Chapter XII

Condition of Providence—execution of three murderers of an
Indian—birth of Mr. Williams’ eldest son.

We have seen Mr. Williams, though burdened by the toils and privations of a new settlement, generously devoting his time and property to rescue his countrymen from destruction by the Pequods; and assisting to establish a new colony at Rhode-Island. His own settlement at Providence was, in the mean while, increasing. The measures adopted in Massachusetts, in relation to Mrs. Hutchinson and her adherents, made Providence a welcome place of refuge to some of the fugitives. The temper of Massachusetts towards the settlement is shown in an act of the General Court, March 12, 1637–8, virtually prohibiting any of the inhabitants of Providence from coming into Massachusetts.[183]

This act operated with much severity, for the colonists were dependent on Boston for supplies from abroad. Mr. Williams complained, that he had suffered the loss of many thousand pounds, in his “trading with English and natives, being debarred from Boston, the chief mart and port of New-England.”[184] The writer of the History of Providence attributes the want of written memorials of the first settlers to the scarcity of paper, observing, that “the first of their writings that are to be found, appear on small scraps of paper, wrote as thick, and crowded as full as possible.” This scarcity of an article, which could be procured from Europe only, would be a natural consequence of an exclusion from the only port nearer than New-York, which vessels from abroad then visited. But articles of still greater necessity could not be obtained in the colonies, and the inconvenience, if not suffering, occasioned by such an exclusion, can scarcely be imagined in the present age.

But no injuries to himself or his fellow colonists could provoke Mr. Williams to refuse his good offices with the Indians. About June, 1638, the following letter was written by him to Governor Winthrop:[185]

“Sir,

“I perceive, by these your last thoughts, that you have received
many accusations and hard conceits of this poor native Miantinomo,
wherein I see the vain and empty puff of all terrene promotions, his
barbarous birth or greatness being much honored, confirmed and
augmented (in his own conceit) by the solemnity of his league with
the English, and his more than ordinary entertainment, &c. now all
dashed in a moment in the frowns of such in whose friendship and
love lay his chief advancement.

“Sir, of the particulars, some concerning him only, some Canonicus
and the rest of the sachems, some all the natives, some myself.

“For the sachems, I shall go over speedily, and acquaint them with
particulars. At present, let me still find this favor in your eyes,
as to obtain an hearing, for that your love hath never denied me,
which way soever your judgment hath been (I hope, and I know you
will one day see it,) and been carried.

“Sir, let this barbarian be proud, and angry, and covetous, and
filthy, hating and hateful, (as ourselves have been till kindness
from heaven pitied us, &c.) yet let me humbly beg belief, that for
myself, I am not yet turned Indian, to believe all barbarians tell
me, nor so basely presumptuous as to trouble the eyes and hands of
such (and so honored and dear) with shadows and fables. I commonly
guess shrewdly at what a native utters, and, to my remembrance,
never wrote particular, but either I know the bottom of it, or else
I am bold to give a hint of my suspense.

“Sir, therefore, in some things at present, (begging your wonted
gentleness toward my folly) give me leave to show you how I clear
myself from such a lightness.

“I wrote lately (for that you please to begin with) that some
Pequods (and some of them actual murderers of the English, and that
also after the fort was cut off,) were now in your hands. Not only
love, but conscience forced me to send, and speedily, on purpose, by
a native, mine own servant. I saw not, and spake not with
Miantinomo, nor any from him. I write before the All-Seeing Eye. But
thus it was. A Narraganset man (Awetipimo) coming from the Bay with
cloth, turned in (as they use to do) to me for lodging. I questioned
of Indian passages, &c. He tells me Uncas was come with near upon
forty natives. I asked what present he brought. He told me that
Cutshamoquene had four fathom and odd of him, and forty was for Mr.
Governor. I asked him how many Pequods. He told me six. I asked him
if they were known. He said Uncas denied that there were any
Pequods, and said they were Mohegans all. I asked if himself knew
any of them. He answered he did, and so did other Indians of
Narraganset. I asked if the murderer of whom I wrote, Pamatesick,
were there. He answered he was, and (I further inquiring) he was
confident it was he, for he knew him as well as me, &c.

“All this news (by this providence) I knew before ever it came to
Narraganset. Upon this I sent, indeed fearing guilt to my own soul,
both against the Lord and my countrymen. But see a stranger hand of
the Most and Only Wise. Two days after, Uncas passeth by within a
mile of me (though he should have been kindly welcome.) One of his
company (Wequaumugs) having hurt his foot, and disabled from travel,
turns in to me; whom lodging, I question, and find him by father a
Narraganset, by mother a Mohegan, and so freely entertained by both.
I further inquiring, he told me he went from Mohegan to the Bay with
Uncas. He told me how he had presented forty fathom (to my
remembrance) to Mr. Governor (four and upwards to Cutshamoquene,)
who would not receive them, but asked twice for Pequods. At last, at
Newton, Mr. Governor received them, and was willing that the Pequods
should live, such as were at Mohegan, subject to the English sachems
at Connecticut, to whom they should carry tribute, and such Pequods
as were at Narraganset to Mr. Governor, and all the runaways at
Mohegan to be sent back. I asked him how many Pequods were at
Narraganset. He said but two, who were Miantinomo’s captives, and
that at Niantick with Wequash Cook were about three score. I asked,
why he said the Indians at Narraganset were to be the Governor’s
subjects. He said, because Niantick was sometimes so called,
although there hath been of late no coming of Narraganset men
thither. I asked him if he heard all this. He said that himself and
the body of the company stayed about Cutshamoquene’s. I asked how
many Pequods were among them. He said six. I desired him to name
them, which he did thus: Pametesick, Weeaugonhick, (another of those
murderers) Makunnete, Kishkontuckqua, Sausawpona, Qussaumpowan,
which names I presently wrote down, and (pace vestra dixerim) I am
as confident of the truth as that I breathe. Again, (not to be too
bold in all the particulars at this time) what a gross and monstrous
untruth is that concerning myself, which your love and wisdom to
myself a little espy, and I hope see malice and falsehood, (far from
the fear of God) whispering together? I have long held it
will-worship to doff and don to the Most High in worship; and I wish
also, that in civil worship, others were as far from such a vanity,
though I hold it not utterly unlawful in some places. Yet surely,
amongst the barbarians (the highest in the world,) I would rather
lose my head than so practise, because I judge it my duty to set
them better copies, and should sin against my own persuasions and
resolutions.

“Sir, concerning the islands Prudence and (Patmos, if some had not
hindered) Aquetneck, be pleased to understand your great mistake:
neither of them were sold properly, for a thousand fathom would not
have bought either, by strangers. The truth is, not a penny was
demanded for either, and what was paid was only gratuity, though I
chose, for better assurance and form, to call it sale.

“And, alas! (though I cannot conceive you can aim at the sachems)
they have ever conceived that myself and Mr. Coddington (whom they
knew so many years a sachem at Boston) were far from being rejected
by yourselves, as you please to write, for if the Lord had not hid
it from their eyes, I am sure you had not been thus troubled by
myself at present. Yet the earth is the Lord’s and the fulness
thereof. His infinite wisdom and pity be pleased to help you all,
and all that desire to fear his name and tremble at his word in this
country, to remember that we are all rejected of our native soil,
and more to mind the many strong bands, with which we are all tied,
than any particular distastes each against the other, and to
remember that excellent precept, Prov. 25, If thine enemy hunger,
feed him, &c. for thou shalt heap coals of fire upon his head, and
Jehovah shall reward thee; unto whose mercy and tender compassions I
daily commend you, desirous to be more and ever,

“Your worship’s unfeigned and faithful,
“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“Sir, mine own and wife’s respective salutes to your dear companion
and all yours; as also to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, and other
loving friends.

“I am bold to enclose this paper, although the passages may not be
new, yet they may refresh your memories in these English Scotch
distractions, &c.

“For his much honored and beloved Mr. Governor of Massachusetts,
these.”

In August, 1638, his aid was again solicited by Massachusetts. Winthrop says, under that date, “Janemoh, the sachem of Niantick, had gone to Long-Island, and rifled some of those Indians which were tributaries to us. The sachems complained to our friends of Connecticut, who wrote us about it, and sent Captain Mason, with seven men, to require satisfaction. The Governor of the Massachusetts wrote also to Mr. Williams, to treat with Miantinomo about satisfaction, or otherwise to bid them look for war. Upon this Janemoh went to Connecticut, and made his peace, and gave full satisfaction for all injuries.”[186]

About this time, an event occurred, which deserves to be related, both on account of Mr. Williams’ connection with it, and because it is in a high degree honorable to the justice and integrity of the colonists, in their transactions with the natives.

Four young men, of Plymouth, who were servants, having absconded from their masters, attacked an Indian, at Pawtucket, near Providence, but within the limits of Plymouth colony. After inflicting upon him a mortal wound, they robbed him of a quantity of wampum, and fled to Providence. Here they were received by Mr. Williams, with his usual hospitality, he being then ignorant of their character and their crime, and supposing that they were, as they pretended, travellers to Connecticut. He furnished them with letters and a guide; but after their departure, he was informed of the atrocious act which they had perpetrated. He immediately despatched messengers to apprehend them, and went himself, with two or three others, in search of the wounded Indian. They carried him to Providence, and endeavored to preserve his life; but in vain. The murderers fled to Newport, where, in consequence of information from Mr. Williams, they were arrested. Mr. Coddington being absent, they were sent to Providence. Mr. Williams was at a loss to determine, whether they ought to be tried at Newport, where they were taken, or at Plymouth, to which they belonged. He accordingly wrote to Governor Winthrop, to ask his advice. The following letter, written about August, 1638, contains, among other things, an account of these transactions:[187]

“Much honored Sir,

“The bearer lodging with me, I am bold to write an hasty
advertisement concerning late passages. For himself, it seems he was
fearful to go farther than forty miles about us, especially
considering that no natives are willing to accompany him to Pequod
or Mohegan, being told by two Pequods (the all of Miantinomo’s
captives which are not run from him) what he might expect, &c.

“Sir, Capt. Mason and Thomas Stanton, landing at Narraganset, and at
Miantinomo’s denouncing war within six days against Janemoh, for
they say that Miantinomo hath been fair in all the passages with
them, Janemoh sent two messengers to myself, requesting counsel. I
advised him to go over with beads and satisfy, &c.

“He sent four Indians. By them Mr. Haynes writes me, that they
confess fifteen fathom there received at Long-Island. Thereabout
they confessed to me (four being taken of Pequods by force, and
restored again,) as also that the islanders say fifty-one fathom,
which sum he demanded, as also that the Niantick messengers laid
down twenty-six fathom and a half, which was received in part, with
declaration that Janemoh should within ten days bring the rest
himself, or else they were resolved for war, &c. I have therefore
sent once and again to Janemoh, to persuade himself to venture, &c.
Canonicus sent a principal man last night to me, in haste and
secrecy, relating that Wequash had sent word that if Janemoh went
over he should be killed, but I assure them the contrary, and
persuade Canonicus to importune and hasten Janemoh within his time,
ten days, withal hoping and writing back persuasions of better
things to Mr. Haynes, proffering myself, (in case that Janemoh
through fear or folly fail) to take a journey and negotiate their
business, and save blood, whether the natives’ or my countrymen’s.

“Sir, there hath been great hubbub in all these parts, as a general
persuasion that the time was come of a general slaughter of natives,
by reason of a murder committed upon a native within twelve miles of
us, four days since, by four desperate English. I presume
particulars have scarce as yet been presented to your hand. The last
5th day, toward evening, a native, passing through us, brought me
word, that at Pawtucket, a river four miles from us toward the Bay,
four Englishmen were almost famished. I sent instantly provisions,
and strong water, with invitation, &c. The messengers brought word,
that they were one Arthur Peach, of Plymouth, an Irishman, John
Barnes, his man, and two others come from Pascataquack, travelling
to Connecticut; that they had been lost five days, and fell into our
path but six miles. Whereas they were importuned to come home, &c.
they pleaded soreness in travelling, and therefore their desire to
rest there.

“The next morning they came to me by break of day, relating that the
old man at Pawtucket had put them forth the last night, because that
some Indians said, that they had hurt an Englishman, and therefore
that they lay between us and Pawtucket.

“I was busy in writing letters and getting them a guide to
Connecticut, and inquired no more, they having told me, that they
came from Plymouth on the last of the week in the evening, and lay
still in the woods the Lord’s day, and then lost their way to
Weymouth, from whence they lost their way again towards us, and came
in again six miles off Pawtucket.

“After they were gone, an old native comes to me and tells me, that
the natives round about us were fled, relating that those four had
slain a native, who had carried three beaver skins and beads for
Canonicus’ son, and came home with five fathom and three coats; that
three natives which came after him found him groaning in the path;
that he told them that four Englishmen had slain him. They came to
Pawtucket and inquired after the English, which when Arthur and his
company heard, they got on hose and shoes and departed in the night.

“I sent after them to Narraganset, and went myself with two or three
more to the wounded in the woods. The natives at first were shy of
us, conceiving a general slaughter, but, (through the Lord’s mercy)
I assured them that Mr. Governor knew nothing, &c. and that I had
sent to apprehend the men. So we found that he had been run through
the leg and the belly with one thrust. We dressed him and got him to
town next day, where Mr. James and Mr. Greene endeavored, all they
could, his life; but his wound in the belly, and blood lost, and
fever following, cut his life’s thread.

“Before he died, he told me, that the four English had slain him,
and that, (being faint and not able to speak) he had related the
truth to the natives who first came to him, viz. that they, viz. the
English, saw him in the Bay and his beads; that sitting in the side
of a swamp a little way out of the path (I went to see the place,
fit for an evil purpose) Arthur called him to drink tobacco, who
coming and taking the pipe of Arthur, Arthur run him through the leg
into the belly, when, springing back, he, Arthur, made the second
thrust, but missed him, and his weapon run into the ground; that
getting from them a little way into the swamp, they pursued him,
till he fell down, when they missed him, and getting up again, when
he heard them close by him, he run to and again in the swamp, till
he fell down again, when they lost him quite; afterwards, towards
night, he came and lay in the path, that some passenger might help
him as aforesaid.

“Whereas they said, they wandered Plymouth way, Arthur knew the
path, having gone it twice; and besides Mr. Throckmorton met them
about Naponset river in the path, who, riding roundly upon a sudden
by them, was glad he had past them, suspecting them. They denied
that they met Mr. Thockmorton.

“The messenger that I sent to Narraganset, pursuing after them,
returned the next day, declaring that they showed Miantinomo’s
letters to Aquetneck (which were mine to Connecticut) and so to
Aquetneck they past, whither I sent information of them, and so they
were taken. Their sudden examination they sent me, a copy of which I
am bold to send your worship enclosed.

“The islanders (Mr. Coddington) being absent, resolved to send them
to us, some thought, by us to Plymouth, from whence they came. Sir,
I shall humbly crave your judgment, whether they ought not to be
tried where they are taken. If they be sent any where, whether not
to Plymouth. In case Plymouth refuse, and the islanders send them to
us, what answers we may give, if others, unjustly shift them unto
us. I know that every man, quatenus man, and son of Adam, is his
brother’s keeper or avenger; but I desire to do bonum bene, &c.

“Thus, beseeching the God of heaven, most holy and only wise, to
make the interpretation of his own holy meaning in all occurrences,
to bring us all by these bloody passages to a higher price of the
blood of the Son of God, yea of God, by which the chosen are
redeemed, with all due respects to your dear self and dear
companion, I cease.

“Your worship’s most unworthy,
“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“This native, Will, my servant, shall attend your worship for
answer.

“My due respect to Mr. Deputy, Mr. Bellingham, &c.”

Governor Winthrop advised him to send the prisoners to Plymouth. He complied, and three of them (the fourth having effected his escape) were there tried for murder. They confessed the crime, and were hung at Plymouth, in the presence of Mr. Williams, and many of the natives. Two died penitents, especially Arthur Peach, an Irishman, “a young man (says Governor Winthrop) of good parentage and fair condition, and who had done very good service against the Pequods.”

The following letter of Mr. Williams belongs to this period. It was addressed to Governor Winthrop:[188]

“Much honored Sir,

“Through the mercy of the Most High, I am newly returned from a
double journey to Connecticut and Plymouth. I shall presume on your
wonted love and gentleness, to present you with a short relation of
what issue it pleased the Lord to produce out of them, especially
since your worship’s name was in some way engaged in both.

“I went up to Connecticut with Miantinomo, who had a guard of
upwards of one hundred and fifty men, and many sachems, and his wife
and children with him. By the way (lodging from his house three
nights in the woods) we met divers Narraganset men complaining of
robbery and violence which they had sustained from the Pequods and
Mohegans, in their travel from Connecticut; as also some of the
Wunnashowatuckoogs (subject to Canonicus) came to us and advertised,
that two days before, about six hundred and sixty Pequods, Mohegans
and their confederates, had robbed them, and spoiled about
twenty-three fields of corn, and rifled four Narraganset men amongst
them; and also that they lay in way and wait to stop Miantinomo’s
passage to Connecticut, and divers of them threatened to boil him in
a kettle.

“This tidings being many ways confirmed, my company, Mr. Scott, (a
Suffolk man,) and Mr. Cope, advised our stop and return back; unto
which I also advised the whole company, to prevent bloodshed,
resolving to get up to Connecticut by water, hoping there to stop
such courses. But Miantinomo and his council resolved, (being then
about fifty miles, half way, on our journey,) that not a man should
turn back, resolving rather all to die, keeping strict watch by
night, and in dangerous places a guard by day about the sachems,
Miantinomo and his wife, who kept the path, myself and company
always first, and on either side of the path forty or fifty men to
prevent sudden surprisals. This was their Indian march.

“But it pleased the Father of mercies, that (as we since heard) we
came not by, till two days after the time given out by Miantinomo,
(by reason of staying for me until the Lord’s day was over) as also
the Lord sent a rumor of great numbers of the English, in company
with the Narragansets, so that we came safe to Connecticut.

“Being arrived, Uncas had sent messengers that he was lame, and
could not come. Mr. Haynes said it was a lame excuse, and sent
earnestly for him, who at last came, and being charged by Mr. Haynes
with the late outrages, one of his company said, they were but an
hundred men. He said he was with them, but did not see all was done,
and that they did but roast corn, &c. So there being affirmations
and negations concerning the number of men and the spoil, not having
eye-witnesses of our own, that fell, as also many other mutual
complaints of rifling each other, which were heard at large to give
vent and breathing to both parts.

“At last we drew them to shake hands, Miantinomo and Uncas, and
Miantinomo invited (twice earnestly) Uncas to sup and dine with him,
he and all his company (his men having killed some venison;) but he
would not yield, although the magistrates persuaded him also to it.

“In a private conference, Miantinomo, from Canonicus and himself,
gave in the names of all the Pequod sachems and murderers of the
English. The names of the sachems were acknowledged by Uncas, as
also the places, which only I shall be bold to set down:

“Nausipouck, Puttaquappuonckquame his son, now on Long-Island.

“Nanasquiouwut, Puttaquappuonckquame his brother, at Mohegan.

“Puppompogs; Sassacus his brother, at Mohegan.

“Mausaumpous, at Niantick.

“Kithansh, at Mohegan.

“Attayakitch, at Pequod or Mohegan.

“These, with the murderers, the magistrates desired to cut off, the
rest to be divided, and to abolish their names. An inquisition was
made, and it was affirmed from Canonicus, that he had not one.
Miantinomo gave in the names of ten or eleven, which were the
remainder of near seventy, which at the first subjected themselves,
of which I advertised your worship, but all again departed or never
came to him; so that two or three of these he had with him; the rest
were at Mohegan and Pequod.

“Uncas was desired to give in the names of his. He answered, that he
knew not their names. He said, there were forty on Long-Island; and
that Janemoh and three Niantick sachems had Pequods, and that he
himself had but twenty. Thomas Stanton told him and the magistrates,
that he dealt very falsely; and it was affirmed by others, that he
fetched thirty or forty from Long-Island at one time. Then he
acknowledged, that he had thirty, but the names he could not give.
It pleased the magistrates to request me to send to Niantick, that
the names of their Pequods might be sent to Connecticut; as also to
give Uncas ten days to bring in the number and names of his Pequods
and their runaways, Mr. Haynes threatening also (in case of failing)
to fetch them.

“Sir, at Plymouth, it pleased the Lord to force the prisoners to
confess, that they all complotted and intended murder; and they
were, three of them, (the fourth having escaped, by a pinnace, from
Aquetneck,) executed in the presence of the natives who went with
me. Our friends confessed, that they received much quickening from
your own hand. O that they might also in a case more weighty,
wherein they need much, viz. the standing to their present
government and liberties, to which I find them weakly resolved.

“They have requested me to inquire out a murder five years since
committed upon a Plymouth man, (as they now hear) by two Narraganset
Indians, between Plymouth and Sowams. I hope, (if true) the Lord
will discover it.

“Sir, I understand there hath been some Englishman of late come
over, who hath told much to Cutshamoquene’s Indians (I think
Auhaudin) of a great sachem in England, (using the King’s name) to
whom all the sachems in this land are and shall be nothing, and
where his ships ere long shall land; and this is much news at
present amongst the natives. I hope to inquire out the man.

“Mr. Vane hath also written to Mr. Coddington and others on the
island of late, to remove from Boston, as speedily as they might,
because some evil was ripening, &c. The most holy and mighty One
blast all mischievous buds and blossoms, and prepare us for tears in
the valley of tears, help you and us to trample on the dunghill of
this present world, and to set affections and cast anchor above
these heavens and earth, which are reserved for burning.

“Sir, I hear, that two malicious persons, (one I was bold to trouble
your worship with not long since) Joshua Verin, and another yet with
us, William Arnold, have most falsely and slanderously (as I hope it
shall appear) complotted together (even as Gardiner did against
yourself) many odious accusations in writing. It may be, they may
some way come to your loving hand. I presume the end is to render me
odious both to the King’s Majesty, as also to yourselves. I shall
request humbly your wonted love and gentleness (if it comes to your
worship’s hand) to help me with the sigh of it, and I am confident
yourself shall be the judge of the notorious wickedness and
malicious falsehoods contained therein, and that there hath not
passed aught from me, either concerning the maintaining of our
liberties in this land, or any difference with yourselves, which
shall not manifest loyalty’s reverence, modesty and tender
affection.

“The Lord Jesus, the sun of righteously[189] shine brightly and
eternally on you and yours, and all that seek him that was
crucified. In him I desire ever to be,

“Your worship’s most unfeigned,
“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“All respective salutations to kind Mrs. Winthrop, Mr. Deputy, Mr.
Bellingham, and theirs.”

In September, 1638, Mr. Williams’ eldest son was born, to whom his father gave the name of Providence. He is said to have been the first English male child, who was born there.

We may here appropriately mention, the establishment of Harvard College. The great and good men who presided over the councils of Massachusetts felt, that learning and religion are the firmest pillars of civil liberty. In their weakness, they resolved to establish a college. In October, 1636, during the Pequod war, the General Court appropriated for the purpose, four hundred pounds, equal to the whole sum raised by taxation, in one year, in the whole colony, for the support of the civil government. Rev. John Harvard, who died September 14, 1638, left to the college nearly eight hundred pounds, being half of his property. The General Court gave to the college his honored name, and called that part of Newtown where it had been erected, Cambridge.

During the year, 1638, the colony at New-Haven was commenced, by Theophilus Eaton, John Davenport, and others, who purchased the land of the Indians, and laid the foundation of the city of New-Haven. The colony bore the same name, until 1665, when it was united with that which had been commenced at Hartford, and assumed the common name of Connecticut.

In May, of this year, an arbitrary order was issued in England, to prevent emigration to America. Eight ships, which were on the point of sailing for New-England, were stopped. By this order, Oliver Cromwell, Sir Arthur Hazlerig, John Hampden, and others, were prevented from coming to America. The King had afterwards abundant reason to lament his interference to detain these men, who so largely contributed to subvert his throne.[190] It is a matter of curious speculation, what would have been the course and fortunes of Cromwell, if he had reached our shores. How different might have been the history of England, for the next fifty years.