Chapter VI: Preface (6)

I know not, she writes, whether it is thanks to these doctors or to thy letter received last night, but this morning I felt so well that I hope to set forth in three days. Maestro Girolamo will tell thee exactly the state of my health, which I think will content thee. I only lament the many annoyances I have caused thee on my journey. But believe me, wherever I might have been I should have been ill, for I have brought up much phlegm and nastiness which must have been there for a long time. Commend me to Mona Contessina and beg her to have patience, for soon, as soon as it pleases these doctors, I shall return to her and maybe she will take better care of me, though here, thanks be to God, I have wanted for nothing. I know not whether I should even have had such conveniences at home, certainly not at Rome. If it seems good to thee that I should send back Messer Gentile for Giuliano let me know before we start.[112] I shall wait to get quite well as thou sayest, and to recoup. Meanwhile and always I commend myself to thee and beg thee to be patient with me.--In Foligno, May 4, 1467, at 1 o’clock.

Thy Lucrezia.

Yesterday and last night I slept, as the Maestro will have told thee, as though quite well.[113]

After her return to Florence the doctors sent Lucrezia early in September to Bagno a Morba, a place already mentioned in earlier pages. But here, where several letters are given written by Lucrezia from that celebrated spring, a few words may be added on the bathing habits of the fifteenth century to show how large a part they played in the social life of the time. For it is a delusion to think that the frequent use of water, cold or hot, is a modern virtue. It is true that from the middle of the sixteenth century till the end of the eighteenth men and women washed but sparingly. Marguerite de Valois could say to her lover, “See these fair hands. Though they have not been washed for eight days, they are cleaner than yours.” Manuals of Etiquette, published in 1667 and in 1782, recommend ladies and gentlemen to clean their faces with a dry white linen cloth, because to wash the face with water makes it more susceptible to cold in winter and to tan in summer. But in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries the use of water was nearly as common as it is now. The whole population, whether north or south of the Alps, rejoiced in bathing. They used cold baths, hot baths, and steam baths; they gathered to bathe in mineral water; above all they delighted in baths when the water came from hot springs, and those were most prized which were strongly impregnated with sulphur, as was the case at Morba. The site of many an Italian monastery was selected simply because it was near enough a hot spring for the monks to enjoy what was looked on almost as necessary to healthy living. Indeed one of the punishments inflicted on unruly members of the community was a prohibition to use the bath. The Italian doctors distinguished between _Stupha_, or hot air, and _Balneum_, or hot water baths. Rubbing and even scratching whilst bathing was recommended, and Arnaldo di Villa Nuova (1300-1366) ordered his elderly patients to be well rubbed when in the water, and to take a herb-bath four times a month. Soap, and sometimes lye, was used, and Italian soap was in great request, particularly in Germany.

The hot sulphur springs of Morba had been known for centuries, and belonged to the Commune of Volterra, as is mentioned in a document of 1297. They lie some ten miles south of the old Etruscan city, in that part of the Apennines dominated by the imposing Monte Cerbole, in a region which then and now produced borax and alum. The wild desolate scenery gave rise to legends. It was said that on stormy nights a fiery chariot drawn by fiery horses rushes along the mountain side, and then with a terrific noise which drowns thunder and wind, dashes down into the valley leading to the lagoons of Larderello, which were supposed to be the mouths of hell, and disappears. After the apparition of the chariot, the jets of white sulphureous smoke which always rise more or less from the grey soil are more dense and hiss like great serpents as they curl upwards to the sky. It is altogether an uncanny place. Here and there the black mud bubbles and boils, rising up in small cones which subside with a strange rumbling noise like the hoarse barking or growling of a distant watchdog. The ground sounds hollow under foot, and shakes if you walk near any of the blowholes, while the smell of rotten eggs, so characteristic of sulphur springs, is overpowering, particularly after rain.

The famous baths are not far off. They had been largely deserted, conduits broken, bathing-houses tumbling down, everything neglected and falling to ruin. The sulphureous springs, left to find their way through the rocks and the soil, were wasted and produced nothing but evil-smelling ooze. When the Florentines became masters of Volterra they sent Doctor Ugolino da Montecatini with their Chancellor Colucci da Salutati to report on the virtues of the waters in 1388. Something was done to render the baths useful and productive. The village with its small castle was rebuilt and surrounded with a sheltering wall. Visitors were protected from the sudden assaults of the robber nobles whose castles crowned neighbouring heights, and who swooped down on the bathers in hopes of plunder and ransom. The baths regained some of their old prosperity, and gouty or rheumatic Florentines braved the discomforts of the road to make use of the waters. Cosimo Pater Patriæ visited them frequently, and on a memorable occasion a favourite pair of scissors were left in his lodgings, which Contessina tells her son Giovanni to send back to Florence (p. 55). The probability is, however, that the arrangements were anything but luxurious when Lucrezia first tried and found the benefits of the healing springs.

She soon saw the advantages of the position, and after buying the village and baths of Morba in 1477 from the Commune of Florence, in true Florentine fashion at once made plans which would benefit the place, its visitors, her own health, and her pocket. The valuable water was largely wasted; cisterns were needed; more springs might be discovered. Accordingly experts were engaged, the ground was investigated, and work was carefully planned. The known springs were cleared, the water was carefully collected and brought into a great covered cistern built of well-burnt bricks and covered with tiles according to the most approved pattern of the day. Search was made for other springs; the streamlets were followed back to their sources in neighbouring rocks. Soon the supply of water was more than doubled. Meanwhile the bathing-houses with their twelve separate baths were rebuilt. Old engravings enable us to form some idea of these Italian baths, which were made much more luxurious than those north of the Alps. There is no trace of that promiscuous bathing so common in Germany. Either the sexes had separate bathing-houses or, what is more probable, used the same baths at different hours. We see a room with one or more oblong baths set in the floor, and to each bathroom was attached a smaller apartment with a bed for the hour of repose enjoined after bathing. The bathing establishment was a long row of such bathrooms completely separate from each other. At first the same stream of water served all the baths at Morba, but it was found that those nearest the cisterns were too hot, while those furthest from them were too cold. The defect was remedied by an ingenious system of conduits. Provision was made in each bathroom for shower or douche baths, the water being conducted along the walls in open gutters pierced with holes above each wooden tub. Lucrezia also built a large house which served as an hotel and, as at Cauterets--the favourite bathing resort of Marguerite d’Angoulême, the Queen of Navarre, where there was a _Maison du Roi_, while the other bathers lived in _cabanes et logis_--there was a “small palace” for her own use and that of her family. It must have been a thorough holiday for the energetic and busy woman, for, as the Queen of Navarre said, “while at the baths one must live as free from care as a child.”

Lorenzo accompanied his mother to Morba, but there was a report which seems to have been well founded, though Piero in his letter to her treats it as an idle dream, that the Florentine exiles had resolved to attack the place and capture both mother and son. So Lucrezia invented some pretext to send him back to Florence, and the family doctor prevented his return. It will be noticed that although children in those days spoke of their parents by their Christian names, yet they almost always wrote _voi_ (you) in addressing them. Only husband and wife and parents used the familiar _tu_ (thou). _Lei_, now universally used to all but near relations or great friends, is never met with.

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his mother_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_

I thought I should have been with you by now, but the weather has become much cooler, and Maestro Mariotti does not think it would be good for my eczema to return there. Therefore I have determined not to come. Piero has promised to go and see you either with Messer Benedetto or soon afterwards. Let us find that you are so improved in health that nothing more will be necessary. We are all well here, particularly Piero, whose only need is to hear oftener about you; in truth, whether from the negligence of the writer or perhaps of the messenger, till now we have had but scant news. Therefore to satisfy us all, more particularly Piero, see that we get your answers more quickly, and apply yourself diligently to benefit from your sojourn there. I commend myself to you.--In Florence on the 19th day of September 1467.

I should be glad if you send me back my purple _cioppetta_ (tunic) as I have nought to wear, the other things I do not want.

Your Lorenzo de’ Medici.[114]

Piero de’ Medici _to his wife_ Lucrezia _at Morba_

I wrote to thee a few days ago, and soon afterwards Lorenzo arrived. It was wiser to send him away from there, although I think they are all dreams. From him and also from thy letter to Mona Contessina I learn that thou art better, so I hope for thy complete recovery, which is indeed certain. It cannot be otherwise after the prayers and supplications which have been and are being made in places some of which thou knowest, and in others which thou knowest not. But what must be attributed to the grace of God is that prayers have been made by those who know us not, and whom thou hast never known: a wonderful thing truly, more divine than human, and I steadfastly believe that owing to these prayers we shall receive grace from God: but as thou in thy wisdom knoweth we shall remain deeply in debt. God make us grateful and send us the power to satisfy all. Have faith and be obedient to the doctors, do not depart one drachm from their commands, submit and suffer all things, if not for thyself and for us, for the love of God who shows He will help us. Attend to nought but to the reason for which thou art there ...[115] give no thought to us, for we are well and want for nothing ...[115] return well, in better health than when thou wentest ...[115] are prosperous, and there is good hope of peace. Giovanni Tornabuoni, if it pleases God, leaves for Rome to-morrow. Do not trouble to write if thou canst not. Nought else.--October 1, 1467.

Piero di Cosimo de’ Medicis.[116]

Lorenzo de’ Medici _to his mother_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_

I have your letter and am most grieved to hear that your pains have returned, but as you say they are not so severe I do hope that this time they will take leave of you, and depart for good. Please God it may be so, also in the future. I wrote to you that Giovanni had to go; he went on Saturday; but he could not pass by Bagno a Morba because he was obliged to leave in great haste; so he will not do as I said.

I have been too long absent and therefore I shall not be able, as I wished, to come and see you again, and you will probably not remain there long. Please God that you return in good health, as you and we hope. We are all well, Piero especially, and we long to see you soon, and as we trust well. I commend myself unto you.--In Florence, October 4, 1467.

Your Lorenzo de’ Medici.[117]

Contessina de’ Medici _to her daughter-in-law_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_

Dearest as a Daughter,--This morning I received thy letter by which with great joy I learn that thou art better, for this we must give thanks to God and pray with all our hearts that He may restore thee to perfect health. From Piero I hear continually about thee, so thou must not tire thyself by writing to me. I sent back by the messenger the spices asked for, and I received the knives, which shall be looked to. Do not worry about Ginevra, for I have arranged and will continue to arrange for her family. The visits in thy name to Laudomina[118] have been paid and all that was necessary has been done. She is very discontented although it was a boy. Here all are well, thanks be to God. I hope it is the same with all of you. No more at present.--October 25, 1467.

Mona Contessina.[119]

Piero de’ Medici _to his wife_ Lucrezia _at Bagno a Morba_

Lucrezia mine,--As I know thou wilt understand the letter I have written to Niccolò I shall not write to thee at length; also because thy return is nigh at hand, which I await with infinite longing. I enclose a letter from the Illustrious Madonna Duchess, thou wilt understand what she says. Show it to Messer Benedetto. See how much we are beholden to her. We must give thanks to Almighty God, and also to her when the time comes. No more at present. Christ give thee health--At Florence on the 12th day of November 1467, at the fifth hour.

Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici.[120]

Luigi Pulci _from Pisa to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici _at Florence_

_Salve amicissime_, &c.,--I have been delayed, and shall remain here several days. I know not whether Tomaso Capponi or my Bernardo[121] will ask thee to help them about that business; if they do I beg thee to do so, as is thy wont. If my presence is necessary let me know. Anyhow I shall come on Saturday, but if I am wanted I am always ready to leave everything at thy bidding.

If Gualterotto has not replied about my dog, or if his reply calls for another letter, I beg thee as warmly as ever I begged for anything to answer.

On Friday the Illustrious Duke of Calabria and the Magnificent Luigi de’ Pulci talked of thee all day long, and said much ill. Thou hast gained great honour by thy letter given to him by the Captain, he has followed thy advice, and told me what an admirable letter it was; so the Captain and he have made a warm friendship. On Sunday night I sup here with him, and the Captain has charged me to thank thee by letter and by word of mouth, so he has not written. As I do now by letter, so will I also do later with my tongue.

The Illustrious Duke spoke to me about the festival of St. John which he is most desirous to see, and he charged me to tell thee to help him and to order that it shall be a fine festival, and said many other things which I cannot now repeat or give thee to understand, as said Betto della Centina.

I have no more to say save that I commend myself to thee. Salute our Dionigio from me, and tell him this letter is not from Pini,[122] and that he is to think of me at Pietra al Migliaio. If there is any fear that the wine should be finished ere I arrive with his own hand he must measure what remains in the butt, and keep two flasks against my return, for if I thought I was not to see it any more I should be in despair.--Pisa, May 30, 1468. _Vale._

Thy Luigi Pulci.[123]

Luigi Pulci _at Pisa to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

If thou dost not wish it to be known or thought that I am thy friend and can have all I want from thee, cause it to be published everywhere at thy expense. As I have had no money to spend I have spent (traded on) thy reputation. Here I am pointed at wherever I go: that is Lorenzo’s great friend. Therefore three peasants from Buti will come to thee, certain Giovanni and Piero and Mariano of Buti, friends of Piero Vespucci; they have some business about which he has written and I am requested to recommend them to thee. For love of me be good to them, for it would give me much pleasure, either with a promise, or hand them over to whomever thou wilt: only help them in some way. I will then inscribe it in the book of benefits and obligations I owe thee.

No more, I commend myself to thee as usual. God be with thee. _Vale et me dilige._--From Pisa, May 31, 1468.

On Sunday evening the Duke and I shall be together. If I am to tell him aught from thee let me know.

Thy Luigi de’ Pulci.[124]

Cardinal Latino Orsini _to_ Piero de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir, affinis tanquam frater carissime, salutem_,--With great joy we have signed what our Johanni Tornabuoni brought us from you. I hope, thanks be to God, that this thing will conduce to the well-being of your house and of ours, for it pleases us old people, also the youth and the maiden, and indeed all. We should be glad to see our nephew Lorenzo, or _saltem_ his brother, at the feast of the Nativity. We should give him a magnificent, a quiet, or a middling reception, according to your wishes, for we only desire to please you in this: and you may rest assured that all we have is at your disposal and pleasure. Be careful, I beg of you, to keep well and joyful, thus nought will be wanting to you or to us.--_Ex Urbe, die 26 Novembris 1468._

L. Cardinalis De Ursinus,
_Manu propria, Episcopus Tusculanus_.[125]

Filippo de’ Medici, _Archbishop of Pisa, at Rome, to_ Piero de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir, tanquam pater honorande, post commendationem_, &c.,--By Giovanni Tornabuoni I received your letter, and he has given me the message from Your Magnificence. It pleases me mightily; I do not think that in these times Your Magnificence could have done better. I could not be better pleased or more gratified, considering that it is for the benefit and the common good of all; therefore I congratulate Your Magnificence. And that Your Magnificence may be amply informed about everything, although I know you will hear all from Giovanni, nevertheless it is my duty to tell you that this very day, in the name of God, everything has been concluded. The reason why the contract is not _per verba de presenti_ is that Monsignore [Cardinal Orsini] does not wish it to be divulged, therefore we send a sketch of the contract according to his desire; the one sent to us was simple enough. Everything has been agreed to in the following fashion, _videlicet_: That they give a dower of 6000 Roman florins in money, jewels, and dresses; which they stipulate should return to their heirs should she not have children or dispose of it by will. They agree that you should not give her the fourth part of the dower, as is customary here; and in this and all other matters, the Florentine usage and custom is to be followed save in the restitution of the dower if she dies _sine filiis et intestata_. Thus neither the custom here nor the custom there will be absolutely adhered to, so that both parties will be content. I have been present at all the arrangements, and they seem to me honest and reasonable; for you do not need her fortune, and your own remains to you. It is but reasonable that they should have their way in something.

Magnificent Piero, I value the connection much, but they are even more desirous and glad to be related to you. Of a truth their pleasure is not to be described. This must be a satisfaction to you, and every day, if it pleases God, you will be better satisfied, and we also; for truly if I had a hundred tongues I could not tell Your Magnificence how pleased I am. Send the contract soon, for it will be impossible to keep this affair secret, as Pietro d’Arcangelo, chancellor of the Duke of Urbino, has spoken of it, and these Pazzi have begun to spread the news.

You have not sent the letters I asked Your Magnificence for; probably because you had letters from the King to send here concerning the affair about which I wrote. If you have them it would be well to send them as I can assure Your Magnificence that if the friend takes up the business I have good hopes of success. Whatever Your Magnificence does in this and other matters about which I shall write will be well done, as I am certain that Your Magnificence values my well-being and my honour as much as I do myself. I commend myself to Your Magnificence, _et quam Deus felicem conservet_.--Rome, November 27, 1468. _Magnificentie Vestres_,

_Filius_ Phy. Archiepiscopus Pisanus,
_manus propria_.

I said above that I had good hopes if the letters are sent, not because I rely on the benevolence of him who is to do the affair, but because he, if he wishes to gain a place, must give his companion a share, who will either do nothing or be obliged to act according to the will of the other. But he has a great desire to succeed, and will not give heed to what people say, and therefore will not care much for those who may claim their share at any cost. The afore-mentioned affair [the marriage] has not been announced yet to our Lord the Pope, because it did not seem good to Monsignore to do so before the contract is here.[126]

Francesco Tornabuoni, Lorenzo de’ Medici’s uncle, who together with his brother Giovanni was in the Medici bank at Rome, did his best to inspire his nephew with love for the girl suggested by Giovanni as his bride by writing flowery descriptions of her.

Francesco Tornabuoni _to his nephew_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

Not a day passes that I do not see your Madonna Clarice, who has bewitched me: she improves every day. She is beautiful, she has the sweetest of manners and an admirable intelligence. It is about eight days since she began to learn to dance, and each day she learns a new one; no sooner is it shown her than she knows it. Master Agnolo had begged her to write to you with her own hand, but nothing would induce her to do so. Then I begged of her, and she said she would, only she told me you were evidently extremely occupied with this tournament; and then arrived Donnino who brought no letter from you. As you cannot visit her in person at least write to her often, it would give her great pleasure. Of a truth you have the most perfect bride in Italy.--January 4, 1469.

Your Francesco di Filippo Tornabuoni in Rome.

Francesco’s letter had the desired effect, and Lorenzo wrote to his bride. Unfortunately his letters are not to be found. Her answers are touching in their girlish simplicity, but they show that Clarice, brought up in strictly clerical surroundings, was not the woman to captivate the brilliant, rather sceptical Lorenzo.

Clarice Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifico consorte, recommandatione_, &c.,--I have received a letter from you and have understood all you write. That you liked my letter rejoices me, as I am always desirous to do what pleases you. Then you say that you write but little; I am content with whatever is your pleasure, living always in hope for the future. Madonna, my mother, sends you her blessing. I beg you to commend me to your and my father, to your and my mother, and to the others you deem right. I always commend myself to you.--At Rome the 28th day of January 1469.

Your Clarice De Ursinus.

Francesco Tornabuoni _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici, _his nephew_

In the name of God, on the 16th day of February 1469.

_Magnifice vir et maior honorandissime_,--This day letters from Giovanni have come, saying how you jousted in the tournament, and that Your Magnificence was unhurt and had achieved great honour. As soon as I heard the news, I went to tell your Madonna Clarice, and took her a letter from Giovanni, which gave her more pleasure than I can describe. For four days she has been sad by reason of her fear for Your Magnificence in the tournament, she also had a slight headache; as soon as she heard the news the headache disappeared and she was quite merry. Of Madonna Maddalena [Orsini] I say nought, for it is impossible to say how contented and happy she is; the only thing she desires is that you should come here for Lent, for she says she wants you to see your merchandise before you take it home: it improves every day. Enclosed you will find a letter from her. Madonna Clarice would not write, and she bids me say from her that she has a great secret to tell you which she will entrust to no one, neither will she write it for fear the letter should go astray. Indeed she longs to see you, and now the tournament is over you have no valid excuse. She commends herself to Your Magnificence, and to the Magnificent Piero and Madonna Contessina, and to Bianca, Nannina, and Giuliano. I have bought some purple cloth from London for a petticoat _a la romanesca_, which will I think suit her; she intends to visit all the _perdoni_ (relics) to pray God for you.

Nought is talked of here but the splendour of the entertainment given by you and especially of your own doings; they say no paladin ever did more than Your Magnificence, and every one rejoices, particularly your friends. Messer Giovanfrancesco, son of the Marquess of Mantua, commends himself to Your Magnificence, and sends you many compliments. I have no more to say at present save to commend myself to Your Magnificence, praying that God may keep you from all ill.

Your Francesco di Filippo Tornabuoni, in Rome.[127]

Clarice Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice consorte, recommandatione_, &c.,--I have received a letter from you which was most pleasing to me, telling me of the tournament wherein you gained much honour. I am most glad that you have been satisfied in a thing which gives you pleasure; and if my prayers have been granted in this, I, as a person who desires to do something to give you pleasure, am well satisfied. I beg you to commend me to my father Piero, to my mother Lucretia, to Madonna Contessina, and to all others you think right. I commend myself to you. No more.--In Rome the 25th day of February 1469.

Your Clarice de Ursinus.

The tournament of which Clarice writes was held on February 7, 1469, in honour of the marriage of Lorenzo’s great friend, Braccio Martello, and is recorded in a poem by Luigi Pulci.[128] It took place in the Piazza S. Croce, and cost, as Lorenzo notes in his _Ricordi_, 10,000 ducats. This estimate, however, can only refer to the structures and decorations in the Piazza S. Croce, and cannot include the money expended on personal adornment. The dress of Giuliano alone, then a handsome boy of fifteen, was said to have cost 80,000 ducats. It was made of silver brocade strewn with pearls. Lorenzo’s, with its jewels, must have cost a great deal more. He rode to the lists on a magnificently caparisoned horse given to him by Ferrante, King of Naples. Over his surcoat he wore a broad silk scarf, with fresh and withered roses embroidered round his motto, _Le Tems Revient_, written in pearls. In his black velvet cap studded with pearls was a feather of gold filagree set with diamonds and rubies, and on his shield were displayed the three golden lilies of France on an azure ground, the privilege of bearing which was granted to his father Piero in 1465 (see p. 86), while in the centre of the shield blazed the great Medici diamond, _Il Libro_. In the Piazza he mounted a charger presented to him by Borso d’Este, Duke of Ferrara, and buckled on armour sent by the Duke of Milan. His prowess is celebrated by Luigi Pulci as rivalling the deeds of Orlando and Achilles, and the first prize, a helmet of silver with a figure of Mars, was assigned to him. Lorenzo more modestly states that he was not well versed in the use of weapons and the delivery of blows.

These Italian tournaments, which we read about so frequently as forming part of the festivities attending weddings among the richer citizens of Florence and other Italian towns, were more processions and pageants than the rough-and-tumble feats of arms among northern nations. At one of the tournaments held during the sitting of the Diet of Augsburg we are told by a spectator that six competitors were killed: at another that Ferdinand, King of the Romans, was thrown violently and his horse rolled on him, endangering his life. We never hear of such accidents attending the tame tournaments of Italy.

Rinaldo Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice affinis ac frater honorande, salutem_, &c.,--A few days ago I heard, but not by any letter of yours, of the tournament and the honour done to you. God be praised for all, and especially that you emerged safe and unhurt; in which I think you were aided by the prayers of your Clarice. Now I have been informed of the wishes of the Magnificent Piero and your own as to Clarice’s journey to Florence. Although I should have certainly desired, albeit I have not been consulted, that your wishes should be followed in this matter, always subordinate to those of Madonna our mother, who is very sorrowful at her departure, yet it would only have been seemly if I, as well as other people, had been written to about this business, for you have no nearer relation here, nor one who is more desirous to please you in this and in other matters. So when you want an explanation or anything done, write openly to me and I shall do my best to satisfy you. Say also to the Magnificent Piero that in future he is not to apply to middle-men, for he must dispose of me as he would of a son. _Bene valete._--Rome, February 26, 1469.

Rainaldus De Ursinus,
_Apostolice Sedis subdiaconus_.[129]

Maddalena Orsini _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir, et mi fili benedicte, salutem_,--I have had a letter from you which is most welcome, in which you say that your coming here depends upon the will of the Magnificent Piero and the opinion of his Lordship the Cardinal. I am quite content with whatever pleases them. How glad I should be to see you before sending my daughter I cannot express, but I am sure the Magnificent Piero knows best, and that we shall never err by carrying out his commands. At all events I hope you have the wish to know me and all your relations here. No more. God preserve you ever in good health and happiness. Clarice is well and commends herself to all.--Rome, March 4, 1469.

Maghdalena De Ursinus.[130]

Filippo de’ Medici, _Archbishop of Pisa_, _to_ Lorenzo de’ Medici

_Magnifice vir et frater honorande_, &c.,--I hardly know how to express to Your Magnificence with what pleasure and contentment I have this day espoused in your name the Magnificent and noble Madonna Clarice degl’ Orsini, a maiden whose looks, carriage, and manners I conceive merit the bridegroom who was I think destined for her by Heaven. For this Your Magnificence ought devoutly to thank God who in this, as in other matters wherein you have been so well treated by fortune, has protected you; and I, who desire your well-being and honour as ardently as any one, for many reasons have longed for this day and congratulate Your Magnificence _ex intimo cordis_; may it be productive of all good. I pray our Lord Jesus Christ to grant to both a happy and a long life together and to let you see _filios filiorum vestrorum usque in quartam et quintam generationem_. I will say no more because from Giovanni [Tornabuoni] you will have heard everything. If I can do aught for your service let me know, and I will do it as willingly as any one alive, as I am sure Your Magnificence knows _quam Deas diu felicem conservet_.[131]

Lorenzo in his _Ricordi_ writes: “I, Lorenzo, took to wife Clarice, the daughter of Signor Jacopo Orsini, or rather she was given to me (_i.e._ betrothed), in December 1468 and the marriage was celebrated in our house on the 4th June 1469. Till now I have by her two children, a daughter called Lucrezia ... years old, and a son called Piero ... months old. King Ferrante is the godfather of the girl. She is again with child. God spare her to us for a long time and preserve her from all ill” (see p. 153).

The following description of Lorenzo de’ Medici’s wedding is taken from a contemporary manuscript existing in Codex 574, Class xxv. of the Strozziani MSS. in the National Library of Florence. There is no record of the writer in the manuscript, but his name appears in the catalogue of the Library as Piero di Marco Parenti, and it may be that it was on the cover which is wanting. Born in Florence in January 18, 1450, Parenti died in May 1519, and according to Moreni was the author of several other works which still exist in manuscript in the Library. The name of the person to whom the letter was written does not appear, but from people mentioned, and other indications, he may have been Filippo di Matteo Strozzi, the builder of the fine Palazzo Strozzi in Florence, who was then in Naples.

_An Account of the Wedding of_ Lorenzo di Piero di Cosimo, _according to what was told me by Cosimo Bartoli, one of the principal Directors of the Festival, particularly as regards Sweetmeats and Sugar-plums, and also what I saw myself_.

On Friday, which was the 2nd of June, the presents offered by the countryside began to arrive from the principal towns, Pisa, Arezzo, and other communes, villas, and castles. All presented eatables, such as calves, fowls, geese, wine, sweetmeats, wax, and fish. I send you the exact list as far as I could get it. The presentations of these went on all day on Saturday with great noise and rejoicings: and on that day pieces of veal of from 10 to 20 lbs. in weight were given to 800 citizens. You and I were among the number.

Calves, 150.

More than 2000 couples of capons, geese, and fowls.

Sea fish and trout in large quantities. I do not yet know how many.

Sweet things in abundance; sugar-plums as big as arbutus berries,
almonds, pine-seeds, sweetmeats, also the imitations thereof from
there [Naples?]. The number I do not yet know.

Wax I know not how much.

Many hundreds of flasks of wine and several casks of foreign wines,
such as malvasy and the like, and of native red wine.

Of corn, oats, and the like, I do not think there was much.

On Sunday morning the bride left the house of Benedetto degl’ Alessandri on the big horse given to Lorenzo by the King [of Naples], preceded by many trumpeters and fifers, and surrounded by the youths usually in attendance on marriage festivities, well clothed. Behind her came two cavaliers, Messer Carlo and Messer Tommaso, on horseback with their retainers, who according to the usage of the city accompanied her to her husband’s house which was most sumptuously adorned, and where a stage had been erected in the street for dancing. As she dismounted the bride’s retinue arrived from the house of the Alessandri: thirty young matrons and maidens most richly dressed, and among them was your Fiammetta, one of the two handsomest there. They were accompanied by another set of youths dressed for dancing and preceded by trumpeters. Thirty other maidens were in Lorenzo’s house to receive the bride and her retinue. After the olive tree, to the sound of much music, had been hauled up to the windows, all went to dinner. The tree was arranged in a vase like those used on the triumphal cars for the feast of S. Giovanni and was almost like a _trionfo_.

The order of the banquets, of which there were five, was alike on the mornings of Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday.

The bride, with about fifty maidens who were the dancers, ate in the garden under the loggia which you know, and the tables were set at the sides as far as the doors, one of which leads into the house, the other outside. In the loggia which surrounds the courtyard of the house sat the citizens who had been invited. The tables were placed on three sides, beginning from the garden, and following the wall were six tables: here sat from seventy to eighty citizens. In the ground-floor hall the youths who danced, about thirty-two or thirty-six, were seated. Forty or more men of more mature age were occupied in marshalling the banquet, and at every table were two who acted as seneschals. On a balcony in the great room upstairs dined the women of a certain age, among them was your mother-in-law Monna Antonia, and like her were about forty others in the company of Monna Lucrezia. In short, at the principal tables dined about two hundred people.

The order observed in serving was marvellous. For all the dishes were brought in at the door opening into the street, preceded, as is the custom, by trumpets. The bearers turned to the right in the loggia and returned to the foot of the staircase up which some went, while others passed into the hall to the youths, and others to the maidens in the garden, and others again remained under the loggie where were those who had been invited, so that all were served at the same time. The like order was observed in taking away the dishes, and each man knew his service and his place and did nought else. The dishes were according to the tables, and among those who brought them in were the stewards, each of whom directed his own men to the proper table. There were fifty large dishes, the contents of each of which were sufficient to fill two trenchers, and one trencher was placed between every two guests, a carver being in attendance.

The banquets were prepared for a marriage rather than for a magnificent feast, and I think this was done _de industria_ as an example to others not to exceed the modesty and simplicity suitable to marriages, so there was never more than one roast. In the morning a small dish, then some boiled meat, then a roast, after that wafers, marzipan and sugared almonds and pine-seeds, then jars of preserved pine-seeds and sweetmeats. In the evening jelly, a roast, fritters, wafers, almonds, and jars of sweetmeats. On Tuesday morning, instead of the roast were sweet pies of succulent vegetables on trenchers; the wines were excellent malvasy, trebbiano,[132] and red wine. Of silver plate there was little.

No sideboards had been placed for the silver. Only tall tables in the middle of the courtyard, round that handsome column on which stands the David,[133] covered with tablecloths, and at the four corners were four great copper basins for the glasses, and behind the tables stood men to hand wine or water to those who served the guests. The same arrangement was made in the garden round the fountain you know. On the tables were silver vessels in which the glasses were put to be kept cool. The salt-cellars, forks, knife-handles, bowls for the fritters, almonds, sugar-plums, and the jars for preserved pine-seeds were of silver; there was none other for the guests save the basins and jugs for washing of hands. The tablecloths were of the finest white damask linen[134] laid according to our fashion.

About four hundred citizens were invited to these five banquets, and among them the first of your house was your Lorenzo, and then Agnolo and Lodovico; I was also there.

On Monday morning to all who had received veal, jelly was given, and then about 1500 trenchers full were presented to others. Many religious [monks and nuns] also received gifts of fowls, fish, sweetmeats, wine, and similar things.

After the guests at the first tables had finished many hundreds ate. They say that between the house here and that of Messer Carlo[135] more than a thousand people ate, and at Messer Carlo’s every day one hundred barrels of wine were drunk.

In the house here, where the marriage feast was, every respectable person who came in was at once taken to the ground-floor hall, out of the large loggia, to refresh himself with fruit, sweetmeats, and white and red wine. The common folk were not invited.

The feasting began in the morning a little before dinner-time, then every one went away to repose. At about the twentieth hour (4 o’clock) they returned and danced until supper-time on the stage outside, which was decorated with tapestries, benches, and forms, and covered in with large curtains of purple, green, and white cloth, embroidered with the arms of the Medici and the Orsini. Every time a company came on to the stage to dance they took refreshments once or twice, according to the time. First came the trumpeters, then a great silver basin, then many smaller ones full of glasses, then small silver jars full of water, then many flasks of trebbiano and then twenty-three silver bowls full of preserved pine-seeds and sweet conserves. To all was given in abundance and all the dishes were emptied; and the same with the flasks of wine. The account has not been made, but from five to ... thousand pounds of sweetmeats and sugar-plums were consumed.

The bride has received about fifty rings, costing they say from ten to fifty or sixty ducats each; one piece of brocade; a sweetmeat dish of silver, and many other such things; and a small book of the offices of Our Lady, most beautiful, the gift of Messer Gentile,[136] written in letters of gold on blue vellum and covered with crystal and worked silver, which cost about two hundred florins. On Tuesday the bride left (a tournament was held first), and returned to the house of the Alessandri in the same dress in which she came to be married. This was a robe of white and gold brocade and a magnificent hood on her head, as is used here. She rode the same horse and was accompanied by the same youths, whose rich dresses of silver brocade embroidered with large pearls and jewels baffle description. From what they tell of courts of great princes nothing was ever seen like it save certain jewels of great value worn by some great Lords. Of the women I say nothing! Such jackets and robes of silk, all of them embroidered with pearls. I rather blame than praise this height of civilisation. And thus ended this marriage.

One day it rained; on the Monday, just when the feast was at its highest. It seemed as though done on purpose. It enveloped everything and wet the beautiful dresses, for the rain was so sudden and so heavy that many could not get under shelter soon enough. But the youths and the women had not put on the finest clothes which they had reserved for that day, the most important of the feast, so that to many it seemed their money had been spent in vain, not being able to wear them. However, on Tuesday morning when the bride went to hear mass in S. Lorenzo, accompanied by all the youths and maidens who had attended her at the wedding, every one was in their finest clothes. I warrant you that there were about fifty maidens and young girls and as many or more youths, so richly dressed that I do not think that anywhere among so many people could such a splendid and fine spectacle be seen.

I know that though I have written you many things and in much detail there is much still to be said; and although it is not worth your reading or my writing, yet I have done so for your information, as I know you to be curious, and that you like to know exactly how things went. So I have written thus thinking it would please you better than a more serious style.[137]

Rinaldo Orsini _to his sister_ Clarice de’ Medici

Magnificent sister, _salutem_. From Messer Giovanni [Tornabuoni] we have heard all the excellent news about your family, so that we are most happy and contented, and could have received no better news. We all beg and advise you to conduct yourself in such manner with every one that you will become even dearer to Piero, Lorenzo, Giuliano, Madonna Contessina, and Madonna Lucrezia, and to your sisters-in-law, and generally to all relations and other persons you meet. If we can do anything here for Lorenzo or any of your family offer me to them, for nothing shall be left undone to fulfil any desire of theirs. Also if there is aught you wish done tell me, and I shall show that I hold you as dear as I do Organtino, who, as a male, and careful of the interests of our house, I love as I do my own life. Commend me to the Magnificent Piero and the ladies, and salute Lorenzo and Giuliano from me. _Item_ it is necessary that Messer Baptista da Augubio [Gubbio] should go to Florence, you know how devoted he is to us; if needs be ask Piero and Lorenzo, for love of us, to favour him.--Rome, June 1469.

Rainaldus de Orsini.[138]

Giovanni di Bentivogli _from Bologna to_ Piero de’ Medici _at Florence_

_Magnifice et Prestantissime Pater honorande_,--I have not written to Your Magnificence in these last days about the affair at Rimini, because I was sure you would hear of it from diverse sides, and that the Illustrious League would take proper steps. But as I neither see nor hear that the Illustrious League has made any sign of life and considering the great injury to us, to the friends of the League, and to yourself, which will be occasioned in the future, I am moved to note it and to impart my thoughts to Your Magnificence; although I do not esteem myself of sufficient capacity to write such notes. But anxiety, and devotion to the Illustrious League, and the love I bear Your Magnificence induce me to warn you. I have also written this my opinion to H.E. the Duke, and should have done the same to H.M. the King, only the road is long and our messengers pass with difficulty; also I thought Your Magnificence would have sent the news from there. Your Magnificence must have heard that the Signoria of Venice has again made an alliance with our Lord the Pope, _et inter alia_ has promised to send, whenever he demands them, 4000 horse and 3000 foot-soldiers into Romagna. From good authority I hear that the Pope has just asked for them, and that the Signoria is arming them and has ordered His Magnificence Ercole [Duke of Ferrara], the Lords of Carpi and of Mirandola, to hold themselves in readiness to march; and that yesterday they were to receive their pay. Also I hear that bridges are being thrown across the Po near Ravenna, for the passage of the troops of the Signoria of Venice, and that the picked squadrons and Antonello da la Corna were advancing to meet these others. What all these preparations mean I leave to the judgment of Your Magnificence. I can only imagine that the Pope and the Signoria of Venice intend to occupy Arimino and the rest of Romagna and then Bologna. Should Rimini fall this will probably happen, and where Bologna and Imola would be Your Magnificence and the League may, like prudent men, calculate. He who does not put a stop to such beginnings will spend a hundred instead of one, and God grant things may go well. I therefore beg and entreat Your Magnificence to succour little Arimino in order that the wound may not fester and increase in such wise that none can heal it. The Illustrious League must not allow its friends to lose courage and faith, else the end will be our perdition. To me it seems this is not a moment for losing time. Your Magnificence must remember that the Pope and the Signoria of Venice have been preparing this for a long time, otherwise the Pope would not have spent so much money, a thing quite against his nature. Had the move been only against Arimino; but it is more especially against Bologna and the rest of Romagna, and more considerable events may follow. I commend myself to Your Magnificence.--June 17, 1469.

Johannes di Bentivolis.[139]

A few weeks after his wedding Lorenzo had to leave his bride and undertake an embassy to Milan. A son had been born on June 20th to Galeazzo, Duke of Milan, and Piero de’ Medici was asked to stand sponsor to the child. He was too ill to travel, and “somewhat unwillingly,” he confesses, sent Lorenzo to act as his proxy. The embassy went by Prato, Pistoja, Lucca, and Pietrasanta to Sarzana, which town and district had been recently purchased by Pietro and added to the Florentine dominions. Thence the company travelled by Pontremoli to Milan. The preparations for the journey were evidently on too magnificent a scale to please the cautious father, and we find him complaining to his wife Lucrezia in a less affectionate tone than usual. The following three letters refer to the journey. To it also belongs the passage in Lorenzo’s _Ricordi_ or memoranda, in which he states that Sforza proposed that he should stand godfather to all his other children.

Piero de’ Medici _at Careggi to_ Lucrezia _his wife in Florence_

Thou knowest how unwilling I was for many reasons, particularly in order not to give any importance to this mission, to allow Lorenzo to go. Yesterday we agreed about this, but I have not heard what thou hast done; it has been much talked about, which displeases me. Herewith I repeat that they must be here this evening and start _infallanter_ to-morrow morning. If they do not, I shall arrange in some other way. Meanwhile see that everything is ready, and tell Lorenzo that he is not to exceed his orders, or to make any great show;[140] he is not an ambassador. I am determined that the gosling shall not lead the gander to drink. Make haste, for thou must return here without fail this evening. No more.--Careggi, July 13, 1469.

Piero di Cosimo.[141]

Gentile Becchi _to_ Clarice de’ Medici

_Magnifica Domina_, &c.