Chapter VI: Magic Rites as Affecting the Life of Man (2)

The youth whose teeth I saw filed must have been quite fifteen or sixteen years of age, and had not long before undergone the rite of circumcision. When I arrived I found the house newly swept and clean, and all the accessories of the ceremony already prepared. These latter consisted of a round tray (dulang) containing the usual bowl of rice-paste (tepong tawar), with the brush of leaves, [574] three cups (containing different sorts of rice), an egg, [575] three rings of precious metals (gold, silver, and amalgam), a couple of limes, and two small files (to which a small tooth-saw and two small whetstones should be added). [576]

The ceremony now commences: the tooth-filer (Pawang gigi) first scatters the three sorts of rice and sprinkles the tepong tawar upon his instruments, etc., repeating the proper charm [577] at the same time; the patient meanwhile, and throughout the operation, reclining upon his back on the floor with his head resting on a pillow. Next the Pawang, sitting beside the patient, "touches" the patient's teeth, first with each of the three rings of precious metal and then with the egg, throwing each of these objects away as he does so, and repeating each time a charm (Hu, kata Allah, d. s. b.), which is given in the Appendix. Next he props open (di-sengkang) the patient's mouth by means of a dried areca-nut, and repeats another charm (Hei, Bismi) in order to destroy the "venom" of the steel, laying the file upon the teeth, [578] and drawing it thrice across them at the end of the charm. He then cuts off (di-k'rat) the crowns of the teeth (with one of the files), smooths their edges (di-papar) with one of the whetstones, and polishes them (melechek). During the whole of this part of the performance, which is a trying ordeal to witness, although it is borne with the utmost fortitude on the part of the sufferer, the latter holds a small mirror in front of his mouth in order to be assured that the operation is progressing to his satisfaction. When the actual filing is over, the areca-nut is extracted, and a piece of cocoa-nut husk or small block of pulai wood inserted in its stead, in order to facilitate the proper polishing of the now mutilated teeth. This latter part of the operation is accomplished by means of the file, a small piece of folded white cloth protecting the lips from injury.

Considerable interest attaches to the filing of the first tooth, on account of the omens which are taken from the position in which the crown happens to lie when it falls. If, when the tooth is filed through, the crown adheres to the file, it is taken as a sign that the patient will die at home; if it flies off and lies with its edge turned upwards, this means, on the contrary, that he will die abroad.

At the conclusion of the operation a species of poultice (ubat tasak), consisting mainly of cooked ginger (halia bara di-pahis-ki), which is intended to "deaden (the feeling of) the gums" (matikan daging gusi) is duly charmed [579] and applied to the gums of the jaw which happens to be under treatment. The Pawang now lays one hand (the left) on the top of the patient's head and the other upon the teeth of the upper jaw, and presses them together with a show of considerable force, making believe, as it were, that he is pressing the patient's upper teeth firmly into their sockets. Finally, a portion of betel-leaf is charmed (with the charm Hong sarangin, etc.) and given to the patient to chew, after which, it is asserted, all pain immediately ceases. The Pawang then washes his hands, resharpens his tools, and those present sit down to a meal of saffron-stained pulut rice. This concludes the ceremony for the day, the lower jaw being similarly treated upon a subsequent occasion.

In the course of three such operations (the Pawang informed me) the teeth can be filed down even with the gums, in which case they are, I believe, in some instances somewhat roughly plated or cased with gold. Sometimes, however, they are merely filed into points, so that they resemble the teeth of a shark. [580] Very frequently, too, they blacken them with a mixture of the empyreumatic oil of the cocoa-nut shell (baja or g'rang) and kamunting (Kl. karamunting) wood, [581] which is also used for blackening the eyebrows. These customs, however, are already dying out in the more civilised Malay States.

Whenever I made inquiries as to the reason of this strange custom, I was invariably told that it not only beautified but preserved the teeth from the action of decay, which the Malays believe to be set up by the presence of a minute maggot or worm (ulat), their most usual way of expressing the fact that they are suffering from toothache being to say that the tooth in question is being "eaten by a maggot" (di-makan ulat).

The "Batak" Malays (a Mid-Sumatran tribe, many of whom have settled in Kuala Langat) are said to chip the teeth of their children into the desired shape by the use of a small chisel, the operation causing such exquisite agony that the sufferer will not unfrequently leap to his feet with a shriek.

Even when the file is used, the work of an unskilful performer (who does not know how to destroy the "venom" of his instruments) will cause the sufferer's face to be completely swollen up (bakup) for a long period subsequent to the operation. Yet young people of both sexes cheerfully submit to the risk of this discomfort, and the only remark made by the youth whom I saw undergoing it was that it "made his mouth feel uncomfortable" (jelejeh rasa mulut-nya).

The ear-boring ceremony (bertindek) appears to have already lost much of its ceremonial character in Selangor, where I was told that it is now usually performed when the child is quite small, i.e. at the earliest, when the child is some five or seven months old, and when it is about a year old at the latest, whereas in Sumatra (according to Marsden) it is not performed until the child is eight or nine. [582] Still, however, a special kind of round ear-ring, which is of filagree-work, and is called subang, is as much the emblem of virginity in the western States as it ever was. The "discarding" of these ear-rings (tanggal subang), which should take place about seven days after the conclusion of the marriage rites, is ceremonial in character, and it is even the custom when a widow (janda) is married for the second time, to provide her with a pair of subang (which should, however, it is said, be tied on to her ears instead of being inserted in the ear-holes, as in the case of a girl who has never been married).

The rite of circumcision is of course common to Muhammadans all over the world. Some analogous practices, however, have also been noticed among the non-Muhammadan Malayan races of the Eastern Archipelago, and it is at least doubtful whether circumcision as now practised by Malays is a purely Muhummadan rite. Among Malays it is performed by a functionary called the "Mudim," [583] with a slip of bamboo, at any age (in the case of boys) from about six or seven up to about sixteen years, the wound being often dressed (at least in town districts) with fine clay mixed with soot and the yolk of eggs, but when possible, the clay is mixed with cocoa-nut fibre (rabok niyor), selumur paku uban, and the young shoots of the k'lat plantain (puchok pisang k'lat), the compound being called in either case ubat tasak. The ceremony is associated with the common purificatory rite called tepong tawar, and with ayer tolak bala (lit. evil-dispelling water). Lights are kept burning in the house for several days ("until the wound has healed"), and the performance of the ceremony is always made the occasion for a banquet, together with music and dancing of the kind in which Malays take so much delight. The cause of these rejoicings is dressed for the occasion "like a bridegroom" (pengantin), and is said to be sometimes carried in procession.

4. Personal Ceremonies and Charms

Ceremonies and charms for protecting or rendering the person more attractive or formidable, form one of the largest, but not perhaps the most interesting or important division of the medicine-man's repertory.

The following remarkable specimen of the charms belonging to the first of these classes was given me by 'Che `Abas of Klanang in Selangor, a Kelantan Malay:--

"If the corpse in the grave should speak,
And address people on earth,
May I be destroyed by any beast that has life,
But if the corpse in the grave do not speak,
And address people on earth,
May I not be destroyed by any beast that has life, or by any foe
or peril, or by any son of the human race.

And if the chicken in the egg should crow,
And call to chickens on earth,
May I be destroyed by any beast that has life,
But if the chicken in the egg do not crow,"
(etc. etc., as before.)

As a general rule, however, this particular class of charms shows particularly strong traces of Arabic influence, most often, perhaps, taking the form of an injunction (addressed to Jins or Angels) to watch over the person of the petitioner.

To rightly understand charms of the second class, which includes Bathing and Betel-charming charms, [584] we must have some idea of the Malay standard of beauty. This, I need hardly say, differs widely from that entertained by Europeans. In the case of manly beauty we should, perhaps, be able to acquiesce to some extent in the admiration which Malays express for "Brightness of Countenance" (chahia), which forms one of the chief objects of petition in almost every one of this class of charms; [585] but none of our modern Ganymedes would be likely to petition for a "voice like the voice of the Prophet David"; [586] or a "countenance like the countenance of the Prophet Joseph"; still less would he be likely to petition for a tongue "curled like a breaking wave," or "a magic serpent," or for teeth "like a herd of (black) elephants," or for lips "like a procession of ants." [587]

Malay descriptions of female beauty are no less curious. The "brow" (of the Malay Helen, for whose sake a thousand desperate battles are fought in Malay romances) "is like the one-day-old moon," [588] her eyebrows resemble "pictured clouds," [589] and are "arched like the fighting-cock's (artificial) spur," [590] her cheek resembles "the sliced-off-cheek of a mango," [591] her nose "an opening jasmine bud," [592] her hair the "wavy blossom-shoots of the areca-palm," [593] slender [594] is her neck, "with a triple row of dimples," [595] her bosom ripening, [596] her waist "lissom as the stalk of a flower," [597] her head "of a perfect oval" (lit. bird's-egg-shaped), her fingers like the leafy "spears of lemon-grass," [598] or the "quills of the porcupine," [599] her eyes "like the splendour of the planet Venus," [600] and her lips "like the fissure of a pomegranate." [601]

The following is a specimen of an invocation for beautifying the person which is supposed to be used by children:--

"The light of four Suns, five Moons,
And the seven Stars be visible in my eye.
The brightness of a shooting star be upon my chin,
And that of the full moon be upon my brows.
May my lips be like unto a string of ants,
My teeth like to a herd of elephants,
My tongue like a breaking wave,
My voice like the voice of the Prophet David,
My countenance like the countenance of the Prophet Joseph,
My brightness like the brightness of the Prophet Muhammad,
By virtue of my using this charm that was coeval with my birth,
And by grace of 'There is no god but God,'" etc.

When personal attractions begin to wane with the lapse of years, invocations are resorted to for the purpose of restoring the petitioner's lost youth. In one of the invocations referred to (which is said to have been used by the Princess of Mount Ophir, Tuan Putri Gunong Ledang, to secure perpetual youth), the petitioner boasts that he (or she) was "born under the Inverted Banyan Tree," and claims the granting of the boon applied for "by virtue of the use of the "Black Lenggundi Bush," which when it has died, returns to life again," [602] the idea being, no doubt, that a judicious use of black magic will enable the petitioner to "live backwards."

The third class of invocations, for rendering the person formidable, belong rather to the chapter on war, under which heading they will be included.

5. BETROTHAL

Betrothal is called tunangan or pinangan. When the parents of a marriageable youth perceive a suitable "match" for their son, they send a messenger to her parents to ask if she has yet been "bespoken" (kalau ada orang sebut). If the reply is satisfactory, the messenger is again despatched to intimate the desire of the youth's parents to "bespeak" the hand of the favoured individual for his son, and to arrange a day for a meeting. These preliminaries are accompanied by the usual polite self-depreciation on both sides. Thus, the girl's father begins by saying, "You wish to bespeak the hand of my daughter, who knows neither how to cook nor how to sew" (yang ta'tahu masak, ta'tahu menjait). But the custom is not carried to such extremes as it is in China. [603]

The girl's parents next call four or five witnesses (saksi) of either sex to "witness" the betrothal, and after preparing a meal (nasi dan kueh) for their expected guests, await the arrival of the youth's "Representatives," the youth himself remaining at home. One of the party carries a betel-leaf tray furnished with the usual betel-chewing appliances, together with half a bhara of dollars ($11) according to the stricter custom; although (failing the dollars), a ring or bracelet, or other jewellery of that value, may be substituted.

Bearing these presents with them, the youth's representatives proceed to the house of the girl's parents, where they are invited to enter and partake of the betel-leaf provided for them. A meal is then served, Malay cakes (kueh-kueh) brought forward, and the company again partake of betel.

The two parties now sit down in a "family circle," and one of the youth's representatives pushes forward (di-sorongkan) the betel which they had brought with them, and offers it to the people of the house, saying, "This is a pledge of your daughter's betrothal." The girl's father replies, "Be it so, I accept it," or words to that effect, and inquires how long the engagement is to last, the answer being "six months" or "a year" as the case may be. Both parties then appeal to the witnesses to "hear what is said," and the youth's relatives return to their homes.

The marriage portion being fixed (in Selangor) by an almost universal custom at two bharas of dollars ($44), the amount is not usually mentioned at the betrothal, it being understood that the usual amount is intended. But if the girl's parents should afterwards prove reluctant to proceed with the match, they forfeit twice the amount of the pledge-money which they have received; whereas if the youth refuses to proceed he merely forfeits the pledge-money ($11) already paid to the girl's parents. Some families pay a marriage portion of $30 only, and others (such as the family of 'Toh Kaya Kechil of Klang) pay as much as $50, but exceptions are rare, $44 being now generally recognised as the customary wedding portion.

However, the girl's family does not really receive anything like the full value of the $44, because if the $44 is paid in full the proposer has a right to demand a complete outfit (persalinan) of silk attire, to the value of about $20, so that the amount which actually changes hands is seldom more than about $24.

The Malay fiancée, unlike her European sister, is at the utmost pains to keep out of her lover's way, and to attain this object she is said to be "as watchful as a tiger." No engagement-ring is used in this neighbourhood, no priest (or Lebai) is present at the engagement ceremony, nor is the girl asked for her consent. On the other hand, a regular system of exchanging presents, after the engagement, is said to have been formerly in vogue in Selangor, the man sending betel-leaf, fruit, and eggs to his fiancée from time to time in net-work receptacles, and the woman sending specially prepared rice, etc. in rush-work receptacles of various patterns. It is said, too, that the woman would occasionally carve a chain, consisting of three or four links, out of a single areca-nut, in which case the prospective bridegroom was supposed to redeem it by the payment of as many dollars as there were links. The betel-nut presented on these occasions would be wrapped up in a gradation of three beautifully worked cloths, not unlike "D'oyleys" in general appearance, whilst the actual engagement ceremony in former days is said to have received additional interest and formality from the recital of verses appropriate to the occasion by chosen representatives of each party. Specimens of the betrothal verses formerly used in Selangor will be found in the Appendix. The following is a translation:--

"Q. Small is my cottage, but it has five shelves
For roasting the kerisi fish;
Hearken, good people, whilst I inquire of you
What is the price of your Diamond [604] here?

A. Your fishing-line must be five fathoms long
If you would catch the tenggiri fish;
Seven tahils, a kati, and five laksa, [605]
That is the price of our Diamond here.

Q. If there are no rengas trees growing on the Point,
One must go up-stream and cut down a screw-palm;
If one has not gold in one's girdle,
One must make over one's person to begin with.

A. If there are no rengas trees growing on the Point,
You must take banyan-wood for the sides of your trays;
If you have no gold in your girdle,
You need not hope to get Somebody's daughter.

Q. Thousands are the supports required
For the stem of the sago-palm to recline upon; [606]
Though it be thousands I would accept the debt
So I be betrothed to Somebody's daughter.

A. My head-kerchief has fallen into the sea,
And with it has fallen my oar-ring; [607]
I stretch out my hand in token of acceptance,
Though I have naught wherewith to requite you.

Q. Oar-ring or no,
The lenggundi bush grows apace in the thatch channels.
Whether it is well to go slowly or no,
It is the favour you have shown me that subdues my heart."

If, however, there is a hitch in the proceedings, and the parties commence to lose their temper, the stanzas may end very differently; for instance, the girl's father or representative will say:--

"A. My lord has gone up-stream
To get his clothes and wash out the dye. [608]
If that is all, let it alone for the present;
If there is anything else you will always find me ready.

Q. 'Che Dol Amat's mango-tree
When it fell rolled into the swamp.
If I cannot get what I want by peaceful means,
Look that you be not hit in the war of strategy.

A. If the rim is not properly fitted to the rice-box, [609]
Let us get saffron-rice and roast a fowl.
If I cannot get you to make acknowledgment,
Let Heaven reel and Earth be submerged."

These last two lines constitute a direct challenge, and no more words need be wasted when once they have been uttered.

6. MARRIAGE

When the term of betrothal is drawing to its close, a suitable day (which is frequently a Tuesday) is chosen for the work of decoration (bergantong-gantong) by the parents of both parties, and notified to the relations and friends who wish to assist in the preparations for the wedding. [610]

Both houses are decorated with vertically striped hangings (p'lang tabir) and ornamental ceiling-cloths (langit-langit), and mats, rugs, carpets, etc. are laid down. In the bridegroom's house little is done beyond erecting a small platform or dais (petarana) about six feet square, and raised about ten inches from the floor, upon which he is to don his wedding garments when he sets out to meet the bride. A similar platform (petarana) is erected in the bride's house, and a low dais called rambat in front of her door, at the outer corners of which are fixed two standard candlesticks (tiang rambat), which are sometimes as much as six feet high, and each of which carries three candles, one in the centre and one on each side, those at the side being supported by ornamental brackets (sulor bayong). The rambat may measure some 14 feet in length by 5 feet in width, and should be about 14 inches in height.

A dais (with two steps to it) is then built as follows, generally opposite the doorway, but standing a little way back from it, and facing the rambat, so as to leave a narrow passage (tela kechil) between the threshold and the dais, which latter is decked with scarlet, or at least scarlet-bordered cloth (kain berumpok dengan sakalat). The lower step of the dais (ibu g'rei) is raised about 12 inches from the floor, and measures from 10 feet to 12 feet in length by 8 feet in width. The upper step (g'rei penapah) is a little smaller, and is only raised about 10 inches above the lower one. The top of the dais is covered with a mattress, and both steps are decorated with expensive borders, which at the wedding of a Raja are made of embossed gold or silver, and may easily cost as much as $150 each, or even more. The mattress is covered in its turn with a quilt (lihap or pelampap), made of coloured silk stuffed with cotton; upon this quilt is laid a white cotton sheet, and the whole is surmounted by a row of colossal "pillows" (of the size of small packing-cases), surmounted by others of moderate size.

A mosquito-curtain is hung over all, and the completed couch is called pelamin. The head of the pelamin, it must be added, where the pillows are piled, is always on the left-hand side as you look towards it.

The number of the pillows used is of the highest importance, as indicating the rank of the contracting parties. The larger ones are about 5 feet in length and 2 feet in height by 1 1/2 feet in width. They are covered with rich embroidery at the exposed end, and are arranged in a horizontal row (sa-tunda), with their sides just touching, in the front left-hand corner of the mosquito-curtain, so as to leave a clear passage of about 3 feet behind them (at the back of the curtain) by which the bride and bridegroom may escape to the peraduan after the ceremony. These big pillows are white, with the exception of the embroidered ends, unless they are intended for a Raja, when the royal colour (yellow) is of course substituted. The one nearest the centre of the couch is called bantal tumpu, and usually has a hexagonal or (in the case of a Raja) octagonal bolster deposited beside it.

The smaller pillows are red (occasionally purple, ungu, or orange, jingga), and are called the "embroidered pillows" (bantal bertekat, or bantal p'rada). Occasionally a set of twelve small pillows is used (when they are called bantal dua-b'las, or the Twelve Pillows), but often there is only one of them to each "Big Pillow," the set of twelve being said to be an innovation, probably introduced from Malacca. Sometimes, however, when many small pillows are piled upon each other, measures have to be taken to keep them from falling, in which case the space between the piles is said to be filled up with wool or cotton stuffing (penyelat), the front being covered with embroidered cloth, the upper border of which is carried up diagonally from the top of one pile to the top of the next.

As regards the permissible number of big pillows, according to a scale in use at Klang, the common people are allowed three big pillows (including the bantal tumpu); a wealthy man, four; and a Headman, such as the 'Toh Kaya Kechil, five; a Raja being presumably allowed one or two more. According to this scale it is only the big pillows that are of importance, [611] and the people are allowed to use as few or as many small ones as they like. The topmost small pillow, however, is always triangular, and is called gunong-gunongan.

The mosquito-curtain (enclosing the couch on which the pillows rest) of course varies in size according to the dimensions of the pelamin, but may be roughly taken to be from 7 to 9 hasta [612] in length, by 8 ft. in width, and 4 ft. to 5 ft. in height (reaching to the ceiling-cloth). Its upper edges (kansor) are stiffened externally with a square frame, consisting of four bamboo rods (galah k'lambu), and it is decorated in front with a beautifully embroidered fringe called "Bo-tree leaves" (daun budi). The front of this mosquito-curtain is rolled up [613] to within 2 or 3 ft. of the top, instead of being drawn aside as usual. At the back of the curtain is suspended, except in the case of a Raja's wedding, a bamboo clothes-rod (buluh sangkutkan kain). This rod terminates at each extremity in an ornamental piece of scroll-work (sulor bayong) covered with scarlet cloth, which is sometimes made to issue from a short stem of horn or ivory, and has a wooden collar called dulang-dulang. This dulang-dulang, moreover, is sometimes provided with small hollows ('mbat-'mbat) at the top, two in front which are filled with rose-water or perfume (ayer mawar or ayer wangi), and two at the back which are filled with flowers.

Above the clothes-rod, and between its suspending cords (tali penggantong)--which, by the way, are also covered with scarlet cloth--an inner fringe of "Bo-leaves" (daun budi dalam) is sometimes added at the top of the curtain.

At the wedding of a Raja nothing else should be put inside the curtain, but at an ordinary wedding a few small articles of typical marriage furniture are usually added as follows:--

Three or four small clothes boxes (saharah), such as are kept by every Malay family, and peti kapor (boxes whose corners are strengthened and decorated with brass) are ranged upon the mattress just below the clothes-rod. Upon these should be placed (a) the bangking, which is a kind of jar or urn of lacquered wood, ranging from about half a foot to a foot in height, and contains a portion of the bride's wardrobe; and (b) the bun, [614] which is either octagonal (pechah d'lapan), or hexagonal (pechah anam), as the case may be, and which may be described as a box of tin, or sometimes of lacquered wood, whose contents are as follows:--(1) a couple of combs (sikat dua bilah), one with large and one with small teeth; (2) a small cup or saucer of hair oil (a preparation of cocoa-nut oil), or attar of roses (minyak attar), or pomatum (kateneh); (3) a small pen-knife for paring the nails; (4) a pair of scissors; (5) a preparation of antimony (chelak), which is a sort of black ointment applied by the Malays to the inside edge of the eyelids; and (6) a Malay work-box (called dulang in Selangor and bintang at Malacca), which is a circular box of painted or lacquered wood, furnished with a lid, and containing needles, cotton, and the rest of the Malay housewife's paraphernalia.

Near the door of the curtain is placed an earthenware water-jar, called gelok (gelok Kedah and gelok Perak are the usual "makes"); this jar stands upon a small brass or earthenware plate with high sides (bokor), and its mouth is covered with a brass or earthenware saucer (chepir), on which is laid the brass or earthenware bowl (penchedok ayer or batil) which is used for scooping up water from the water-jar, and which, when it is in use, is temporarily replaced by an ornamental cap woven from strips of screw-palm leaves. A couple of candlesticks placed near the water-jar, a betel tray (tepah or puan), a basin (batil besar) for washing off the lees of henna, and a "cuspadore" (ketor), all of which are placed inside the curtain, complete the preparations for this portion of the ceremony.

The day concludes, as far as the workers are concerned, with a meal in which all who have assisted in the preparations take part, and this is followed by various diversions dear to Malays, such as the chanting of passages from the Koran. [615]

At a royal wedding, either the "Story of 'Che Megat" ('Che Megat Mantri), or a royal cock-fight (main denok), or a performance by dancing girls or fencers (pedikir), may be substituted for these more devotional exercises.

These performances (whatever they may be) are kept up (with intervals for rest and refreshment) till four or five in the morning, when the guests disperse to their respective homes to sleep off the night's fatigue.

Whilst the games are progressing (at about nine or ten P.M.) the first staining of the finger-nails of the bride and bridegroom is commenced, the ceremony on this occasion being conducted in the seclusion of the inner apartments, and hence called the "Stolen Henna-staining" (berhinei churi). Leaves of henna are taken and pounded together with a small piece of charcoal, and the "mash" is applied to the finger-nails of both hands (with the exception of the middle or "Devil's finger," jari hantu). The centre of each palm is also touched with the dye, the area stained being as much as would be covered by a dollar. A line (of a finger's breadth) is also said to be drawn along the inner side of the sole of each foot, from the great toe to the heel (hinei kaus).

A couple of what we should call "pages," of about ten years of age, are seated right and left of the bridegroom, and are called Pengapit.

The bride usually provides herself with one or more girl companions; but these are supposed to "hide themselves" when there is company, their place being taken by more staid duennas, who are called Tukang Andam (i.e. "coiffeurs"), and a personal attendant or nurse, called Ma'inang (Mak Inang), who appears to act as a sort of Mistress of the Ceremonies.

The second day is spent by the guests (as was said above) in sleeping off their night's fatigue, and they do not reassemble till evening, at about five P.M.

When the last has arrived (at about seven P.M.) a meal is served, and at about half-past eight the games recommence; but after a round or so (zikir sa-jurus), say at about ten P.M., the bride at her house and bridegroom at his respectively make their first appearance in public, clad in their wedding garments, for the ceremony of staining the finger-nails, this time in public. When they are seated (between the two candlesticks, which are lighted to facilitate the operation) a tray is brought forward, furnished with the usual accessories of Malay magic, rice-paste (tepong tawar), washed rice, "saffron" rice, and parched rice, to which is added, in this instance, a sort of pudding of the pounded henna-leaves. A censer is next produced, and a brass tray with a foot to it (called semb'rip) is loaded with nasi berhinei (pulut or "glutinous" rice stained with saffron), in which are planted some ten to fifteen purple eggs (dyed with a mixture of brazil wood (sepang) and lime, and stuck upon ornamental sprays of bamboo decorated with coloured paper). The bride (or bridegroom) is then seated in a "begging" attitude, with the hands resting upon a cushion placed in the lap; the first of the guests then takes a pinch of incense from the tray and burns it in the brazier (tempat bara); next he takes a pinch of parched rice, a pinch of newly-washed rice, and a pinch of saffron rice, and, squeezing them together in the right fist, fumigates them by holding them for a moment over the burning incense, and then throws them towards the sitter, first towards the right, then towards the left, and finally into the sitter's lap.

The "Neutralising Paste" [616] is then brought and the usual leaf-brush dipped into the bowl of paste, with which the forehead of the sitter and the back of each hand are duly "painted."

A pinch of the henna is then taken and dabbed upon the centre of each palm, the hands of the sitter being turned over to enable this to be done.

The sitter then salutes the guest by raising his (or her) hands with the palms together before the breast in an attitude of prayer; the guest replies by a similar action, and the ceremony is at an end.

The same operation is performed by from five to seven, or even nine, relations (Orang Waris, lit. "Heirs,") the last operator concluding with an Arabic prayer.

While this ceremony is proceeding inside, music strikes up and a special dance, called the Henna Dance (menari hinei), [617] is performed, a picturesque feature of which is a small cake of henna, which is contained in a brazen cup (gompong hinei) and surrounded by candles. This cup is carried by the dancer, [618] who has to keep turning it over and over without letting the candles be extinguished by the wind arising from the rapid motion.

The step, which is a special one, is called the "Henna-dance Step" (Langkah tar' hinei, i.e. tari hinei), and the tune is called the "Henna-staining tune" (Lagu berhinei).

This ceremony over, the "henna-staining" rice (nasi berhinei) is partaken of by those present, the remainder being distributed to the guests engaged in "main zikir."

On the third night the same ceremonies are repeated without variation.

On the fourth morning, called the "Concluding Day" (Hari Langsong), everybody puts on his finest apparel and jewellery.

The bride's hair is done up in a roll (sanggul) and this is surmounted with a head-dress of artificial flowers (called g'rak gempa), cut out of p'rada kresek ("crackling tinsel") and raised on fine wires; her forehead is bound with a band or fillet of tinsel--gold-leaf (p'rada Siam) being used by the rich--which is called tekan kundei, and is carried round by the fringe of the hair (gigi rambut) down to the top of each ear (pelipis) [619]; for the rest the bride is clad in a "wedding jacket" (baju pengantin), which has tight-fitting sleeves extending down to the wrist, or sleeves with gathers (simak) over the arm, and which is generally made of "flowered satin" (siten berbunga) in the case of the rich, or of cloth dyed red with kasumba [620] (kain kasumba) in the case of the poorer classes. This "wedding jacket" fits tightly round the neck, has a gold border (pendepun 'mas), is fastened with two or three gold buttons, and fits closely to the person; the wealthy add a necklace or crescent-shaped breast-ornament (rantei merjan or dokoh) round the bride's neck. She also wears bracelets (g'lang) and ear-rings (subang) and perhaps anklets, of five different metals (keronchong panchalogam). A silk sarong, which takes the place of a skirt, and is girt about the waist with a waist-cord (but not usually, in Southern Selangor, fastened with belt and buckle), and a pair of silk trousers, complete her attire.

The groom, on the other hand, is clad in his best jacket and trousers, with the Malay skirt (sarong), fastened at the side, and girt above the knee (kain kembang). His head is adorned with the sigar, a peculiar head-dress of red cloth arranged turbanwise, with a peak on the right-hand side, from which artificial flowers (gunjei) depend, and which preserves its shape through being stuffed with cotton-wool. Its border is decorated with tinsel, and it has a gold fringe (kida-kida). Besides this head-dress the bridegroom has a small bunch of artificial flowers (sunting-sunting) stuck behind each ear, whilst two similar bunches are stuck in the head-dress (one on the right and the other on the left).

Bridegrooms, however, who belong to the richer classes wear what is called a lester (=destar?), whilst former Sultans of Selangor are said to have worn a gold cap (songkok leleng), which is reputed to have contained eighteen bongkal [621] (or bungkal) of gold.

The remainder of the company are of course merely dressed in their best clothes.

The "Rice of the Presence" (nasi adap-adap) is now prepared for what is called the astakona or setakona, which may be described as a framework with an octagonal ground-plan, built in three tiers, and made of pulai or meranti or other light wood; it has a small mast (tiang) planted in the centre, with cross pieces (palang-palang) in each of the upper stories to keep it in its place; the framework is supported by four corner-posts, on which it is raised about a foot and a half from the floor. The box thus formed is filled to the top with "saffron rice" (nasi kunyit), and in the rice at the top are planted the aforesaid coloured eggs. Into a hole at the top of the mast is fitted the end of a short rattan or cane, which is split into four branches, each of which again is split into three twigs, whilst on the end of each twig is stuck one of the coloured eggs (telor joran), an artificial flower, and an ornamental streamer of red paper called layer, [622] which is cut into all sorts of artistic and picturesque patterns.

The setakona is erected in front of the pelamin, on which the bride takes her seat at about 4 P.M. to await the coming of the bridegroom, the members of her own bridal party, including the Muhammadan priest or Imam, continuing the zikir maulud in the reception room at frequent intervals from 9 A.M. until the bridegroom's arrival. The arrangements are completed by placing ready for the bridegroom the "Bridal Mat" (lapik nikah), which consists of a mat of screw-palm leaves (or in the case of a Raja, a small quilt, embroidered in the manner called jong sarat) five cubits of white cloth, which are rolled up and put on one side, and a tray of betel.

Returning to the bridegroom, holy water (ayer sembahyang) is now fetched in a cherek (a kettle-shaped vessel) or bucket, for the bridegroom to wash his face and hands, and he then proceeds to put on his wedding garments, as described above, after which a scarf (salendang) is slung across his shoulder. The marriage procession (perarakan) then sets out, the women heading it (penganjor) and the men following, the bridegroom carried upon somebody's shoulders (di-sompoh), and right and left the musicians beating drums, tabors, etc., whilst those who have any skill amuse the company with exhibitions of Malay fencing (main silat) and dancing, etc., to the accompaniment of the zikir intoned by their companions.

The arrival of the bridegroom at the bride's house is the signal for a mimic conflict for the person of the bride, which is called melawa, and is strangely reminiscent of similar customs which formerly obtained in Europe.

In some cases a rope or piece of red cloth would be stretched across the path to bar the progress of the bridegroom's party, and a stout enough resistance would be offered by the defenders until the bridegroom consented to pay a fine which formerly amounted, it is said, to as much as $20, though not more than $3 or $4 would now be asked. Occasionally the bridegroom would pay the fine by pulling the ring off his finger and handing it to the bride's relations, but the ceremony would not unfrequently end in a free fight. Verses were recited on these occasions, of which a few stanzas will be found in the Appendix. [623]

On arriving at the door the musicians strike up their liveliest tune, and as the bridegroom is carried up the steps he has to force his way through an Amazonian force consisting of the ladies of the bride's party, who assemble to repel the invader from the threshold. A well-directed fire is maintained by others, who pour upon the foe over the heads of the defenders repeated volleys of saffron rice (or, at a royal wedding, ambor-ambor--i.e. clippings from a thin sheet of silver or gold which are thrown among the crowd as largess).

Meanwhile the bridegroom persists until his efforts are crowned with success, and he makes his way (assisted possibly by some well-meant act of treachery on the part of the garrison) to the reception room, when the mat already referred to is unrolled and the white cloth suspended over it. Here the bridegroom takes his seat and the priest comes out to perform the wedding ceremony. [624] This, strangely enough, is performed with the bridegroom alone, the priest saying to him in the presence of three or four witnesses and his surety (wali), generally his father, "I wed you, A., to B., daughter of C., for a portion of two bharas." To this the bridegroom has to respond without allowing an interval, "I accept this marriage with B., for a portion of two bharas" (or one bhara if one of the parties has been married before). Even this short sentence, however, is a great deal too much for the nerves of some Malay bridegrooms, who have been known to spend a couple of hours in abortive attempts before they could get the Imam to "pass" it. As soon, however, as this obstacle has been surmounted, the priest asks those present if they will bear witness to its correctness, and on their replying in the affirmative, it is followed by the "bacha salawat," which consists of repeated shouts from the company of "Peace be with thee." This part of the ceremony completed, one of the brothers or near relations of the bridegroom leads him into the bridal chamber, and seats him in the usual cross-legged position on the left side of the bride, who sits with her feet tucked up on his right. Even the process of seating the couple (bersanding) is a very fatiguing one; each of them has to bend the knees slowly until a sitting posture is reached, and then return to a standing posture by slowly straightening the knees, a gymnastic exercise which has to be repeated thrice, and which requires the assistance of friends. [625]

The seating having been accomplished, friends put in the right hands of bride and bridegroom respectively handfuls of rice taken from the nasi setakona; with this the two feed each other simultaneously, each of them reaching out the hand containing the rice to the other's mouth. (This part of the ceremony is often made the occasion for a race.)

The bridegroom is then carried off by his friends to the outer chamber, where he has to pay his respects (minta' ma`af, lit. "ask pardon") to the company, after which he is carried back to his old post, the bride in the meantime having moved off a little in the mosquito curtain.

The sweetmeats are then brought and handed round, the setakona is broken up, and the bundles of rice wrapped in plantain leaves which it contains distributed to the company as largess or berkat. Each of the company gets one of the telor chachak, the telor joran being reserved for the Imam and any person of high rank who may attend, e.g. a Raja. [626]

This completes the wedding ceremony, but the bridegroom is nominally expected to remain under the roof (and eye) of his mother-in-law for about two years (reduced to forty-four days in the case of "royalty"), after which he may be allowed to remove to a house of his own. No Kathi [627] was present until quite recently at marriages in Selangor, nor has it in the past been the practice, so far as I could find out, for him to attend. Sir S. Raffles gives as part of the formula used in Java:--"If you travel at sea for a year, or ashore for six months, without sending either money or message to your wife, she will complain to the judge and obtain one talak (the preliminary stage of divorce)," and this condition should, strictly speaking, be included in the Malay formula. It is now growing obsolete, but was in former days repeated first by the priest, and then by the bridegroom after him. The marriage portion (isi kahwin, Arabic mahar) is here generally called b'lanja kahwin or mas kahwin. [628] No wedding-ring should, strictly, be given.

For three days lustrations are continued by the newly-married pair, but before they are completed, and as soon as possible after the wedding, friends and acquaintances once more put on their finery, and proceed to the house to pay their respects, to bathe, and to receive largess.

On the third day after the hari langsong there is a very curious ceremony called mandi tolak bala, or mandi ayer salamat (bathing for good luck).

On the night in question the relatives of the bridegroom assemble under cover of the darkness and make a bonfire under the house of the newly-married couple by collecting and burning rubbish; into the fire thus kindled they throw cocoa-nut husks and pepper, or anything likely to make it unpleasant for those within, and presently raise such a smoke that the bridegroom comes hastily down the steps, ostensibly to see what is the matter, but as soon as he makes his appearance, he is seized by his relatives and carried off bodily to his own parents' house; these proceedings being known as the stealing of the bridegroom (churi pengantin). Next day there is a grand procession to escort him back to the house of his bride, which he reaches about one o'clock in the afternoon, the processionists carrying "Rice of the Presence" (nasi adap-adap) with the eggs stuck into it as on the last day of the wedding, two sorts of holy water in pitchers, called respectively ayer salamat (water of good luck), and ayer tolak bala (water to avert ill-luck), vases of flowers (gumba) containing blossom-spikes of the cocoa-nut and areca-nut palms, and young cocoa-nut leaves rudely plaited into the semblance of spikes of palm-blossom, k'risses, etc. etc., together with a large number of rude syringes manufactured from joints of bamboo, and called panah ayer, or "water-bows."

A set of similar objects (including nasi adap-adap), is prepared by the relatives of the bride, and deposited upon the ground in the place selected for the bathing ceremony. A bench being added for the bride and bridegroom to sit upon, the ceremony commences with the customary rite of tepong tawar, after which the two kinds of holy water, ayer tolak bala and ayer salamat, are successively thrown over the pair.

Now, according to the proper custom, during the proceedings which follow, all the bride's relatives should surround the bride's seat, and the bridegroom's relatives should stand at a distance; but, in order to save themselves from a wetting, the women of both parties now usually assemble round the bride and bridegroom, where they are protected by a sheet which is hung between them and the men; for all the young men now proceed to discharge their "water arrows," and as they are stopped by the sheet they proceed to turn their syringes against each other, until all are thoroughly wetted.

Meanwhile a young cocoa-nut frond, twisted into a slip-knot with V-shaped ends (something like the "merry thought" of a fowl), is presented to the bride and bridegroom, each of whom takes hold of one end, and blowing on it (sembor) thrice, pulls it till it comes undone, and the lepas-lepas rite is concluded. Finally, a girdle of thread is passed seven times over the heads and under the feet of the bride and bridegroom, when the bridegroom breaks through the thread and they are all free to return homewards. This latter ceremony is called 'lat-'lat. The guests then return to their homes, divest themselves of their wet garments, and put on their wedding attire. The bersuap-suapan, or feeding ceremony, is then performed (both vessels of adap-adap rice being used), and then all parties disperse for the usual games. Seven days after the "Concluding Day" (Hari Langsong), the ceremony of Discarding the Earrings (i.e. subang, the emblems of virginity) is performed by the bride.

Raja Bôt of Selangor, who attaches great importance to the lustration ceremony, and says that it ought not to take place later than the seventh day (at a Raja's wedding), thus describes the full ceremony as once arranged by himself:--A small bath-house was built at the top of a flight of seven steps, and water was pumped up to it through a pipe, whose upper end was made fast under the roof of the shed, and terminated in the head of a dragon (naga), from whose jaws the water spouted. The steps were completely lined with women, of whom there must have been an immense number (no men being allowed to be present), and the Raja and his bride bathed before them. A royal bath-house of this kind is called balei pancha persada, and should be used not only at "royal" weddings, but at coronations (waktu di-naubatkan); it is described in the following lines:--

"Naik balei pancha persada
Di-hadap uleh sagala Biduanda,
Dudok semaiam dengan bertakhta.
Mandi ayer yang kaluar di mulut Naga"--

which may be translated:--

"Ascend to the Royal Bath-House
In the presence of all your courtiers,
Take your seat in royal state,
And bathe in the water that flows from the Dragon's Mouth."

It must not be supposed that, with such a mass of detail, many things may not have been overlooked, but it may be remarked as some sort of a practical conclusion to this account, that the Malay wedding ceremony, even as carried out by the poorer classes, shows that the contracting parties are treated as royalty, that is to say, as sacred human beings, and if any further proof is required, in addition to the evidence which may be drawn from the general character of the ceremony, I may mention, firstly, the fact that the bride and bridegroom are actually called Raja Sari, (i.e. Raja sa-hari, the "sovereigns of a day"); and, secondly, that it is a polite fiction that no command of theirs, during their one day of sovereignty, may be disobeyed.

I will now give accounts of two Malay weddings which took place at Klang: both accounts were composed by respectable Malays, the first one being translated by Mr. Douglas Campbell of Selangor, and the second by the present writer:--

"The following account of the ceremonies connected with the marriage of Siti Meriam, a daughter of the Orang Kaya Badu, [629] of Selangor, to Wan Mahamed Esa, a son of Datoh Mentri [630] Ibrahim of Perak, has been furnished by a Malay contributor, Haji Karrim, and in translating it into English an endeavour has been made to follow, as far as possible, the style of the native writer.

"On Monday, the 1st of August, the house was prepared and the hangings and curtains put up, and on that evening the ceremony of dyeing the fingers of the bridegroom with henna was performed for the first time. Then there were readings from the Koran, with much beating of drums and kettledrums and Malay dances, and when this had gone on for some time, supper was served to all the men present in the balei, or separate hall, and to the women in the house adjoining. Supper over, readings from the Koran and beating of drums were continued till daylight.

"On Tuesday evening the dyeing of the fingers of the bridegroom was performed for the second time, as on the preceding evening.

"The third occasion of dyeing the fingers of the bridegroom took place on Wednesday evening, but with much more ceremony than previously. The bridegroom, after being dressed in silks and cloth of gold, was paraded in an open carriage. On each side of him was seated a groom'sman shading him with a fan, and behind, holding an umbrella over him, was another. And thus, with many followers beating drums and singing, and with the Royal sireh [631]-box, on which are seated the dragons known as naga pura and naga taru, and with two Royal spears carried before him and two behind, the bridegroom was taken through the streets in procession. On arriving at the bride's house he was received with showers of rose-water, and then conveyed by the elders to the raised dais on which the bride and bridegroom awaited their friends.

"The bridegroom being seated, fourteen of the elders came forward and dyed his fingers with henna, and afterwards others, who were clever at this, followed their example. While this was going on there was much beating of gongs and drums, and then the same process of dyeing was repeated on the bride by women. Next the Imam came, and, after stating that the dowry was $100 cash, heard Wan Mahamed Esa publicly receive Siti Meriam as his wife, whereupon the Bilal [632] read a prayer and afterwards pronounced a blessing.