He spoke well, but was reserved and not quick-witted; yet he enjoyed a good joke, and sometimes made one. Liars he hated and those who nursed vengeance. In dress he was not extravagant, but always neat and well-clothed. Serious, handsome, and dignified, he was most courteous and kind-hearted. He adored and revered his brother, while his courage and high spirits endeared him to the people.”

Vasari tells in his Life of Verrocchio of three waxen images of Lorenzo, the size of life, made by order of his friends and relations to commemorate his escape from the dagger of the assassin by Arsino, a celebrated worker in wax, with the help and after the designs of Verrocchio. “The skeleton inside was of wood, as has been said elsewhere, with a framework of split canes covered with waxed cloth in handsome folds, so well arranged that nothing better or more lifelike can be imagined. The heads, hands, and feet were made of thicker wax, hollow inside and copied from life, painted in oils, and ornamented with hair and other necessary things, so natural and so well made, that they seemed living men and not waxen images, as can be seen in any of these three. One of them is in the church of the nuns of Chiarito in Via S. Gallo in front of the miraculous crucifix. This figure is clothed in the very dress Lorenzo wore when, with his neck bandaged, he showed himself at the window of his house to the people, who had rushed there to see whether he was alive, as they hoped, or to avenge him if dead. The second figure of Lorenzo is clothed in the _lucco_, the ordinary dress of the Florentines, and is in the church of the Servites of the Annunziata above the smaller door, beside which is the table where candles are sold. The third was sent to S. Maria degl’ Angeli at Assisi and placed in front of the Madonna, where, as has been already said, Lorenzo de’ Medici caused the road which goes from S. Maria to the gate of Assisi and leads to S. Francesco to be laid down in bricks, and at the same time restored the fountains built by his grandfather Cosimo at the same place.”[213]

Louis XI., _King of France, to the_ Florentine Republic

Beloved and great Friends,--We have just heard of the great and inhuman outrage, opprobrium and injury, which not long ago has been committed against your Seigneury, against the persons of our most dear and beloved cousins Lorenzo and Giuliano de’ Medici, their friends, relations, servants, and adherents, by those of the Pazzi Bank and their dependants; and of the death of our said cousin Giuliano de’ Medici, whereby we have been and are as much grieved as though it had happened to ourselves. Now as your honour and our own has been so gravely offended, and as the Medici are our relations and allies, and as we regard this outrage and the death of our cousin Giuliano as though it had happened to our own person, and therefore consider the Pazzi guilty of _læsæ Majestatis_, we cannot permit this deed to go unpunished; we desire with all our heart that adequate punishment should follow as an example to others. We have therefore decided to send to your Excellencies our well-beloved and faithful Councillor and Chamberlain, Messire d’Argenton,[214] Seneschal of our province of Poitou, who is one of the men in whom we have the utmost confidence, to inform you at length of our wishes; he will tell you more about this matter. We beg you to place the same trust in him and the same belief in his words as you would in ours, it is for this that we send him. I pray God, beloved and great friends, to keep and to guard you.--12th May 1478.[215]

Louis XI. _to_ Pope Sixtus IV.

_Copy of our Letter sent to the Pope_

Most Holy Father,--We have been fully informed that wantonly by the hands of Count Girolamo, of one of your nephews recently promoted to the dignity of the Cardinalate, of the Archbishop of Pisa, and of members of the Pazzi family and their adherents, an outrage, insult, and personal attack has been made on the person of our dear friend Lorenzo de’ Medici and on Giuliano his brother. That the said Giuliano and others, his friends, have been killed, murdered, and assassinated in a church in Florence, in which we have been. We are deeply grieved and still more astonished that such an outrage should have been committed against one of such a House as is that of the Medici; renowned in the whole world, and known as belonging to the Church and filling high offices, such as that of Cardinal and Archbishop, and in the precincts of a Church, a sacred place dedicated to God. Therefore, Holy Father, we are much displeased at so abominable a sin and outrage, which we regard as even more grave than if it had been done to our own person, or to the person of one nearly related to us, and we hold that your and our honour has been most deeply offended. On account of the special love we have always borne, and bear, to the said Lorenzo our cousin and to all of his House, and of the great friendship, cemented by loyalty, oaths, and alliance, which in past times existed, and exists at present, between our predecessors, ourselves, and the city of Florence, we most affectionately supplicate and pray Your Holiness that for love of us as well as for love of our Holy Mother Church, in order that others should not go unpunished, amends shall be made for this crime by punishing the delinquents, and all who have aided and participated, in such way that it may be an example for all men to remember, and that greater ills shall not arise. Otherwise, by virtue of the said alliance and confederation existing between us and the said Florentines, and on account of the love we bear to our said cousin, we have determined to declare against all those who are implicated and not to allow this thing to go unpunished. We pray the Blessed Son of God that Your Holiness may long be spared to rule our Holy Mother Church.[216]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Tommaso Soderini _at Milan_[217]

I wrote to you on the 8th. Since then I have received yours of the 6th, to which I now reply. I thought it best to send the last by a special courier, because I have heard that the troops of the King [of Naples] and of the Pope intend making a serious attack, so I think it will be necessary to gather a larger force here than we had asked for, as when the enemy comes he will probably come in force. By yours and Orfeo’s letters we understand that 1000 men have been engaged and are ready for our service. If this is correct I think it will suffice if one half crosses our frontier, the rest being held in readiness for what I mentioned in my last, the assault of Imola. It must be remembered that in defending ourselves we are defending those Illustrious Lords [of Milan], and if we gain anything for ourselves it will be most unexpected, for these Venetian ambassadors declare that if peace is not made with the Turk we can hope for but small aid from them. In ten or twelve days we shall have 450 men under arms. If there is a chance of engaging any condottieri it would be an excellent thing. I think I am sure of Signor Costanzo and do not believe he will fail me. Those Illustrious Lords have written to their ambassador here that they will only subscribe 8000 ducats towards the pay of the Romagna troop. It seems to me they do wrong to state a given sum, as this might put off the Venetians, if they say they will subscribe one third for this troop it can afterwards be settled between ourselves that we should pay whatever sum is needful beyond the 8000 ducats. Those Illustrious Lords also seem not to wish to engage Signor Costanzo, as I heard yesterday. But the negotiation is so far advanced that not only would it be most unjust to him, but also my motive in hindering him from serving with the enemy must be considered. If he only guards and defends his own territory it seems to me it would be a great advantage to us. In short these gentlemen must be prepared to disburse the above-mentioned sum and the troops must be ready to move as I have said. Above all there must be no delay, as our adversaries are hastening their preparations; if they see that we are strong and able to resist they may change their minds. From the Venetians I do not think we shall get other help than those few men on this side of the Po and their contribution towards the pay of the Romagna troop, which they appear to give willingly.

Letters from Rome show that although the Pope knows that Cardinal Riario has been set at liberty, he shows no disposition to raise the excommunication or the interdict.[218] This is a bad sign and makes one believe that he will do all in his power to injure us. We shall see what will happen and are determined to defend ourselves as well as we can.

Girolamo left to-day. He came by way of Pontremoli; I reminded him of your business and he promised me to do all he could. If you pass through Ferrara I need not tell you what to say to the Duke to keep him in the same friendly mood towards us he now displays. I say no more because I know these ambassadors are writing at length.--June 10, 1478.[219]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Giovanni Lanfredini, _Florentine Ambassador at Venice_

I received yours of the 6th this morning and should have waited for another letter from you with the answer of the Signoria [of Venice], but from various sources I have heard that the forces of the King and the Pope are marching to attack us, and so I write at once in order that you may hasten any aid we can get from Venice. Our ambassador there will I think send our opinion _in scriptis_ to the Signoria, who will have to consult with him. We have need of more men than those who are on this side of the Po. If the Signoria approve of our plan of attacking Imola in case war is declared against us, we should prefer that the above-mentioned men should be employed there. If they do not approve, then it is imperative that the men be sent with all haste to guard our territory, and we will give orders that they are to be allowed to cross our frontier. We are most anxious about this, not on account of the number of men, but in order to prove to our adversaries that we are united, for they count much on our disunion. Try therefore to settle this one way or the other and reply quickly, for the affair is _in fieri_, and at any moment some impediment might arise. The Signoria of Venice intimated that they did not believe the Pope and the King intend to advance; now I conceive they understand it is true. We have set the Cardinal at liberty, but the Pope has shown no sign of taking off the excommunications or the interdicts; on the contrary he maintains them and encourages troops to attack us. So this is no time for loitering. It would be most harmful to us if their ambassador left here before his successor was appointed. We wish this also to be seen to at once. I will have a copy of the deliberations of the last council sent to you in order that you may press these matters with all the tact demanded by the customs there and by the questions themselves.

I wrote thus far yesterday evening. Afterwards we of the _Pratica_ met, and it was decided not to send our opinions _in scriptis_, but to await the reply to those we have sent. More particularly as our opinion is as follows. On all sides we perceive signs of incertitude and hesitation in spite of our solicitations to grant us what they can. If this was cleared up we might hope. If the Venetians will only make a demonstration in our favour, with small cost to themselves they would do us a great service, because, as I have already said, our adversaries believe we are not unanimous in our desire to defend ourselves, and this makes them more enterprising. We thought at least that we should receive help which cost little, as for example in the affair of submission [to the Pope], particularly as these ecclesiastical censures still continue, and so that the Signoria must either incur the same interdict if they help us, or break faith with us, which however would be absolved by the Bull of the interdict. As I said before, discover what we can hope for from there, in order that I may not be again deceived. Present these questions skilfully so as not to cause any friction; rather leave a part unsaid, for our great object is to maintain the union of our League in appearance and in reality.

I am writing to our envoy [Tommaso Soderini], who I do not think can have arrived. If he has, lay everything before him.--June 10, 1478.[220]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Louis XI., _King of France_

Most Serene King and especially my Lord,--The letter Your Majesty has deigned to write about our unhappy case, replete with great love and paternal benevolence, shows me how keenly you felt our misfortune, and how kindly disposed you are towards me. Should I even attempt to return adequate thanks to Your Majesty I should deserve to be called utterly unfit to understand so great a benefit, because words so full of love and benevolence coming from Your Majesty to a humble servant cannot be repaid by any act or word. I can therefore only beg Your Majesty specially to accept my heartfelt declaration of loyalty as a token and a pledge of my gratitude, trusting that God will repay to Your Majesty the rest of my debt. As to Your Majesty’s wise counsels to bear this calamity with fortitude, you may rest assured that I do not so much deplore what has happened to myself as the grave affront to the Christian name; because where I hoped, in such bitter trouble, to receive help, I found instead the fountain-head and instigator of all ill. For he, in the presence of many, dared to confess spontaneously that this crime was caused by him, and promulgated against me, my children, successors, intimates, and well-wishers, an iniquitous sentence of excommunication. Not satisfied with that, he is arming against this Republic, has instigated King Ferdinand against us, and has urged the King’s eldest son to march against us with a formidable army in order with violence and arms to destroy him he could not succeed in utterly ruining by deceit and fraud. For I well know, and God is my witness, that I have committed no crime against the Pope, save that I am alive, and having been protected by the grace of Almighty God have not allowed myself to be murdered. This is my sin, for this alone have I been excommunicated and massacred. But I believe that God, scrutiniser of hearts and most just Judge, who knows my innocence, will not permit this and will defend me, whom He saved from those sacrilegious hands in front of His Body, from such unjust calumny. On our side we have Canon Law, on our side laws natural and political, on our side truth and innocence, on our side God and men. He has violated all these at once, and now desires to annihilate us. I write these things to Your Majesty as to a compassionate father, and from you, on account of your goodness, piety, and greatness of soul, I have no doubt I shall receive much help, favour, and military aid, if required. For we cannot believe that any good man can tolerate that he, who wilfully precipitates himself into such an abyss of crime, should drag with him the Christian name. May Your Majesty keep well, to whom I humbly commend myself--Florence, June 19, 1478.[221]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Sforza de’ Bettini

Sforzie de Bettinis,--I wrote to you this morning. Later I received yours of the 28th, with news of the arrival of the Duke of Calabria and the others at Todi. We wrote at once to all our troops, save to those who are already there, to unite and join those of the Duchess [of Milan] with all speed, part are in the Pisan territory, the others are on the march; to Giovanni Conti [one of the Milanese generals], telling him to advance into the territory of Bologna; to the Venetian contingent to come into that of Faenza. All the others are to march on Todi. We have asked for two hundred additional men-at-arms from Milan besides those that are in readiness, and said that these two hundred are to be placed at once in our pay. With this letter is sent the number of men and the names of the places where they are, so that you can direct them wherever you think best. We have thus done all we can for the moment. You must try and obtain more certain information whether what you have written is true or not. If not, you ought not to lack means to discover the dealings and intentions of the enemy. I think that among them are several who would willingly do us a service. If you can contrive to interview the Cavaliere I think you might learn something. Make every effort, for I cannot believe that you are unable to defend so just a cause.

I understand that the Lord Giovanfrancesco has given orders that the troops he is to send are to be paid, which will be so much more money. I am astonished that the Lord Virginio [Orsini, Clarice’s brother] should give them an escort after replying as he did to that trumpeter, however I do not think, as I said this morning, that we need despair. I have no more to add save that you must send us frequent news, and as true news as you can, and use every means to discover as much as possible of the movements and intentions of our adversaries. If this arrival of the Duke of Calabria is true it will probably alter the plans about which we wrote this morning, and we think it will be necessary to concentrate our forces as you suggested. Farewell--June 25, 1478.[222]

Messer Ceccho, _from Milan, to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice tanquam Pater honorande_,--To yours of the 28th of last month in reply to mine of the 22nd, I will only refer by thanking Your Magnificence for accepting my letter in good part.

As to the Lord of Forli it would seem to me wise to make every effort to draw him to our side for the honour, advantage, and reputation of our League; the said Lord is clever, and I think, as Your Magnificence says, he will attempt to get as much money as he can from the Pope, and then _cum sua justificatione_ withdraw: I have lived for many years with these lords of Romagna and know their nature, but one cannot count on this, and we must do all we can to get him on our side.

Monsignore de Chiaromonte (Clermont), ambassador of the King of France,[223] has been here, my Illustrious Masters showed him great honour, and this morning he left: the Illustrious Madonna and we counsellors spoke to him with much openness, and gave him to understand that in favour of that Republic and of Yourself my Illustrious Masters will give all the aid this State can _usque ad vitam_, and we spoke thus as freely as possible, in order that he might understand that this State was _unum velle et unum nolle_ with yours. He seemed to me a worthy man, and one to be cultivated; this I advise you to do, and to send to meet him without delay at Bologna, and do what my Masters have written to their ambassador there and this quickly, so that you may be in time.

It seems to me useless to enlarge on other things, only I beg Your Magnificence to take heed of your person and to be of good cheer, because I think there is every indication that things are going well, and that the Republic, our League, and Your Magnificence, will gain in reputation; on this side we shall leave nothing undone.

I beg Your Magnificence not to allow the letters my Illustrious Masters have written, or mine about affairs with the King of France, go into any other hands, but to deliver them there to Monsignore d’Argenton,[224] with the circumspection and prudence that I know Your Magnificence possesses, and thus we shall arrive at obtaining, between my Masters and H.M. the King of France, the essence of what is contained in those letters, which will redound to your honour, reputation, and advantage, because our League being strong and united, and helped by the friendship and reputation of France, things cannot but go well.

Yesterday morning I obtained possession of some letters from France written by one Lancilotto of Macedonia to King Ferrante. We find that King Ferrante has at present four of his people at the French court, this same Lancilotto, Zohan Copula of Salerno, Tommaso Tarquino, who resides there, and a Messer Antonio de Alexandro, only just arrived by the route of Catalonia with instructions and mandates of divers intrigues and plots. I have informed Hieronimo Morelli, ambassador of their excellencies the Signoria [of Florence] of all, so that he may write to Your Magnificence, and I am sure he will have done so. I do not enlarge on this point, because I am sure you will understand and form a better judgment than I can. I entreat of you to keep my letters in your own custody and in that of no other man, for I would on no account that our ambassadors or others should see them for certain reasons, which are legitimate, to avoid rancour, envy, and calumny, &c.--Milan, July 3, 1478.[225]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Messer Giovanni di Bentivoglio _at Milan_

_Magnifice vir_,--By your letter of the 1st I see what the Lord of Forlì has answered. I cannot understand how this difficulty has arisen, and it is unreasonable. His stipend at present is 8000 ducats, so he ought to be satisfied with 20,000. Perhaps he does not wish to serve and tries to throw the blame on us. If this is so I do not see what his object is in behaving thus. We will not give more than 20,000 ducats with the title of governor of the camp, and the protection of our League. I have sent again to offer him this, as I had a hint that he would accept. If he does it will be well, if not I shall cut short the negotiation, and we will not mention the matter again.

I understand from letters from the Illustrious Lords of Milan that they encourage Your Magnificence to take steps to obtain the recall of the Legate. This seems to me perfectly justifiable, our League being no longer in any way bound to obey the Pope. His presence can only be harmful and a cause of suspicion. As I am writing I must say that I heartily approve the advice of those Illustrious Princes and think Your Magnificence would do well to get rid of the Legate for your own good and for your reputation, and in order not to appear reluctant in following the advice of those Illustrious Lords and the wishes of our Illustrious League. You will gain in credit and security. I commend myself, &c.--July 4, 1478.[226]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Girolamo Morelli, _Florentine Ambassador at Milan_

_Magnifice orator tanquam Pater_,--Your letter of the 11th tells me many things to which I now reply. First, if you do not receive news day by day the only reason is that I have so much to do that it is difficult for me to be exact, not to speak of my own dilatory nature. But I will make every effort to inform you of essential matters every day. I will do all I can and even a little more.

I understand what the Magnificent Messer Ceccho and Orfeo told you, and with regard to the affair of Messer Ruberto am exceedingly sorry that by no fault of mine they and I have such perpetual annoyance and vexation. Your answer was wise and true. In this business I have never thought or done anything without first referring to them. Whether these ambassadors, who have written what I never charged them to write, have stated the truth I know not. As soon as I heard the news, and that at Bologna they doubted whether Signor Ruberto’s father-in-law would give this money, I wrote to Messer Giovanni and sent you the copy, and I showed these ambassadors the admirable reply made by Signor Giovanni. Thus those Illustrious Lords will see that from that moment, for this and many other reasons, Signor Ruberto was the enemy of those Illustrious Lords, as he was mine. I desire to clear this matter up once for all and to settle it, for added to all my other worries it is too much for me to bear.

As to Signor Taddeo we are quite willing to do as you say, but as yet we have not settled with the Lord of Forlì, as he demands more than we can well give. We were willing to pay him 25,000 ducats and to give him the title of Captain-General of our forces. Now he wants double in time of war, besides making many other dishonest demands. We are willing to grant anything he asks when he is employed in fighting outside of Romagna, but not otherwise, and are expecting his answer. If he does not accept we shall break off negotiations, as we should lose in money and in reputation. Once this is settled we can treat with Signor Taddeo, to whom I will write in the meanwhile and find out what he wants. He is now secretly in Bologna.

We have replied in general terms to King René’s mandate, as he wrote to us. But privately we have given him to understand that events may take a course favourable to his designs. I am sure that if the League decides to undertake anything in that quarter what we have done here concerning his mandate will be of service to him. I think he intends to return by Milan in order to see Messer Ceccho, at least so he wrote to me, and I advised him to do so. From what we hear from the camp the enemy makes no sign of life. If they do not receive strong reinforcements, or hopes of some treaty, I think they will do us little harm. But you had better hurry our contingent there, for whom you have the money, and see that they are ready and fit to march; though we hope even without them soon to be as strong as the enemy is at present. Let us know if our contingent from Brescia has passed through, they ought to arrive soon.

We had told Signor Giovanni Conte to come here; but he probably left this morning for the camp as Giovanni di Sapone and Messer Alberto Visconti are both ill, so he was wanted. His men are following to join the others. When necessary to send all to him we can do it from here ...[227] meanwhile those who are ill may recover. But it is absolutely essential to arrange about a Captain-General who is much needed, although until now there is perfect order and unity in the camp.

You already know from others my desire about Genoese affairs, and that I do not think other matters should be imperilled for them. I know it was unnecessary, but I cannot have done wrong in saying what I thought. I am still of the same opinion that other people should not be placed in a dangerous position unless one is sure of success.

The Office has I believe written to you as to the affairs of the camp and of Montepulciano, as well as about a Brief from the Pope and the answer to it, so I say no more. I commend myself to you.--Florence, July 15, 1478.

Laurentius de Medicis.[228]

Sixtus IV. _to the_ Duke Federigo _of Urbino_

_Carissime fili noster at affinis salutem et Apostolicam benedictionem_,--We have received your letter written _manu propria_ and were rejoiced to hear your health was good, which is what I desire above all things and for which I pray to God, for nothing is more desirable to us. The letter written by the Florentines, full of contempt of Christ and of His unworthy Vicar does not alarm us, but causes us to think that God has destroyed their intellect and their judgment as a punishment for their sins. We trust that God, whose honour and glory is at stake, will grant you victory in everything, especially as our intentions are straightforward and just. For we make war on no one save on that ungrateful, excommunicated, and heretical Lorenzo de’ Medici; and we pray to God to punish him for his iniquitous acts, and to you as God’s minister deputed to avenge the wrongs he has iniquitously and without cause committed against God and His Church, with such ingratitude that the fountain of infinite love has been dried up.

To the Venetians we have replied in proper terms that if they act unjustly God is above all, and will requite every one according to his acts.

We have sent many Nuncios with our justification to the King of France and to other princes, such as the Emperor, the Kings of Hungary and Spain, and all the others.

Moreover our Bull which has been printed and published to the whole world will justify us; but allowing that everything goes wrong we shall rejoice in dying as a martyr and hear every persecution for love of the Church of God of which we are the unworthy head. We are sure that when you reflect on what merit you will acquire before God for defending His Church you will act as a true Christian Prince, and that my son the Duke of Calabria, together with yourself, will obtain glory with God and men; the Church will support you who support a just cause, &c. I am told that some, from ignorance or malignity, depict me as of hell; this I do not refute, but only despise their words, confiding in thy fidelity who wilt not abandon God and me, who trust in thee, so I let who will talk.

These French ambassadors are, they say, coming to us, let us hope that God may inspire us with suitable answers, all which shall be notified to you. Salute my illustrious son the Duke of Calabria cordially from me. For him, as for you, we pray continually to God. I wish thee good health, most beloved cousin.--July 25, 1478.

They threaten schism and disobedience. God’s will be done: but it might be desirable that you write to the King of England, and that King Ferdinand should write to his colleagues and to the King of France, as he in his prudence will know how to do in proper terms.[229]

Per avisi ho da Napoli il Re persevera pure in molestare assai le cose mie et in non mi lasciare riscuotere et volere che io paghi dubito ancora che subito che ’l papa intenderà questi cenni di levare la obedienza non faccia qualche novità alle mie cose a Roma nelle quali benchè mi paia avere passato il pericolo maggiore pure havendo grandissima fidanza costì per ogni mio bisogno vorrei che con ogni cautela e buono modo et segretamente che non lo intendessi altri che Messer Cecho intendessi se a qualche mio bisogno mi porrei valere di costì di XXXm o XLm ducati per VI overo VIIj mesi benchè non credo haverne bisogno perchè come dico mi pare in questa parte havere avuto il male ch’io possi et insino a hora ho proveduto francamente pure a mia satisfactione vorrei intendessi questo benche mi pare essere certo non mi habbi a essere dinegato fate d’intenderlo et avisatemene subito governandola con quella cautela et segreto che merita il caso e la fede che ho in voi ho costì Antonio e cotesti portinari et niente di meno non do questo aviso se non a voi solo et ho scritta questa di mia mano per non mi fidare d’altri, vorrei come dico intendessi questa parte da messer Cecho sanza che o voi o lui he conferissi con altri havendo tante diverse persecutioni harò tanto maggiore animo a resistere gagliardamente quando sarò certo questo favore non mi habbi a manchare costì bisognandomi aoperarli farò quelle cautioni et obligationi che saranno di bisogno. In Firenze a dì XXV di luglio 1478.

Vostro Lorenzo de’ Medici.[230]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to_ Girolamo Morelli, _Florentine Ambassador at Milan_

I hear from Naples that the King continues to molest me and my affairs as much as he can by not allowing me to encash and desiring me to pay. I fear that as soon as the Pope hears of these attempts to provoke disobedience he will make some move against my affairs at Rome. Although I think the imminent peril has passed over as I have very considerable credit there, yet I wish that with the utmost caution and care, and so secretly that none but Messer Ceccho should know, you would find out whether I can count upon 30,000 or 40,000 ducats for six or seven months in case of need. I do not expect they will be wanted because, as I said, I think all the ill that could be done to me there has been done, and till now I have been able to provide for everything. Yet, for my own tranquillity I should like to know this, and I have not the least fear that it will be refused. See that you find out at once and let me know, acting with all the caution and secrecy necessary in such business. I have in Rome Antonio and the Portinari, nevertheless I confide this to you alone, and have written with my own hand in order that none should know. I wish, as I said, that you should arrange this with Messer Ceccho without either he or you conferring with others. I shall be able to face the many troubles I have with much more courage if I know that I can count on this help. If I do need it I will give every obligation and bond.--In Florence on the 25th July 1478.

Your Lorenzo de’ Medici.[231]

In 1478, after the Pazzi conspiracy, when the Pope was stirring up war against the Medici he hated, Lorenzo sent his wife and children to Pistoja, where they were the guests of the Panciaticchi, for safety. With them went Angelo Poliziano as tutor to Piero the eldest boy, then about six years of age. The stiff, proud Roman, Madonna Clarice, had never known how to gain her husband’s love, and did not get on well with his brilliant, sarcastic, rather Bohemian friends. She particularly disliked Poliziano’s growing influence over Piero, and at the end of the year there was an open rupture, when she dismissed him with scant courtesy. One pities them both. Clarice, already far gone in consumption, was irritable and anxious about her husband, whose attitude towards the Holy See she, with her education, could not approve; while Poliziano, used to the brilliant talk in the Medici palace, where he measured his wit with Luigi Pulci, Matteo Franco, Marsilio Ficino, Pico della Mirandola, &c., and Lorenzo himself, was bored to death and always longing to be back in Florence. The letters from the little boy to his father show how simple was the family life of the Magnificent Lorenzo, indeed he is blamed by Machiavelli for joining in childish games with his children and for being seen playing with them.

Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _in Florence_

_Magnifice mi patrone_,--I hope and trust Your Magnificence has not been disturbed by my letter written this morning under the influence of anger; the want of patience is my great fault. I hope in _bonam partem acceperis rebusque nostris prospectum curabis_.

Madonna Clarice sends you three pheasants and a partridge. She says you are to beware as though they came from an enemy because she does not know the man who brought them; he is the father of your Pisan courier who broke his leg.

By the bearer I send you the opinion of Messer Bartolommeo Sozzino. Every hour I have been entreating him to finish it and found a copyist who made all the haste he could, but it was impossible to get it done quicker.[232]

Piero is well and I take every care of him, all the others are also in good health; but I get all the kicks; yet _te propter Libyeæ_.[233] I am longing for news that the plague has ceased on account of my anxiety for you and in order to return and serve you; for I hoped and I thought to be with you; but as you have, or rather my evil fortune has assigned to me this post in the service of Your Magnificence, I endure it, _quamvis durum, nec levius fit patientia_. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--Pistoja, August 24, 1478.[234]

Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice mi Domine_, &c.,--Madonna Clarice is well and so are all the others. Here we knew nothing of the tumult until the bearer of this gave me Franco’s[235] letter and calmed our fears which were aroused by his former one; Madonna Clarice suspected that things were more serious and that you _de industria_ made light of them. So now she is comforted _et acquievit_. We want for nothing; only we grieve sorely over your worries, which are of a truth great. God will help us. _Spes enim in vivis est, desperatis mortui._

If you have not absolute need of Giovanni Tornabuoni Madonna Clarice wishes you would send him here, she is lonely without him, and for many reasons she thinks it would be well if he came.

I look after Piero and incite him to write; in a few days I think he will write to you in a fashion that will astonish you, we have here a master that teaches writing in fifteen days, he is excellent at his trade. The children play about more than usual and are in splendid health. God help them and you. Piero never leaves me or I him. I wish I had to serve you in some greater thing, but as this has fallen to my lot I do it willingly. _Rogo tamen, ut aliquid aut literarum aut nuntii huc perlatum ivi cures, desque operam, ne quidquid est in me auctoritatis, patriaris exolescere, quo et puerum facilius in officio teneam, et meo munere, ut par est defungar. Sed hæc si commodum; fin minus, quod fors feret, feremus æquo animo._ Be of good cheer and take courage, for great men are formed by adversity. _Durate, et vosmet rebus servate secundis._ I commend myself to you.--Pistoja, August 26, 1478. Your servant,

Ang. Pol.[236]

Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice mi Domine_,--All the family here are well. Piero studies but little, every day we go out enjoying the country. We visit the gardens of which the town is full, and sometimes the library of Maestro Zambino, in which I have found several good things, both in Greek and in Latin. Giovanni is on his pony all the day, and all the people run after him. Mona Clarice is very well; but takes little pleasure in aught save any good news we get from Florence. She rarely goes out. We want for nothing. Presents we refuse, save salad, figs, and a few flasks of wine, some _beccafichi_ or things of that sort. These citizens would bring us water in their ears. From Andrea Panciaticchi we have received so much kindness that we are all indebted to him. We keep good watch and have begun to put a guard at the gates. Be of good cheer and conquer; and when you have time come and see your family who expect you with open arms. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--Pistoja, August 31, 1478.[237]

Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_

_Magnifice Domine mi_,--Madonna Clarice has not felt very well since yesterday evening.... Piero went out to meet the Lord[238] this morning, and was the first to greet him. He spoke a few words of the sentence you wrote for him very well, and the Lord set him on his horse before him and thus entered Pistoja. Mona Clarice sent him a fine bunch of partridges, and this evening we all go to visit him at twenty-two of the clock, it being now nineteen. Giovanni Tornabuoni was with Piero and finished his little speech. Judging from what his people say, the Illustrious Lord is most anxious to do himself honour and to satisfy the Most Excellent Signoria and especially Your Magnificence.

Clarice sends you I know not how many partridges of those given to her to present to this Lord. I shall see how things go and as in duty bound shall inform Your Magnificence, whom God preserve. I commend myself to you.--Pistoja, September 7, 1478.

Agnolo Pol.[239]

Agnolo Poliziano _at Pistoja to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

My letters cannot but be acceptable to you, for I only write to give you news of your family. All, by the grace of God, are well; Piero continues to learn to write and will soon be so good a penman that I hope he will relieve me of the trouble of writing _sine argumento_ as I do now to you, so that I am ashamed of myself. But may it please God that I shall always have to write the same words to you, which are that we are all well. Madonna Clarice is much happier and better in health. We keep good guard and watch here, but we are anxious about you. God keep you, for it seems to me that all depends upon that. Have no fear about us, for we are very careful. As far as I am concerned neither care nor goodwill shall be wanting. I know how much I owe to Your Magnificence, and the love I bear to Piero and to your other children is hardly second to your own. If anything unpleasant and unkind does sometimes happen I shall endeavour to bear it for love of you, _cum omnia debeo_. I commend myself to you.--Pistoja, September 20, 1478.

Agnolo Poliziano.[240]

Piero de’ Medici (_born 1472_) _to his father_ Medici