Chapter XVIII: (m789) (2)

For some years past it had always been feared lest Spain should again endeavour to strike at England through Ireland. A rising in Ulster under Hugh O'Neill, known in England as the Earl of Tyrone, in 1594 was followed by an appeal to Spain for help in 1595. Philip acceded to the request and another Armada was got ready; but the fleet had scarcely put to sea before it suffered a similar fate to the Armada of 1588 and was shattered by a storm (Dec., 1596). The Tyrone rebellion necessitated further calls on the City for men and money. In May, 1597, it was asked to furnish 500 men, such as Sir Samuel Bagnall might approve of.(1737) In the following year--when Bagnall met with a crushing defeat on the Blackwater--it was called upon to supply a further contingent of 300 men and to lend the queen a sum of L20,000.(1738) In 1599 Elizabeth sent her favourite Essex to conquer Ireland in good earnest, to prevent the country falling into the hands of Spain. She at the same time called upon the City for more soldiers, and borrowed another sum of L60,000 on mortgage.(1739)

(M836)

In the meantime a report again got abroad that a Spanish fleet was assembling at Brest for a descent on England. On the 25th July, 1598, the lords of the council wrote to the mayor calling upon him to see that some twelve or sixteen vessels were provided with ordnance and powder for the defence of the Thames, and the court of Common Council at once took the necessary steps for fitting out the ships as well as for mustering a force of 3,000 men, afterwards raised to 6,000.(1740) The city's forces and the charge of the river were confided to the Earl of Cumberland. Sir Thomas Gerrard had at first been appointed colonel of the Londoners, "but for an old grudge since the last parliament they wold none of him."(1741) It was proposed to throw a bridge of boats across the Thames near Gravesend, after the fashion of Parma's famous bridge erected across the Scheldt in 1585, and the court of Common Council (4 Aug.) gave orders for collecting "hoyes, barges, lighters, boardes, cordes" and other material necessary for the purpose.(1742) This project was, however, abandoned in favour of sinking hulks in the channel of the river if occasion should arise. Watch was ordered to be strictly kept in the city night and day, lanterns to be hung out at night and the streets blocked with chains.(1743) It had been rumoured that the Spanish fleet had been descried off the Isle of Wight, and although the rumour proved false it caused no little alarm in the city and gave rise to these precautions.(1744) After a few days the supposed danger passed away. The fleet, which had been rapidly got together, and included twelve ships and thirty hoys furnished by the city for the defence of the river, put to sea nevertheless, whilst the land forces were gradually disbanded.(1745)

(M837)

The administration of Essex in Ireland was a signal failure, and he made matters worse by quitting his post without leave and forcing his presence upon the queen. He had hoped to recover her good grace by his unexpected appearance. Elizabeth was not to be thus cajoled. She ordered him into custody, deprived him of his offices, and, what was of more importance to him, refused to renew his patent of a monopoly of sweet wines. Although the earl soon regained his liberty he could not forget his disgrace, and his overweening vanity drove him to concert measures against the government. In 1601 he rode at the head of a few followers into the city, expecting the citizens to rise in his favour. The mayor had, however, been forewarned, and 1,000 men were held in readiness in each ward fully armed for the safeguard of the city.(1746) The earl and his band proceeded to the house of Thomas Smith, in Fenchurch Street, one of the sheriffs, who had represented himself, or been represented by others, as able and willing to further the earl's cause. That the sheriff was thought by his fellow citizens to have been implicated in Essex's mad attempt is seen from the fact that within a week he was deprived, not only of his sheriffwick, but also of his aldermanry,(1747) but to what extent he had compromised himself it is difficult to determine. Finding the citizens averse to a rising and his passage stopped by pikemen under the command of Sir John Gilbert and Sir Robert Cross, who respectively had charge of Ludgate and Newgate,(1748) and who refused to surrender them except to the sheriff in person as the queen's representative, the earl and his company hastened to the riverside and returned to Essex House by water. He was subsequently arrested and committed to the Tower, together with two of his accomplices, the Earls of Rutland and Southampton. Another of his followers, the Earl of Bedford, was committed for a while to the custody of Leonard Holiday, a city alderman.(1749) The queen, who had shown no more agitation at the news of the attempt to raise the city than "of a fray in Fleet Street,"(1750) took an early opportunity of thanking the citizens and her subjects generally for the loyalty they had displayed.(1751)

A sum of L200 was distributed by the civic authorities among the officers engaged in the city's defence, but the two knights at Ludgate and Newgate refused to accept any gratuity.(1752) For a week or more strict guard was kept at the city's gates, whilst bodies of troops fully armed were kept in readiness at the Royal Exchange and Saint Paul's Churchyard in case of disturbance.(1753) Essex was brought to trial on a charge of treason, convicted and executed (25 Feb.). Sheriff Smith was made to undergo a severe cross-examination, but appears to have got off with his life.(1754)

(M838)

Lord Mountjoy, who had succeeded Essex in Ireland, set to work systematically to bring the country into complete submission. The conquest was not effected without considerable aid from the city of London. From 1600 to 1602 the citizens were being constantly called upon to supply fresh forces for Ireland.(1755) A Spanish force which at length came to Tyrone's assistance in 1601, and established itself at Kinsale, was compelled to surrender. The work of the sword was supplemented by famine; until at last Tyrone himself was carried in triumph to Dublin, and the conquest of Ireland was complete.

(M839)

Mountjoy's work could not be carried on without money, and Elizabeth had been compelled in 1601 to summon a parliament to obtain supplies. Hitherto the Puritans, who began in the early part of the reign to gain a hold in the House of Commons, and had gradually increased in strength, had been content, in the presence of a common danger, to refrain from offering any systematic opposition to Elizabeth's government. But now that the defeat of the Armada, the death of Philip II and the firm establishment of Henry IV on the throne of France had removed all danger from abroad, they began to change front. As soon as the House met the Commons chose Croke (or Crooke), the City's Recorder, their Speaker, an honour which the City acknowledged by ordering (3 Nov.) a gift of forty marks to be made to him.(1756) When the question of supplies came before the House they were readily granted, but a bill was introduced to abolish patents of monopolies, which the queen had been in the habit of lavishly bestowing upon her favourites by virtue of her prerogative, and by which the price of nearly every commodity had been grievously enhanced. It was in vain that the minority in the House found fault with the Speaker for allowing the queen's prerogative to be called in question. The majority had the nation at its back; and finding this to be the case Elizabeth, who knew when to give way, yielded with grace. When a deputation of the Commons waited upon her and expressed the gratitude of the House at her concession, she replied in words full of kindness and dignity, thanking the Commons for having pointed out her error, and calling God to witness that she had never cherished anything but what tended to her people's good, "Though you have had," she assured them, "and may have, many princes more mighty and wise sitting in this seat, yet you never had, or ever shall have, any that will be more careful and loving."

(M840)

These were the last words addressed by the queen to her people, and their truth was borne out by her conduct throughout her long reign. Under her the country had become united and prosperous. By the citizens of London she was especially beloved, for they always found in her a supporter of trade and commerce. If the Hanseatic towns behaved unfairly to the merchant adventurers Elizabeth promptly retaliated upon the merchants of the Steelyard. She had threatened to close the Steelyard altogether in 1578, when English merchants were ordered to quit Hamburg, and twenty years later (1598), when fresh difficulties had arisen, the threat was carried out.(1757)

The queen rarely left London to make one of her many gorgeous progresses from country house to country house or returned home without some notice being sent to the city to allow of its inhabitants taking "the comfort of behoulding her royall persone."(1758) Her love of personal admiration and of handsome men continued to the last. As late as November, 1602, she commanded the mayor and aldermen and a number of the "best and most grave" citizens to attend her from Chelsea to Westminster, and the mayor, knowing her weakness, ordered the livery companies to choose the "most grave and comlie" members to join the procession.(1759) In the early morning of the 24th March, 1603, she died at Richmond, to the sincere regret of the citizens no less than of the nation at large.

END OF VOL. I.

FOOTNOTES

M1 The greatness of London. How far due to its geographical position.

1 Strype remarks of Thames water that it "did sooner become fine and
clear than the New River water, and was ever a clearer
water."--Strype, Stow's Survey, ed. 1720, bk. i, p. 25. Another
writer speaks of "that most delicate and serviceable ryver of
Thames."--Howes's Chron., p. 938.

2 During Edgar's reign (958-975), the foreign trade of the City had
increased to such a degree, and notably with a body of German
merchants from the Eastern shores of the Baltic, called
"Easterlings" (subsequently known as the Hanse Merchants of the
Steel-yard), that his son and successor Ethelred drew up a code of
laws for the purpose of regulating it.

3 "Et ipsa (_i.e._ Lundonia) multorum emporium populorum terra marique
venientium."--Hist. Eccl., lib. ii, cap. iii.

M2 The tenure of the City of London compared with other boroughs.

4 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 409.

M3 The powers of an over-lord.

5 See ordinances made by the Earl (32 Eliz.).--Hunter's Hallamshire
(1819), p. 119.

6 Luttrell, Diary, i, p. 314.

M4 London under the Roman Empire.

7 "At Suetonius mira constantia medios inter hostes Londinium
perrexit, cognomento quidem coloniae non insigne, sed copia
negotiatorum et commeatuum maxime celebre."--Tacitus, Ann., xiv, 33.

M5 Roman highways.

8 For the direction of the various routes, see Elton's Origins of
Engl. Hist., p. 344 note.

M6 London bridge and the city wall.
M7 The departure of the Roman legions, and its consequences.

9 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i., 60.

10 The church of St. Peter-upon-Cornhill claims a Roman origin, but its
claim is unsubstantiated by any proof.

M8 Appeal to Rome for aid against the Picts and Scots. A. D. 446.

11 This appeal took the following form:--"The groans of the Britons to
Aetius, for the third time Consul [_i.e._ A.D. 446]. The savages
drive us to the sea, and the sea casts us back upon the savages; so
arise two kinds of death, and we are either drowned or
slaughtered."--Elton, Origins of Engl. Hist., p. 360.

M9 Meeting with refusal, the Britons call in the Saxons.

12 "Postea vero explorata insulae fertilitate et indigenarum inertia,
rupto foedere, in ipsos, a quibus fuerant invitati arma
verterunt."--Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Anglic. (Rolls Series No. 82).
Prooemium. p. 13.

M10 The battle of the "Creegan Ford." A.D. 457.

13 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 12.

M11 London, the metropolis of the East Saxons.
M12 Mellitus, the first Bishop of London, A.D. 604.

14 "In qua videlicet gente tune temporis Sabertus, nepos Ethelberti ex
sorore Ricula, regnabat quamvis sub potestate positus ejusdem
Ethelberti, qui omnibus, ut supra dictum est, usque ad terminum
Humbrae fluminis, Anglorum gentibus imperabat."--Bede, Lib. ii, c.
iii.

15 "Quorum [_i.e._, Orientalium Saxonum] metropolis Lundonia civitas
est."--Bede, Lib. ii, c. iii. So, again, another writer describes
London at the time it was devastated by the Danes in 851 as "Sita in
aquilonari ripa Tamesis fluminis in confinio East-Saexum et
Middel-Saexum, sed tamen ad East-Saexum illa civitas cum veritate
pertinet."--Flor. Wigorn., (ed. by Thorpe, for Engl. Hist. Soc.), i,
72.

16 Kemble. Saxons in England, ii, 556.

M13 St. Paul's Cathedral founded by Ethelbert.

17 "Mellitum vero Lundonienses episcopum recipere noluerunt, idolatris
magis pontificibus servire gaudentes. Bede, Lib. ii, cap. vi.--_Cf._
Flor. Wigorn., i, 13.

18 "Ecclesiam ... beati Petri quae sita est in loco terribili qui ab
incolis Thorneye nunenpatur ... quae olim ... beati AEthelberti
hortatu ... a Sabertho praedivite quodam sub-regulo Lundoniae, nepote
videlicet ipsius regis, constructa est."--Kemble, Cod. Dipl., 555.

M14 The rival Cities of London and Winchester.

19 Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), i, 8, 16, 18.

20 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., p. 53, &c.

21 Thorpe, 114. The Troy weight was kept in the Husting of London and
known as the Husting-weight.--Strype, Stow's Survey (1720), Bk. v.,
369.

M15 London in the hands of the Danes.

22 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 55.

23 "And in the same year [_i.e._ 851] came three hundred and fifty
ships to the mouth of the Thames, and landed, and took Canterbury
and London by storm."--_Id._ ii, 56.

M16 The Treaty of Wedmore, A.D. 878.

24 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 64, 65.

M17 The Danes expelled from London.

25 The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle--the existence of which in its present form
has been attributed to Alfred's encouragement of literature--seems to
convey this meaning, although it is not quite clear on the point.
Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 44, pp. 148-149) ascribes the
recovery of London by Alfred to the year 886. The late Professor
Freeman (Norman Conquest, i., 56) does the same, and compares the
status of London at the time with that of a German free city, which
it more nearly resembled, than an integral portion of a kingdom.

M18 Alfred "restores" London, 886-887.

26 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 279.

27 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 67. _Cf._ "Lundoniam civitatem honorifice
restauravit et habitabilem fecit quam etiam. AEtheredo Merciorum
comitti servandam commendavit."--Flor. Wigorn., i, 101.

28 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 405.

M19 An attack of the Danes in the absence of Alfred gallantly repelled
by the Citizens, A.D. 894.

29 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 71.

M20 Successful strategy of Alfred against the Danes, A.D. 896.

30 According to Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74. p. 150)
Alfred diverted the waters of the Lea that his enemy's ships were
stranded.

31 -_Id._, ii. 71. _Cf._ "Quarum navium Lundonienses quasdam Lundoniam
vehunt, quasdam vero penitus confringunt."--Flor. Wigorn., i, 115.

M21 The London "frith-gild" under Athelstan, 925-940.

32 Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae, Thorpe, 97, 103.

M22 First mention of a Guildhall in London.

33 This is the earliest mention of a guildhall in London; and the
ale-making which took place at the meeting of the officers of the
frith-guild, accounts in all probability for Giraldus Cambrensis
(Vita Galfridi, Rolls Series No. 21 iii., c. 8.) having described
the Guildhall of London as "Aula publica quae a potorum conventu
nomen accepit."

M23 The "frith-guild," something more than a mere friendly society.

34 "Notwithstanding the butt-filling and feasting, this appears to have
been a purely religious and social guild, and, although it may have
subsequently become a power in the city, so far, it is only of
importance as the first evidence of combination among the
inhabitants of London for anything like corporate action."--Loftie,
Hist. of London, i, 68.

35 Laws of Athelstan.--Thorpe, 93.

36 Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae.--Thorpe, 100.

37 Gross, The Gild Merchant, i, 178-179.

M24 Encouragement given to London merchants.

38 Wilkins, Leges Anglo-Sax., p. 59.

39 "And if a merchant thrived so that he fared thrice over the wide sea
by his own means [cnaepte, craft] then was he thenceforth of
thane-right worthy." (Thorpe, 81.) The word cnaepte is similarly
translated in Wilkins's Leges Anglo-Saxonicae; (ed. 1721, p. 71.)
_per facultates suas_; but there seems no reason why it should not
be taken to mean literally a craft or vessel. The passage occurs in
a list of "People's Rank" which "formerly" prevailed, and is
probably of Athelstan's time, even if it did not form part of the
Judicia Civitatis Lundoniae.--Wilkins, _op. cit._ p. 70 note.

M25 Return of the Danes _temp._ Ethelred the Unready, 991-994.

40 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 105.

M26 The first payment of Danegelt, 991.
M27 The massacre of Danes 13th Nov., 1002.

41 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 114.

42 -_Id._ ii, p. 115.

M28 The murder of Abp. Alphage, 1012.

43 -_Id._ ii. pp. 117, 118. Annal. Monast., Waverley (Rolls Series No.
36), ii, p. 173.

M29 Sweyn again attacks London, A.D. 1013.

44 The towns of Leicester, Lincoln, Nottingham, Stamford, and Derby,
which for many years were occupied by the Danes, were so called.

45 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, pp. 118, 119.

M30 London submits.

46 -_Id._ ii, p. 119. Henry of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No 74), p. 180.

M31 Election of Cnut, 1014.

47 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 120.

48 -_Id._ ii, p. 120. _Cf._ "Ad haec principes se non amplius Danicum
regem admissuros in Angliam unanimiter spoponderunt."--Flor. Wigorn.,
i, p. 169.

M32 Ethelred returns to London.

49 The Heimskringla or Chronicle of the kings of Norway, translated
from the Icelandic of Snorro Sturleson, ii. pp. 8-11.

M33 Drives Cnut out of England.

50 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 120.

M34 Return of Cnut, A.D. 1015.

51 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 121.

52 -_Id._ ii., 122.

53 Malmesbury, Gesta Regum (Rolls Series, No. 90), i, 215.

M35 The laws of Ethelred regulating foreign trade.

54 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 308.

55 Thorpe, Ancient Laws and Institutes, 127, 128.

56 In course of time the natives of Denmark acquired the privilege of
sojourning all the year round in London--a privilege accorded to few,
if any other, foreigners. They enjoyed moreover the benefits of the
'the law of the city of London' (_la lei de la citie de Loundres_)
in other words, the right of resorting to fair or market in any
place throughout England.--Liber Cust. pt. i, p. 63.

57 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 418.

M36 Election of Edmund Ironside by the Londoners, 1016.

58 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 122.

M37 Cnut's attempts on London frustrated.

59 "At oppidanis magnanimiter pugnantibus repulsa."--Malmesbury, i, 216.

60 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 123.

M38 Victory of the Danes at Assandun, 1016.

61 -_Id._ ii, 121, 123. Henry of Huntingdon relates that Eadric caused
a panic on the field of battle by crying out that Edmund had been
killed. "Flet Engle, flet Engle, ded is Edmund."

M39 Agreement between Edmund and Cnut for partition of the kingdom.

62 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 437.

M40 Cnut king of all England, 1016-1035.
M41 Election of Cnut's Successors. 1183.
M42 The lithsmen of London attend gemot at Oxford.

63 Freeman, Norman Conquest, i, 538.

64 "The 'lithsmen' (ship-owners) of London, who with others raised
Harold to the throne, were doubtless such 'burg-thegns.'"--Gross, The
Gild Merchant, i, 186. _Cf._ Lingard, i, 318. Norton Commentaries,
pp. 23-24.

65 Green, Conquest of England, p. 462. Loftie, Hist. of London, i, 73.
"The Londoners who attended must have gone by way of the river in
their 'liths.'"--Historic Towns, London (Loftie), p. 197.

66 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 129.

M43 Londoners desire for peace above all things.
M44 Revival of Danegelt, A.D., 1040.

67 At the death of Harold, Harthacnut was invited to accept the crown
by an embassy from England, of which the Bishop of London was a
member. He accepted the offer and crossed over from the continent
with a fleet of sixty ships, manned by Danish soldiers, and his
first act was to demand eight marks for each rower; an imposition
that was borne with difficulty. Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 132.

M45 London the recognised capital, _temp._ Edward, Confessor.

68 Anglo-Sax Chron., ii, 132.

69 Freeman, Norman Conquest, 2nd ed., ii. 5. But according to Kemble
(Saxons in England, ii, 259 note), Edward's election took place at a
hastily convened meeting at Gillingham.

70 "London, que caput est regni et legum. semper curia domini
regis."--Laws of Edward Confessor, Thorpe, p. 197 note.

M46 Gemots held in London.

71 For a list of gemots held in London from A.D. 790, see Kemble's
Saxons in England, ii, 241-261.

M47 London declares for Godwine, 1052.

72 Malmesbury, i, 242-244. Freeman, ii, 148-332.

73 Freeman, ii, 324.

74 Sed omnis civitas duci obviam et auxilio processit et praesidio
acclamantque illi omnes una voce prospere in adventu suo. "Life of
Edward Conf." (Rolls Series No. 3.), p. 406.

75 "Interim quosdam per internuntios, quosdam per se cives
Lundonienses, quos variis pollicitationibus prius illexerat,
convenit, et ut omnes fere quae volebat omnino vellent,
effecit."--Flor. Wigorn., i., 209.

M48 The dedication of Westminster Abbey, A.D. 1065.
M49 Death of Edward the Confessor.
M50 The landing of William, and Battle of Senlac, 1066.

76 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 165-167.

77 "Aldredus autem Eboracensis archiepiscopus et iidem Comites cum
civibus Lundoniensibus et butsecarlis, clitonem Eadgarum, Eadmundi
Ferrei Lateris nepotem, in regem levare volueren, et cum eo se
pugnam inituros promisere; sed dum ad pugnam descendere multi se
paravere, comites suum auxilium ab eis retraxere, et cum suo
exercitu domum redierunt."--Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

M51 William's March to London.

78 Such is the description of William's march, as given by Malmesbury
(ii, 307). Another chronicler describes his march as one of
slaughter and devastation.--Flor. Wigorn., i, 228.

M52 Sets fire to Southwark in hopes of terrifying the citizens.
M53 Negotiations between William and the City.
M54 London submits to the Conqueror.

79 The bishop was certainly Norman, and so probably was the port-reeve.

80 Anglo-Sax. Chron. ii, 168-169.

M55 His charter to the citizens of London.

81 This charter is preserved in the Town Clerk's Office at the
Guildhall. A fac-simile of it and of another charter of William,
granting lands to Deorman, forms a frontispiece to this volume. The
late Professor Freeman (Norman Conquest, second edition, revised
1876, iv, 29) wrote of this venerable parchment as bearing William's
mark--"the cross traced by the Conqueror's own hand"--but this appears
to be a mistake. The same authority, writing of the transcript of
the charter made by the late Mr. Riley and printed by him in his
edition of the _Liber Custumarum_ (Rolls Series, pt. ii, p. 504),
remarks that, "one or two words here look a little suspicious"; and
justly so, for the transcript is far from being literally accurate.

82 -_Cf._ "_Ego volo quod vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis
Edwardi diebus Regis._" These words appear in the xivth century
Latin version of William's Charter, preserved at the Guildhall.

83 Liber Albus (Rolls Series i, 26).

M56 The office of port-reeve.

84 Opinions differ as to the derivation of the term port. Some, like
Kemble, refer it to the Lat. _portus_, in the sense of an enclosed
place for sale or purchase, a market. ("Portus est conclusus locus,
quo importantur merces et inde exportantur. Est et statio conclusa
et munita."--Thorpe, i, 158). Others, like Dr. Stubbs (Const. Hist.,
i, 404 n.), connect it with Lat. _porta_, not in its restricted
signification of a gate, but as implying a market place, markets
being often held at a city's gates. The Latin terms _porta_ and
_portus_ were in fact so closely allied, that they both alike
signified a market place or a gate. Thus, in the will of Edmund
Harengeye, enrolled in the Court of Husting, London, we find the
following: "Ac eciam lego et volo quod illa tenementa cum magno
portu vocato le Brodegate ... vendantur per executores meos."--Hust.
Roll, 114 (76).

85 Norton, Commentaries on the City of London, 3rd ed., pp. 258-259.

M57 The foreign element already existing in the City.
M58 Its increase after the Conquest.
M59 The charter makes no new grant.

86 "London and her election of Stephen," a paper read before the
Archaeol. Inst. in 1866, by the late Mr. Green (p. 267).

87 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, p. 55.

88 There appears to be no doubt that the charter preserved at the
Guildhall had a seal, but not a fragment remains.

M60 William's other charter granting the sheriffwick of London.

89 "Et dicunt quod prefatus dominus conquestor ante fundacionem
ecclesie predicte et confeccionem carte sue de qua superius fit
mencio auctoritate parliament sui et per duas cartes suas quas dicti
maior et Cives hic proferunt scilicet per unam earam dimissit tunc
civibus London' totam dictam civitatem et vice-comitatum London' cum
omnibus appendiciis rebus et consuetudinibus eis qualitercumque
pertinentibus.... Et per alteram concessit et auctoritate supradicta
confirmavit eisdem civibus et successoribus suis quod haberent
predicta ac omnes alias libertates et liberas consuetudines suas
illesas quas habuerunt tempore dicti Sancti Regis Edwardi
progenitoris sui."--Letter Book K, fo. 120 b.

M61 The strong government of William.

90 "Tantaque pax suis regnavit temporibus, quod puella virguncula auro
onusta, indempnis et intacta Angliam potuit peragrare."--Mat. Paris,
Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44), i, 29.

M62 "Doomsday" Book completed.
M63 Death of William the Conqueror, and accession of his son, 1087.

91 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.

92 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, p. 187. Flor. Wigorn., ii, p. 19.

M64 St. Paul's destroyed by fire, 1087.

93 Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 121.

94 Malmesbury. ii, 375.

M65 The Tower strengthened and the bridge repaired, 1097.

95 Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii, 189.

96 -_Id._, ii, 202.

M66 Election of Henry I by the Witan at Winchester, 1100.

97 "Those of the council who were nigh at hand."--Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii,
204.

M67 Their choice confirmed by the City of London.

98 Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl. (Rolls Series No. 44) i, 176.

M68 Henry's charter to the City of London.

99 See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville (p. 366), where the writer
conjectures the date of the charter to have been between 1130 and
1135, and brings evidence in favour of it having been purchased by
the payment of a large sum of money.

M69 The main features of the charter.

100 Set out under fifteen heads in the City's _Liber Albus_. (Rolls
Series) i, 128-129.

M70 The grant of Middlesex to ferm, and choice of sheriff.

101 Stubbs, Const. Hist., i, 404, 405. Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville. p.
356.

102 The sum of 100 marks of silver recorded (Pipe Roll, 31 Hen. I) as
having been paid for the shrievalty in 1130, appears to have been
more of the nature of a fine than a _firma_.

103 "Whereas from time immemorial there have been and of right ought to
be two sheriffs of this city, which said two sheriffs during all the
time aforesaid have constituted and of right ought to constitute one
sheriff of the county of Middlesex...."--Preamble to Act of Common
Council, 7th April, 1748, _re_ Nomination and election of Sheriffs.
Journal 59, fo. 130b.

104 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 357. Mr. Round's statements (_op.
cit._, Appendix P), that "this one _firma_ ... represents one
_corpus comitatus_, namely Middlesex, inclusive of London," and that
"from this conclusion there is no escape," are more capable of
refutation than he is willing to allow.

M71 The citizens' right to elect their own Justiciar.

105 "It is probable that whilst the Sheriff in his character of Sheriff
was competent to direct the customary business of the Court, it was
in that of _justitia_ that he transacted business under the King's
writ."--Stubbs, Const. History, i, 389, note.

106 "Post hoc praedictus Justitiarius ... accessit ad Gildhalle
Londoniarum, et ibi tenuit placita de die in diem ... et
incontinenti ... ilia terminavit nullo juris ordine observato contra
leges civitatis et etiam contra leges et consuetudines cujuslibet
liberi hominis de regno Anglie. Quod vero cives semper
calumpniaverunt, dicentes quod nullus debet placitare in civitate de
transgressionibus ibidem factis nisi vicecomites Londoniarium."--Lib.
de Ant. (Camd. Soc.), p. 40.

107 Round. Geoffrey de Mandeville. pp. 107-113, 373, and Appendix K.

M72 London and the election of Stephen, 1135

108 Mat. Paris (Hist. Angl. i, 251), ascribes the incessant turmoil of
the latter part of the reign to the vengeance of the deity for this
breach of faith.

109 "Id quoque sui esse juris, suique specialiter privilegii, ut si rex
ipsorum quoquo moclo obiret, alius suo provisu in regno
substituendus e vestigio succederet."--Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series
No. 82), iii, 5-6.

110 "With the solemn independent election of a king, the great part
which London was to play in England's history had definitely
begun."--Green, London and her Election of Stephen.

M73 Coronation of Stephen, December, 1135.
M74 A great Council held in London, April, 1136.

111 Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82). iii. 17.

112 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 18.

M75 Arrival of the Empress Matilda in England. 1139.
M76 Attempted negotiations between Stephen and Matilda, May, 1140.

113 "Eodem anno in Pentecoste resedit rex Londoniae in Turri, episcopo
tantum modo Sagiensi praesente: ceteri vel fastidierunt vel timuerunt
venire. Aliquanto post, mediante legato, colloquium indictum est
inter imperatricem et regem. si forte Deo inspirante pax reformari
posset."--Malmesbury, Hist. Nov. (Rolls Series No. 90.), ii, 564.

M77 Matilda formally acknowledged "Lady of England," 1141.

114 "Juravit et affidavit imperatrix episcopo quod omnia majora negotia
in Anglia praecipueque donationes episcopatuum et abbatiarum ejus
nutum spectarent, si eam ipse cum sancta ecclesia in dominam
reciperet et perpetuam ei fidelitatem teneret.... Nec dubitavit
episcopus imperatricem in dominam Angliae recipere, et ei cum
quibusdam suis affidare, quod, quamdiu ipsa pactem non infringeret
ipse quoque fidem ei custodiret."--_Id.,_ ii, 573.

M78 A synod at Winchester, 7th April, 1141.

115 "Ventilata est hesterno die causa secreto coram majori parte cleri
Angliae ad cujus jus potissimum spectat principem eligere, simulque
ordinare."--_Id._, ii, 576.

M79 The Londoners summoned to attend the synod.
M80 They arrive and request the king's release, 9th April, 1141.

116 "Missos se a communione quam vocant Londoniarum."--Malmesbury, (Hist.
Nov.), ii, 576. Exception may be taken to translating _communio_ as
'commune'; but even if the municipal organization represented by the
French term _commune_ did not at this period exist in the City of
London in all its fulness, the "communal idea" appears to have been
there.--Stubbs, Const. Hist., i. 407.

117 "Omnes barones qui in eorum coramunionem jamdudum recepti
fuerant."--Malmesbury, _Ibid._

M81 Their request backed up by a letter from the Queen.
M82 The Londoners after much hesitation receive the Empress into their
city, June, 1141.

118 "Proficiscitur inde cum exultatione magna et gaudio, et in
monasterio Sancti Albani cum processionali suscipitur honore et
jubilo. Adeunt eam ibi cives multi ex Lundonia, tractatur ibi sermo
multimodus de reddenda civitate."--Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe),
ii, 131.

119 "Erecta est autem in superbiam intolerabilem, quia suis incerta
belli prosperavissent."--Hen. of Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p.
275.

120 "Infinitae copiae pecuniam, non simplici cum mansuetudine sed cum ore
imperioso ab eis exegit."--Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii,
75.

121 "Interpellata est a civibus, ut leges eis regis Edwardi observari
liceret, quia optimae erant, non patris sui Henrici quia graves
erant. Verum illa non bono usa consilio, prae nimia austeritate non
acquievit eis, unde et motus magnus factus in urbe; et facta
conjuratione adversus eam quam cum honore susceperunt. cum dedecore
apprehendere statuerunt."--Contin. Flor. Wigorn. (Thorpe), ii, 132.

M83 The Empress forced to leave the city.

122 Malmesbury (Hist. Nov.), ii, 577-578. "Sed tandem a Londoniensibus
expulsa est in die Sancti Johannis Baptiste proximo sequenti"--Lib.
de Ant. (Camd. Soc), p. 197.

123 "Anno praedicto [_i.e._ 7 Stephen, A.D. 1141], statim in illa estate,
obsessa est Turris Lundoniarum a Londoniensibus, quam Willielmus
[_sic_] de Magnaville tenebat et firmaverat."--Lib. de Ant. (Camd.
Soc.), p. 197. From this it would appear that the father still held
the office of constable. A charter of the empress, however, which
Mr. Horace Round prints in his book on Geoffrey de Mandeville (pp.
88, _seq._) points to the son as being constable at the time.

M84 Geoffrey de Mandeville, Earl of Essex, and Constable of the Tower,
won over by the Empress.

124 Round, Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 88-95.

M85 Forsakes the Empress for the Queen.

125 It is not to be supposed that the earl consented to assist the queen
without meeting with some return for his services, more especially
as the queen was prepared to go all lengths to obtain her husband's
liberty. See Round's Geoffrey de Mandeville, p. 119.

M86 Capture of Winchester, and release of Stephen, Sept., 1141.

126 "Gaufrido de Mandevilla, qui jam iterum auxilio eorum cesserat,
antea enim post captionem regis imperatrici fidelitatem juraverat,
et Londoniensibus maxime annitentibus, nihilque omnino quod possent
praetermittentibus quo imperatricem contristarent."--Malmesbury (Hist.
Nov.), ii, 580.

127 "Magnae ex Lundoniis copiae."--Newburgh, Hist. Rerum. Angl. (Rolls
Series No. 82.), i, 42. "Cumque invicta Londoniensium
caterva."--Gesta Stephani (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 80. The
Londoners sacked Winchester mercilessly. "Londonienses, cum maxima
militum regalium parte, modis horrendis Wintoniensem civitatem
expilavere."--Gesta Stephani, iii, 84.

M87 His second charter to Mandeville.

128 The precedent thus set by Stephen, of submitting to the ceremony of
a second coronation after a period of captivity, was afterwards
followed by Richard I, on his return from captivity abroad.

129 This is the date assigned to the charter by Mr. Horace Round,
(Geoffrey de Mandeville, pp. 138-144). _Cf._ Appendix to 31st Report
of Deputy Keeper of the Public Records, p. 3.

M88 London holds the balance between the rival powers.

130 The date assigned by Mr. Round to this charter is between Christmas,
1141, and the end of June, 1142.

131 "Et convenciono eidem Gaufredo Comiti Essex quod dominus meus Comes
Andegavie vel ego vel filii nostri nullam pacem aut concordiam cum
Burgensibus Lund[oniae] faciemus, nisi concessu et assensu prae-dicti
Comitis Gaufredi quia inimici eius sunt mortales."--Round's Geoffrey
de Mandeville, p. 168.

132 Newburgh, Hist. Rerum Angl. (Rolls Series No. 82), i. 48. Henry of
Huntingdon (Rolls Series No. 74), p. 278.

M89 Arrest of the earl, his freebooting life and death, September, 1143.
M90 Arrival of Henry of Anjou in England, 1153
M91 Peace concluded between Stephen and Henry at Winchester, November,
1153.
M92 Henry conducted to London.

133 Sometimes called the Treaty of Wallingford.

134 The general joy is depicted in glowing colours by Henry of
Huntingdon, (p. 289.) _Cf._ Anglo-Sax. Chron., ii., 235.

M93 Fitz-Stephen's description of London.

135 Fitz-Stephen's Stephanides, Stow's Survey (Thoms's ed.), p. 208.

M94 Thomas of London.

136 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v., 325.

137 A cartulary of the Mercers' Company contains a copy of a grant from
Thomas Fitz-Theobald to the hospital of St. Thomas of Acon of "all
that land, with the appurtenances, which was formerly of Gilbert
Becket, father of the Blessed Thomas the Martyr, Archbishop of
Canterbury, where the said Blessed Thomas the Martyr was born
(_duxit originem_), to build a church (_basilicam_) in honour of
Almighty God and the Blessed Virgin Mary, and of the same most
glorious martyr."--Watney, Account of the Hospital of St. Thomas of
Acon (privately printed 1892), pp. 9, 237.

138 Liber Albus (Rolls Series), i, pp. 26, 27.

M95 Charter of Henry II to the City of London.

139 This charter (with fragment of seal) is preserved at the Guildhall.
It bears no date, but appears to have been granted between 1154 and
1161.

M96 The Inquest of sheriffs, 1170.

140 Contin. Flor. Wigorn., ii, 138.

M97 The revolt of the barons, 1174.
M98 Disturbances in the city, 1174-1177.

141 "De filiis et parentibus nobilium civitatis" and again "filii et
nepotes quorundam nobilium civium Londoniarum."--Benedict of
Peterborough (Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 155.

142 By a strange anomaly, a man who underwent ordeal by water was only
adjudged innocent if he sank to the bottom and was drowned. Hence
the old man's caution!

M99 The last days of Henry II. 1177-1189.
M100 Accession of Richard I, and administration of Longchamp, 1189-1190.

143 Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 28. According to
Richard of Devizes (Rolls Series No. 82, iii, 387), Longchamp
obtained the chancellorship by bribery.

144 Benedict (Rolls Series No. 49). ii, 106.

145 -_Id._ ii, 143.

M101 Longchamp opposed by Prince John, 1191. M102 Arrival of Longchamp in London; the citizens divided, 7th October, 1191.

146 -_Id._ ii, 158.

147 Preface to Roger de Hoveden, iii, p. lxxvii. Girald. Cambr. Vita
Galfridi (Rolls Series No. 21). iv, 397.

148 Richard of Devizes, iii, 414. Benedict, ii, 213.

M103 John admitted into the city.

149 Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, 99. Girald. Cambr. (Vita
Galfridi). iv, 397-398. Roger de Hoveden, iii. 140.

M104 A meeting of barons and citizens in St. Paul's, 8 Oct., 1191. M105 Longchamp deposed and John recognised as head of the kingdom.

150 Richard of Devizes. (Rolls Series No. 82), iii. 415. Benedict, 213.
Girald. Cambr. (Vita Galfridi), iv, 405.

M106 John grants or confirms to the citizens their commune.

151 "Johannes comes frater regis et archiepiscopus Rothomagensis, et
omnes episcopi, comites et barones regni qui aderant, concesserunt
civibus Lundoniarum communam suam, et juraverunt quod ipsi eam et
dignitates civitatis Lundoniarum custodirent illibatas, quandiu regi
placuerit. Et cives Lundoniarum et epispcopi et comites et barones
juraverunt fidelitates regi Ricardo, et Johanni comiti de Meretone
fratri ejus salva fidelitate, et quod illum in dominum suum et regem
reciperent, si rex sine prole decesserit."--Benedict of Peterborough
(Rolls Series No. 49), ii, 214. _Cf._ Roger de Hovedene (Rolls
Series No. 51), iii, 141; Walter de Coventry (Rolls Series No. 58),
ii, 5-6.

M107 Change of name from port-reeve to mayor.

152 -_Supra_ p. 49.

153 "In crastino vero convocatis in unum civibus, communione, vel ut
Latine minus vulgariter magis loquamur, communa seu communia eis
concessa et communiter jurata."--Vita Galfridi, iv, 405.

154 Const. Hist., i, 407.

155 Referring to the year 1191, he writes, "we have the date of the
foundation of the commune."--_Id._, i, 629.

156 "Concessa est ipsa die et instituta communia Londoniensium, in quam
universi regni magnates et ipsi etiam ipsius provinciae episcopi
jurare coguntur. Nunc primum in indulta sibi conjuratione regno
regem deesse cognovit Londonia quam nec rex ipse Ricardus, nec
praedecessor et pater ejus Henricus, pro mille millibus marcarum
argenti fieri permisisset. Quanta quippe mala ex conjuratione
proveniant ex ipsa poterit diffinitione perpendi, quae talis
est--communia tumor plebis, timor regni, tepor sacerdotii."--Chron.
Stephen, Hen. II, Ric. I (Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 416.

M108 Change of name from port-reeve to mayor.

157 "It is impossible to avoid a suspicion," writes Bishop Stubbs, "that
the disappearance of the port-reeve and other changes in the
municipal government, signify a civic revolution, the history of
which is lost."--Const. Hist., i, 406n.

M109 When did the change take place?

158 Merewether and Stephens, Hist. of Boroughs (1835), i, 384. No
authority, however, is given for this statement.

159 The entire MS. was published in Latin by the Camden Society in 1846;
and a translation of the original portion of the work was afterwards
made by the late Mr. H. T. Riley, under the title "Chronicles of the
Mayors and Sheriffs of London, A.D. 1188 to A.D. 1274."

160 "The correct date of the accession of Richard has never been
ascertained. No records appear to be extant to fix the commencement
of the reign of any king before the accession of John."--Nicholas,
Chronology of Hist., p. 285.

161 Fos. 45, 63 and 63b.

M110 Arnald Fitz-Thedmar, the compiler of the _Liber de Antiquis_.

162 Or simply Thedmar.

163 It is thus that Riley reads the word which to me appears to be
capable of being read "Grennigge."

164 Calendar of Wills. Court of Husting, London, part. I., p. 22. From
another Will, that of Margery, relict of Walter de Wynton, and one
of Fitz-Thedmar's sisters--she is described as daughter of "Thedmar,
the Teutonic"--it appears that other sisters of Fitz-Thedmar married
into the well-known city families of Eswy and Gisors.--_Id._, part i,
p. 31.

165 "Ibi etiam dispositium est, penes quem pecunia collata debeat
residere: scilicet sub custodia Huberti Walteri Cantuariensis
electi, et domini Ricardi Lundoniensis episcopi, et Willelmi comitis
de Arundel et Hamelini comitis de Warenna et majoris
Lundoniarum."--Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iii, 212.

M111 The title of Mayor, first mentioned in a Royal Charter of 1202.

166 Preserved at the Guildhall.

M112 Richard's return from captivity, March, 1194.

167 Ralph de Diceto (Rolls Series No. 68), ii, p. 114.

168 "Denique ad ingressum principis ita ornata est facies amplissimae
civitatis ut Alemanni nobiles qui cum ipso venerant et redemptione
regia exinanitam bonis Angliam credebant opum magnitudine
obstupescerent."--William of Newburgh (Rolls Series No. 82), i, p.
406.

M113 Is crowned for the second time. M114 The custom of the Mayor assisting the Chief Butler at coronation banquets.

169 "Cives vero Lundonienses servierunt de pincernaria, et cives
Wintonienses de coquina."--Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51),
iii, 12.

170 Brit. Mus., Harl. MS. 3,504, fo. 248.

M115 Heavy taxation.

171 "Si invenissem emptorem Londoniam vendidissem."--Richard of Devizes
(Rolls Series No. 82), iii, 388.

M116 The rising in the city under Longbeard. 1196.

172 "Frequentius enim solito . . imponebantur eis auxilia non modica et
divites, propriis parcentes marsupiis volebant ut pauperes solverent
universa."--Roger de Hoveden (Rolls Series No. 51), iv. 5. "Ad omne
edictum regium divites, propriis fortunis parcentes, pauperibus per
potentiam omne onus imponerent."--Newburgh, (Rolls Series No. 82),
ii. 466.

173 Newburgh, ii., 466.

174 Mat. Paris, ii, 57. A similar character is given him by Roger de
Hoveden. Dr. S. R. Gardiner describes him as an alderman of the
city, and as advocating the cause of the poor artisan against the
exactions of the wealthier traders.--Students' History of England, i,
169.

175 "Pauperum et veritatis ac pietatis adversarii."--Mat. Paris, ii. 57.

176 Newburgh, ii, 470.

177 "And for the time," adds Dr. Gardiner, "the rich tradesmen had their
way against the poorer artisans."--Students' History of England, i,
170.

M117 Richard's so-called second charter ordering the removal of wears in the Thames, 14 July, 1197. M118 First mention of a deliberative municipal body in the city, 1200.

178 Chronicles of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 2.

M119 The council held at St. Paul's, 25th Aug., 1213.

179 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 709.

180 Mat. Paris, ii, 143. Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii,
83-87.

181 -_Id._ ii, 146.

M120 Meeting of the barons at Bury St. Edmunds, 1214.

182 -_Id._ ii, 153.

183 Ann. of Bermondsey (Rolls Series No. 36), in, 453.

M121 Open hostility between John and the barons, 1215.

184 Mat. Paris, ii, 154-156.

M122 Robert Fitz-Walter, castellain of London.

185 As to the services and franchises of Fitz-Walter, both in time of
peace and war, see Lib. Cust., (Rolls Series), part i, pp. 147-151.

186 Introd. to Lib. Cust, p. lxxvii.

M123 Duties of the castellain of the City in time of war.

187 The sword of St. Paul, emblematic possibly of his martyrdom, still
remains in the City's coat of arms. It has often been mistaken for
the dagger with which Sir William Walworth is said to have killed
Wat Tyler.

M124 Feud between Fitz-Walter and King John.

188 The story is told in Mr. Riley's Introduction to the Liber
Custamarum (p. lxxix), on the authority of the Chronicle of Dunmow.

189 He is said to have made a similar attempt upon the wife of Eustace
de Vesci, a leading baron.--(Blackstone, Introd. to Magna Carta, pp.
289, 290).

M125 The Barons admitted into the City, May, 1215.

190 Mat. Paris, ii, 156. A different complexion, however, is put on this
event by another chronicler. According to Walter de Coventry (Rolls
Series, No. 58, ii, 220) the barons made their way into the City by
stealth, scaling the walls at a time when most of the inhabitants
were engaged in divine service, and having once gained a footing
opened all the City gates one after another.

191 By charter, date 8th May, 1215, preserved at the Guildhall.

192 Mat. Paris, ii, 159, 161, 164, 186.

193 Roger of Wendover (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 117.

M126 The city and Magna Carta, 15th June, 1215.

194 Stubbs, Select Charters, p. 298.

195 "Moram autem faciebant barones in civitate Londoniae per annum et
amplius cum civibus confoederati, permittentes se nullam pacem
facturos cum rege nisi assensu utriusque partis."--Annals of Waverley
(Rolls Series No. 36), ii, 283.

M127 Open war between John and the barons.

196 Mat. Paris, ii, 161, 165.

M128 London under an interdict.

197 Contin. Flor. Wigorn. ii, 167, 171. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs,
p. 3.

M129 The arrival of the Dauphin, May, 1216. M130 Death of John, 19th October, 1216.

198 Mat. Paris, ii, p. 179.

199 Confession of the Vicomte de Melun.--Mat. Paris, ii, 187.

M131 The barons desert Louis.

200 Mat. Paris, ii, 200.

201 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 4.

M132 Defeat of Louis at Lincoln, 20th May, 1217. M133 Fitz-Walter and Muntfichet made prisoners.

202 Strype, Stow's Survey, 1720, Bk. i, p. 62. They had settled in
Holborn soon after their arrival in 1220.

203 Mat. Paris, ii, 385.

M134 London invested by the Earl Marshal.

204 -_Id._, ii, 218, 220.

M135 Treaty of Lambeth, 11th Sept., 1217.

205 Liber de Ant. fol. 38. According to this authority (fol. 38b), the
peace was ratified 23rd September, at Merton.

206 Mat. Paris, ii, 222.

207 Often spoken of as the Treaty of Lambeth (Rymer's Foedera, i, 148.)

M136 Departure of Louis after borrowing a sum of money from the citizens.

208 The sum mentioned by Matthew Paris (ii. 224) is L5,000 sterling, but
according to a marginal note in the Liber de Ant. (fol. 39) it would
appear to have been only L1,000, which, according to the compiler of
that record, Louis repaid the Londoners as soon as he arrived home,
out of pure generosity (_mera liberalitate sua_). On the other hand,
Matthew Paris (ii, 292) under the year 1227, narrates that Henry
extorted from the citizens of London 5,000 marks of silver, on the
ground that that was the sum paid by the Londoners to Louis on his
departure, to the king's prejudice.

209 Walter of Coventry. (Rolls Series No. 58), ii, 239.

M137 Attempt by Constantine Fitz-Athulf or Olaf, to raise a cry in favour
of Louis, 1222.

210 Mat. Paris, ii, 251, 252.

211 Roger of Wendover, (Rolls Series No. 84), ii, 265, 267.

212 Probably Saint Giles in the Fields, a hospital founded by Matilda,
wife of Henry I.

213 "Cives autem Londonienses, qui eundem H[ubertum] propter suspendium
Constantini oderant, laetati sunt de tribulalionibus suis, et ilico
conquesti sunt de eo, quod concivem suum injuste suspendit, et
absque judicio."--Mat. Paris, ii, 345.

214 -_Id._, ii, 346, 347. Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 6, 7.

M138 The foreign element in the country.

215 "Dicebabur enim ... quod alienigenae qui plus regni perturbationem
desiderabant quam pacem, praefatum comitem Cestriae ad domini sui
regis infestationem et regni inquietationem inducere
conarentur."--Walter of Coventry, ii, 251.

216 Mat. Paris, ii, 382, 384, iii, 90.

217 Freeman, Norman Conquest, v, 469, 470. "Et quia communitas nostra
sigillum non habet, praesentes literas signo communitatis civitatis
Londoniarum vestrae sanctitati mittimus consignatas."--Mat. Paris,
iii, 17.

M139 The city's struggle against encroachment by the king.

218 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 7, 8.

M140 The city "taken into the king's hand" on the most frivolous
pretences.

219 French Chronicle (Camden Soc., No. 28), ed. by Aungier (Riley's
translation), pp. 241-244.

220 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 11.

221 -_Id._, pp. 13, 14, 16.

222 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 16, 17, 61. Mat. Paris, iii., 62,
80-81.

M141 Money extorted from the Jews as well as the citizens for payment of
the king's tradesmen.

223 Mat. Paris, ii, 323.

224 "Quia dominus rex obligabatur de debitis non minimis erga mercatores
de vino, de cera, de pannis ultramarinis, a civibus pecuniam multam
extorsit et Judaeis, nec tamen inde mercatores plenam pacationem
receperunt."--Mat. Paris, ii, 496.

225 "Cives tanien videntes aliud sibi non expedire, omnia benigne
remiserunt."--Mat. Paris, iii, 72.

226 -_Id._, iii, 43.

M142 The coronation of king and queen, 1236.

227 Ann. of Worcester (Rolls Series No. 36), iv., 407.

228 "Unde, ne exorta contentione laetitia nuptialis nubilaretur, salvo
cujuslibet jure, multa ad horam perpessa sunt, quae in tempore
opportuno fuerant determinanda."--Mat. Paris, Hist. Angl., ed. 1684,
P. 355. _Cf._ City Records, Liber Ordinationum, fo. 193 b. Brit.
Mus. Cotton MS. Vespasian, C. xiv. fos. 113-114.

M143 The king's custom of formally taking leave of his citizens before
going abroad.

229 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 9, 20, 45, 53.

230 -_Id._, p. 21.

M144 The Mad Parliament, 11th June, 1258.

231 An early instance of this parliament being so designated is found in
the _Liber de Antiquis_ of the City's Records (fol. 75b.) where the
words _insane parliamentum_ occur.

232 This agreement between the king and barons is termed a "Charter" by
Fitz-Thedmar, who says it bore the seals of the king and of many
barons.--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 41.

M145 The Citizens throw in their lot with the Barons. M146 Hugh Bigod the baron's justiciar in the city, 1258.

233 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 43.

M147 The king takes leave of the citizens. November, 1259.

234 -_Id._, pp. 33-39.

235 -_Id._, pp. 45, 46.

M148 The king's return from abroad, April, 1260.

236 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 47.

237 -_Id._, p. 52.

238 The Bull was confirmed by Alexander's successor Pope Urban IV. and
the later Bull was read at Paul's Cross, by the king's orders in the
following year (1262), _Id._, p. 53.

M149 The king summoned to observe the Provisions of Oxford. 1263.

239 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 56.

240 -_Id._, p. 57.

M150 Arrangements made between the king, the barons, and the city, July,
1263.

241 -_Id._, p. 58.

M151 Organization of the Craft Guilds under Fitz-Thomas the Mayor. 1262.

242 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 59. "A similar uprising of the
middle class of citizens was taking place about this period in other
towns. They are spoken of by chroniclers of the same stamp as
Fitz-Thedmar as ribald men who proclaimed themselves 'bachelors,'
and banded themselves together to the prejudice of the chief men of
the towns (_majores urbium et burgorum_)"--Chron. of Thomas Wykes
(Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 138.

243 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, pp. 59-60.

M152 The movement favoured by the barons.

244 -_Id._, p. 60.

M153 The queen insulted by the citizens, 13th July, 1263.

245 Ann. of Dunstaple (Rolls Series No. 36). iii. 222-223. Chron. of
Thos. Wykes (_Ibid_) iv, 136. Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28, ii,
18), places this event after the Mise of Amiens (23rd Jan., 1264).

246 Annales Londonienses.--Chron. Edward I and II (Rolls Series No. 76)
i, 60.

247 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 62.

M154 The Mise of Amiens. 23rd Jan., 1264

248 -_Id._, pp. 64, 65.

M155 League between the citizens of London and the barons.

249 Ann. of Dunstaple. iii, 230, 231.

M156 The Battle of Lewes, 14th May, 1264.

250 The number of Londoners who accompanied Leicester to Lewes is not
given. Thomas Wykes mentions it to have been very large, for the
reason that the number of fools is said to be infinite! "Quo
comperto comes Leycestriae glorians in virtute sua, congregata
baronum multitudine copiosa, Londoniensium innumerabili agmine
circumcinctus, quia legitur stultorum infinitus est numerus."--(Rolls
Series No. 36), iv, 148.

251 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 66; Ann. of Dunstaple, iii, 232;
Thos. Wykes, iv, 149, 150; Rishanger (Rolls Series No. 28), 27.

M157 The Mise of Lewes.

252 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 67.

253 -_Id._, p. 74.

M158 Meeting of Simon de Montfort's Parliament, 20th Jan., 1265.

254 Fitz-Thedmar gives the number of representatives of each city and
borough as four: "De qualitet civitate et burgo iiii
homines."--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 75.

255 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 77. This anecdote is inserted in
the margin of Fitz-Thedmar's chronicle, the writer expressing his
horror at the "wondrous and unheard of" conduct of "this most
wretched mayor."

M159 Jealousy between the Earls of Leicester and Gloucester.

256 The story is told by Thos. Wykes. (Rolls Series No. 36), iv, 163.

M160 The Battle of Evesham, 4th August, 1265.

257 Lib. de. Ant. fo. 94b.

258 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 119. Circumstantially as the
chronicler relates the story, he appears only to have inserted it as
an after-thought. Mr. Loftie (Hist, of London, i, 151), suggests
that possibly the news of Fitz-Thomas' death might have been the
occasion of its insertion.

M161 The city taken into the king's hands from 1265 to 1270.

259 Aungier, Fr. Chron. (Riley's Transl.), p. 235.

M162 Threat of the king to subdue the city by force.

260 "His lordship the king had summoned to Wyndleshores all the earls,
barons, [and] knights, as many as he could, with horses and arms,
intending to lay siege to the City of London [and] calling the
citizens his foes."--Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 81.

261 Chron. of Mayors and Sheriffs, p. 82.

M163 Fitz-Thomas and others summoned to Windsor.