Chapter XXI

Troubles in Rhode-Island—William Harris—Quakers—severe laws against
them in other colonies—conduct of Rhode-Island—Mr. Williams and Mr.
Harris—Mr. Williams not re-elected as President.

The following letter from Mr. Williams to Mr. Winthrop is chiefly on his common theme, the Indians:

“To my honored, kind friend, Mr. Winthrop, at Pequod, these present.

“_Providence, the 26, 2, 55, (so called.)_

“Sir,

“Loving respects to you both presented, wishing you a joyful spring
after all your sad and gloomy, sharp and bitter winter blasts and
snows. Sir, one of your friends among the Narraganset sachems,
Mexham, sends this messenger unto me and prays me to write to you
for your help about a gun, which Kittatteash, Uncas his son, hath
lately taken from this bearer, Ahauansquatuck, out of his house at
Pawchauquet. He will not own any offence he gave him, but that he is
subject to Mexham, though possibly Kittatteash may allege other
causes, yea and true also. I doubt not of your loving eye on the
matter, as God shall please to give you opportunity. Sir, the last
first day divers of Boston merchants were with me, (about Sergeant
Holsey run from Boston hither, and a woman after him, who lays her
great belly to him.) They tell me, that by a bark come from
Virginia, they are informed of God’s merciful hand in the safe
arrival of Major Sedgwick and that fleet in the West of England, and
that General Penn was not yet gone out, but riding (all things
ready) in Torbay, waiting for the word; and by letters from good and
great friends in England, I understand there are like to be great
agitations in this country, if that fleet succeed.

“Sir, a hue and cry came to my hand lately from the Governor at
Boston, after two youths, one run from Captain Oliver, whom I
lighted on and have returned; another from James Bill, of Boston,
who I hear past through our town, and said he was bound for Pequod.
His name is James Pitnie; he hath on a blackish coat and hat, and a
pair of greenish breeches and green knit stockings. I would now
(with very many thanks) have returned you your Jesuit’s Maxims, but
I was loth to trust them in so wild a hand, nor some tidings which I
have from England. These merchants tell me, that Blake was gone
against the Duke of Legorne, and had sent for ten frigates more.
Sir, the God of peace fill your soul with that strange kind of peace
which passeth all understanding.

“So prays, Sir,
“Your unworthy R. W.”

Mr. Williams, being now invested with the office of President, watched over the interests of the colony with his usual vigilance and zeal. There was an urgent need of all his wisdom and firmness. A disposition to abuse the liberty of conscience, was one of the evils which disturbed the colony. Mr. William Harris “sent his writings to the main and to the island, against all earthly powers, parliaments, laws, charters, magistrates, prisons, punishments, rates, yea, against all kings and princes, under the notion that the people should shortly cry out, ‘_No lords, no masters_,’ and in open Court protested, before the whole colony Assembly, that he would maintain his writings with his blood.”[295]

The avowal of such sentiments might well alarm the Assembly, not only for the peace of the colony, but for its character in the mother country. They accordingly appointed a committee, says Mr. Backus, “to deal with Mr. Harris.”

Although the several towns were re-united in the government, yet individuals, who were royalists in principle, refused to obey it, and created factions. Complaints were made through Mr. Clarke, to the Protector; but Cromwell was too busy with concerns at home, to give much attention to the colonies. He addressed the following letter to the colony:[296]

“Gentlemen,

“Your agent here hath represented unto us some particulars
concerning your government, which you judge necessary to be settled
by us here, but by reason of other great and weighty affairs of the
commonwealth, we have been necessitated to defer the consideration
of them to further opportunity; in the mean time, we are willing to
let you know, that you were to proceed in your government according
to the tenor of your charter, formerly granted on that behalf,
taking care of the peace and safety of those plantations, that
neither through intestine commotions or foreign invasions, there do
arise any detriment or dishonor to their commonwealth or yourselves,
as far as you by your care and diligence can prevent. And as for the
things that are before us, they shall, as soon as the other
occasions will permit, receive a just and sufficient determination.
And so we bid you farewell, and rest,

“Your very loving friend,
“OLIVER, P.

“_March 29, 1655._

“To our trusty and well beloved the President, Assistants and
inhabitants of Rhode-Island, together with Narraganset Bay, in
New-England.”

At the session of the Assembly, June 28, an act was passed, founded on the Protector’s letter, in which it was enacted, that “if any person or persons be found, by the examination and judgment of the General Court of Commissioners, to be a ring-leader or ring-leaders of factions or divisions among us, he or they shall be sent over at his or their own charges, as prisoners, to receive his or their trial or sentence, at the pleasure of his Highness, and the Lords of his Council.”

This act proves, that the Assembly, while they recognized the rights of conscience, were resolved to enforce civil obedience. It produced the desired effect. Mr. Coddington soon after signed a public declaration of his submission to the government of the colony, as now united, and he and Mr. Dyre subscribed, in the presence of Mr. Williams and others, an agreement, by which the long-standing feud between them was amicably settled. Mr. Harris, also, felt the genial influence of the better spirit which now prevailed, and in the words of Mr. Backus, “cried up government and magistrates, as much as he had cried them down before.”

In November, 1655, Mr. Williams wrote the following letter to the General Court of Massachusetts, in which he remonstrated, though in a courteous tone, against the disorders which still continued at Warwick and Pawtuxet, and which were countenanced, if not fomented, by Massachusetts. We learn from this letter, and from other sources, that the inhabitants of Rhode-Island were not allowed to procure arms and ammunition from Boston, though they were exposed to attacks from the savages, who were abundantly supplied from various quarters.[297] Mr. Williams modestly alludes to his sufferings, when he attempted to pass through Massachusetts, at his last embarkation for England. With all these causes of complaint, the mildness of this letter must be deemed a favorable evidence of a gentle and pacific temper. The solemn confession, that it might be better for Rhode-Island to be placed under the sway of Massachusetts, certainly does honor to his feelings, whatever may be thought of its wisdom:

“Copy of a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, President of Providence
Plantations, to the General Court of Magistrates and Deputies
assembled, at Boston.

“_Providence, 15, 9mo. 55, (so called.)_

“Much honored Sirs,

“It is my humble and earnest petition unto God and you, that you may
so be pleased to exercise command over your own spirits, that you
may not mind myself nor the English of these parts (unworthy with
myself of your eye) but only that face of equity (English and
Christian) which I humbly hope may appear in these representations
following.

“First, may it please you to remember, that concerning the town of
Warwick, (in this colony) there lies a suit of £2000 damages against
you before his Highness and the Lords of his Council; I doubt not,
if you so please, but that (as Mr. Winslow and myself had well nigh
ordered it) some gentlemen from yourselves and some from Warwick,
deputed, may friendly and easily determine that affair between you.

“Secondly, the Indians which pretend your name at Warwick and
Pawtuxet, (and yet live as barbarously, if not more than any in the
country) please you to know their insolencies upon ourselves and
cattle (unto £20 damages per annum) are insufferable by English
spirits; and please you to give credence, that to all these they
pretend your name, and affirm that they dare not (for offending you)
agree with us, nor come to rules of righteous neighborhood, only
they know you favor us not and therefore send us for redress unto
you.

“Thirdly, concerning four English families at Pawtuxet, may it
please you to remember that two controversies they have long (under
your name) maintained with us, to a constant obstructing of all
order and authority amongst us.

“To our complaint about our lands, they lately have professed a
willingness to arbitrate, but to obey his Highness’ authority in
this charter, they say, they dare not for your sakes, though they
live not by your laws, nor bear your common charges, nor ours, but
evade both under color of your authority.

“Honored Sirs, I cordially profess it before the Most High, that I
believe it, if not only they but ourselves and all the whole
country, by joint consent, were subject to your government, it might
be a rich mercy; but as things yet are, and since it pleased first
the Parliament, and then the Lord Admiral and Committee for Foreign
Plantations, and since the Council of State, and lastly the Lord
Protector and his Council, to continue us as a distinct colony, yea,
and since it hath pleased yourselves, by public letters and
references to us from your public courts, to own the authority of
his Highness amongst us; be pleased to consider how unsuitable it is
for yourselves (if these families at Pawtuxet plead truth) to be the
obstructers of all orderly proceedings amongst us; for I humbly
appeal to your own wisdom and experience, how unlikely it is for a
people to be compelled to order and common charges, when others in
their bosoms, are by such (seeming) partiality exempted from both.

“And, therefore, (lastly) be pleased to know, that there are (upon
the point) but two families which are so obstructive and destructive
to an equal proceeding of civil order amongst us; for one of these
four families, Stephen Arnold, desires to be uniform with us; a
second, Zacharie Rhodes, being in the way of dipping is
(potentially) banished by you. Only William Arnold and William
Carpenter, (very far, also, in religion, from you, if you knew all)
they have some color, yet in a late conference, they all plead that
all the obstacle is their offending of yourselves.

“Fourthly, whereas, (I humbly conceive) with the people of this
colony your commerce is as great as with any in the country, and our
dangers (being a frontier people to the barbarians) are greater than
those of other colonies, and the ill consequences to yourselves
would be not a few nor small, and to the whole land, were we first
massacred or mastered by them. I pray your equal and favorable
reflection upon that your law, which prohibits us to buy of you all
means of our necessary defence of our lives and families, (yea in
this most bloody and massacreing time.)

“We are informed that tickets have rarely been denied to any English
of the country; yea, the barbarians (though notorious in lies) if
they profess subjection, they are furnished; only ourselves, by
former and later denial, seem to be devoted to the Indian shambles
and massacres.

“The barbarians all the land over, are filled with artillery and
ammunition from the Dutch, openly and horridly, and from all the
English over the country, (by stealth.) I know they abound so
wonderfully, that their activity and insolence is grown so high that
they daily consult, and hope, and threaten to render us slaves, as
they long since (and now most horribly) have made the Dutch.

“For myself (as through God’s goodness) I have refused the gain of
thousands by such a murderous trade, and think no law yet extant,
amongst yourselves or us, secure enough against such villany; so am
I loth to see so many hundreds (if not some thousands) in this
colony, destroyed like fools and beasts without resistance. I grieve
that so much blood should cry against yourselves, yea, and I grieve
that (at this instant by these ships) this cry and the premises
should now trouble his Highness and his Council. For the seasonable
preventing of which, is this humble address presented to your
wisdom, by him who desires to be

“Your unfeigned and faithful servant,
“ROGER WILLIAMS,
“_Of Providence Plantations, President_.

“Hon. Sirs, since my letter, it comes into my heart to pray your
leave to add a word as to myself, viz. at my last return from
England I presented your then honored Governor, Mr. Bellingham, with
an order of the Lords of the Council, for my free taking ship or
landing at your ports, unto which it pleased Mr. Bellingham to send
me his assent in writing; I humbly crave the recording of it by
yourselves, lest forgetfulness hereafter, again put me upon such
distresses as, God knows, I suffered when I last past through your
colony to our native country.”

The following letter to Mr. Winthrop, belongs to this period:

“To his much honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod or
elsewhere, these presents.

“_Providence, 21, 12, 55–6, (so called.)_

“Sir,

“This opportunity makes me venture this salutation, though we hear
question of your being at Pequod. These friends can say more of
affairs than I can write. I have letters from England of proceedings
there, which yet are not come; some I have received, which tell me,
that the Lord hath yet created peace, although the sword is yet
forced (by garrisons) to enforce it. I cannot hear of open wars with
France, but only with Spain, and that the prosecution of that West
India expedition is still with all possible vigor on both sides
intended. This diversion against the Spaniards hath turned the face
and thoughts of many English; so that the saying of thousands now
is, crown the Protector with gold, though the sullen yet cry, crown
him with thorns. The former two or three years with plenty
unthankfully received in England; the Lord sent abundance of waters
this last summer, which spoiled their corn over most parts of the
land. Sir Henry Vane being retired to his own private, in
Lincolnshire, hath now published his observations as to religion; he
hath sent me one of his books, (though yet at Boston.) His father is
dead, and the inheritance falls to him, and 10 or 12,000 more than
should if his father had lived but a month longer; but though his
father cast him off, yet he hath not lost in temporals, by being
cast off for God. Our acquaintance, Major Sedgwick, is said to be
successor to unsuccessful Venables, cast into the tower. Your
brother Stephen succeeds Major General Harrison. The Pope endeavors
the uniting of all his slaves for his guard, fearing the heretics.
The Lord knows whether Archer (upon the reign of Christ) said true,
‘that yet the Pope, before his downfall, must recover England; and
the protestant countries revolted from him.’ Sir, we are sure all
flesh is grass, and only the word of the Lord endures forever. Sir,
you once kindly intended to quench a fire between Mr. Coddington and
others, but now it is come to public trial. We hear the Dutch fire
is not quenched. I fear this year will be stormy; only may the most
gracious Lord by all drive and draw us to himself, in whom, Sir, I
desire to be ever

“Yours, R. W.”

The letter of November 15, to the General Court of Massachusetts, did not produce any favorable change in her measures. Mr. Williams afterwards wrote to the Governor, Mr. Endicott, who invited him to visit Boston. The following address to the General Court was prepared, in which some of the same topics are again touched:

“Copy of a letter from Providence Plantations to the General Court
of the Massachusetts.

“_Providence, 12, 3, 56, (so called.)_

“May it please this much honored Assembly to remember, that, as an
officer and in the name of Providence colony, I presented you with
our humble requests before winter, unto which not receiving answer,
I addressed myself this spring, to your much honored Governor, who
was pleased to advise our sending of some of Providence to your
Assembly.

“Honored Sirs, our first request (in short) was and is, for your
favorable consideration of the long and lamentable condition of the
town of Warwick, which hath been thus: they are so dangerously and
so vexatiously intermingled with the barbarians, that I have long
admired the wonderful power of God in restraining and preventing
very great fires of mutual slaughters, breaking forth between them.

“Your wisdoms know the inhuman insultations of these wild creatures,
and you may be pleased, also, to imagine, that they have not been
sparing of your name as the patron of all their wickedness against
our English men, women, and children, and cattle to the yearly
damage of 60, 80 and 100 pounds.

“The remedy is (under God) only your pleasure, that Pumham shall
come to an agreement with the town or colony, and that some
convenient way and time be set for their removal.

“And that your wisdom may see just grounds for such your
willingness, be pleased to be informed of a reality of a solemn
covenant between this town of Warwick and Pumham, unto which,
notwithstanding that he pleads his being drawn to it by the awe of
his superior sachems, yet I humbly offer that what was done, was
according to the law and tenor of the natives, (I take it) in all
New-England and America, viz. that the inferior sachems and subjects
shall plant and remove at the pleasure of the highest and supreme
sachems, and I humbly conceive that it pleaseth the Most High and
Only Wise to make use of such a bond of authority over them, without
which, they could not long subsist in human society, in this wild
condition wherein they are.

“2. Please you not to be insensible of the slippery and dangerous
condition of this their intermingled cohabitation. I am humbly
confident, that all the English towns and plantations in all
New-England, put together, suffer not such molestation from the
natives, as this one town and people. It is so great and so
oppressive, that I have daily feared the tidings of some public fire
and mischief.

“3. Be pleased to review this copy from the Lord Admiral, and that
this English town of Warwick should proceed, also that if any of
yours were there planted, they should, by your authority, be
removed. And we humbly conceive, that if the English (whose removes
are difficult and chargeable) how much more these wild ones, who
remove with little more trouble and damage than the wild beasts of
the wilderness.

“4. Please you to be informed, that this small neck (wherein they
keep and mingle fields with the English) is a very den of
wickedness, where they not only practise the horrid barbarisms of
all kind of whoredoms, idolatries, conjurations, but living without
all exercise of actual authority, and getting store of liquors (to
our grief) there is a confluence and rendezvous of all the wildest
and most licentious natives and practices of the whole country.

“5. Beside satisfaction to Pumham and the former inhabitants of this
neck, there is a competitor who must also be satisfied; another
sachem, one Nawwushawsuck, who (living with Ousamaquin) lays claim
to this place, and are at daily feud with Pumham (to my knowledge)
about the title and lordship of it. Hostility is daily threatened.

“Our second request concerns two or three English families at
Pawtuxet, who, before our charter, subjected themselves unto your
jurisdiction. It is true, there are many grievances between many of
the town of Providence and them, and these, I humbly conceive, may
best be ordered to be composed by reference.

“But (2.) we have formerly made our addresses and now do, for your
prudent removal of this great and long obstruction to all due order
and regular proceedings among us, viz. the refusal of these families
(pretending your name) to conform with us unto his Highness’
authority amongst us.

“3. Your wisdom experimentally knows how apt men are to stumble at
such an exemption from all duties and services, from all rates and
charges, either with yourselves or us.

“4. This obstruction is so great and constant, that (without your
prudent removal of it) it is impossible that either his Highness or
yourselves can expect such satisfaction and observance from us as we
desire to render.

“Lastly, as before, we promised satisfaction to the natives at
Warwick, (and shall all possible ways endeavor their content) so we
humbly offer, as to these our countrymen, First, as to grievances
depending, that references may settle them. Secondly, for the
future, the way will be open for their enjoyment of votes and
privileges of choosing or being chosen, to any office in town or
colony.

“Our third request is, for your favorable leave to us to buy of your
merchants, four or more barrels of powder yearly, with some
convenient proportion of artillery, considering our hazardous
frontier situation to these barbarians, who, from their abundant
supply of arms from the Dutch, (and perfidious English, all the land
over) are full of our artillery, which hath rendered them
exceedingly insolent, provoking and threatening, especially the
inlanders, which have their supply from the fort of Aurania. We have
been esteemed by some of you, as your thorny hedge on this side of
you; if so, yet a hedge to be maintained; if as out sentinels, yet
not to be discouraged. And if there be a jealousy of the ill use of
such a favor, please you to be assured that a credible person in
each town shall have the disposal and managing of such supplies,
according to the true intent and purpose.

“For the obtaining of these, our just and necessary petitions, we
have no inducement or hope from ourselves, only we pray you to
remember, that the matters prayed, are no way dishonorable to
yourselves, and we humbly conceive, do greatly promote the honor and
pleasure of his Highness, yea, of the Most High, also; and lastly,
such kindnesses will be obligations on us to study to declare
ourselves, upon all occasions,

“Your most humble and faithful servants,
“ROGER WILLIAMS, _President_.

“In the name, and by the appointment, of Providence colony.

“Honored Gentlemen,

“I pray your patience to one word relating to myself, only. Whereas,
upon an order from the Lords of his Highness’ Council, for my future
security in taking ships and landing in your ports, it pleased your
honored then Governor, Mr. Bellingham, to obey that order under his
own hand, I now pray the confirmation of it, from one word of this
honored Court assembled.”

A few days after, Mr. Williams addressed the following letter to the General Court. It bears the unwonted date of Boston, and it breathes a gratified feeling:

“Copy of a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, to the General Court.

“_Boston, 17, 3, 56, (so called.)_

“May it please this much honored Assembly,

“I do humbly hope, that your own breasts and the public, shall reap
the fruit of your great gentleness and patience in these barbarous
transactions, and I do cordially promise, for myself, (and all I can
persuade with) to study gratitude and faithfulness to your service.
I have debated with Pumham (and some of the natives helping with me)
who shewed him the vexatious life he lives in, your great respect
and care toward him, by which he may abundantly mend himself and be
united in some convenience unto their neighborhood and your service.
But I humbly conceive, in his case, that _dies et quies sanant
hominem_, and he must have some longer breathing, for he tells me
that the appearance of this competitor Nawwushawsuck, hath stabbed
him. May you, therefore, please to grant him and me some longer time
of conference, either until your next general assembling, or longer,
at your pleasure.

“My other requests I shall not be importune to press on your great
affairs, but shall make my address unto your Secretary, to receive,
by him, your pleasure.

“Honored gentlemen,

“Your humble and thankful servant, R. W.”

This year is made remarkable by the arrival at Boston, of several persons, of the new sect called Quakers.[298] They were imprisoned and banished. The books which they brought with them were seized and burnt. Severe laws were enacted to exclude them from the Commonwealth. In October, 1656, (says Hutchinson, vol. i. p. 181,) “An act passed, laying a penalty of one hundred pounds upon the master of any vessel who should bring a known Quaker into any part of the colony, and requiring him to give security to carry them back again; that the Quaker should be immediately sent to the house of correction, and whipped twenty stripes, and afterwards kept to hard labor until transportation. They also laid a penalty of five pounds for importing, and the like for dispersing, Quaker books, and severe penalties for defending their heretical opinions. And the next year, an additional law was made, by which all persons were subjected to the penalty of forty shillings for every hour’s entertainment given to any known Quaker; and any Quaker, after the first conviction, if a man, was to lose one ear, and the second time the other; a woman, each time to be severely whipped, and the third time, men or women, to have their tongues bored through with a red hot iron, and every Quaker, who should become such in the colony, was subjected to the like punishments. In May, 1658, a penalty of ten shillings was laid on every person present at a Quaker meeting, and five pounds upon every one speaking at such a meeting. Notwithstanding all this severity, the number of Quakers, as might well have been expected, increasing rather than diminishing, in October following, a further law was made for punishing with death all Quakers, who should return into the jurisdiction after banishment.”

By this sanguinary law, which passed the Court by a majority of one vote only, four persons were afterwards executed, and a large number were imprisoned, whipped, fined and banished, until an order from the King, Charles II. in 1661, put an end to these proceedings. The conduct of some of these persons was scandalous,[299] and deserved punishment, as offences against civil order and decency; but nothing can justify the severity with which some of them were treated. The impolicy of persecution was fully displayed on this occasion; for the Quakers multiplied, in proportion as they were threatened and punished.

The other united colonies passed severe laws against the Quakers; and they endeavored to prevail on Rhode-Island to unite in this general persecution. But she remained true to her principles. The General Assembly, which met at Portsmouth, March 13, 1657, returned an answer to the commissioners of the united colonies, in which they held this language:

“Whereas freedom of different consciences to be protected from enforcements, was the principal ground of our charter, both with respect to our humble suit for it, as also to the true intent of the honorable and renowned Parliament of England, in granting of the same to us, which freedom we still prize, as the greatest happiness that men can possess in this world, therefore we shall, for the preservation of our civil peace and order, the more especially take notice that those people, and any others that are here, or shall come among us, be impartially required, and to our utmost constrained, to perform all civil duties requisite. And in case they refuse it, we resolve to make use of the first opportunity to inform our agent, residing in England.”

The commissioners were not satisfied with this reply, and the next autumn they wrote again to the Assembly. An answer was returned, dated October 13, 1657, which, while it expresses disapprobation of the conduct of some of the Quakers, unfolds the Rhode-Island doctrine concerning liberty of conscience, and contains some excellent remarks on the good effects of toleration in allaying sectarian zeal:

“As concerning these Quakers (so called) which are now among us, we have no law among us whereby to punish any for only declaring by words, &c. their minds and understandings concerning the things and ways of God, as to salvation and an eternal condition. And we find, moreover, that in those places where these people, aforesaid, in this colony, are most of all suffered to declare themselves freely, and are only opposed by arguments in discourse, there they least of all desire to come; and we are informed, that they begin to loathe this place, for that they are not opposed by the civil authority, but with all patience and meekness are suffered to say over their pretended revelations and admonitions, nor are they like or able to gain many here to their way. And surely we find, that they delight to be persecuted by the civil powers, and when they are so, they are like to gain more by the conceit of their patient sufferings, than by consent to their pernicious sayings.” The letter then expressed a belief, that their doctrines were dangerous to civil government, and promised, that at the next General Assembly, the subject should be considered, and proper measures adopted to prevent any “bad effects of their doctrines and endeavors.”[300]

This letter was not suited to the prevailing opinions of that day. The other colonies were incensed by the inflexible adherence of Rhode-Island to the principles of her founder. The commissioners again wrote to the General Assembly, virtually requiring Rhode-Island to unite in a general persecution, under the penalty of being herself put under the ban of an excommunication from all commercial intercourse with the other colonies. This attempt to force Rhode-Island into measures subversive of her own institutions, and abhorrent to her feelings, was resisted as resolutely as were the threats of the British ministry by a subsequent generation. Rhode-Island adopted the only course then left to her. She appealed to the government in England, for protection, while she pursued her settled policy. The following letter to Mr. Clarke, the agent of the colony in England, throws much light on her condition and relations at that time. It was written by a Committee appointed by the General Assembly, at Warwick, November 5, 1658:[301]

“Worthy Sir, and trusty friend, Mr. Clarke,

“We have found, not only your ability and diligence, but also your
love and care to be such concerning the welfare and prosperity of
this colony, since you have been intrusted with the more public
affairs thereof, surpassing the no small benefit which we had of
your presence here at home, that we in all straits and incumbrances,
are emboldened to repair unto you, for further and continued care,
counsel and help, finding that your solid and christian demeanor
hath gotten no small interest in the hearts of our superiors, those
noble and worthy senators, with whom you had to do in our behalf, as
it hath constantly appeared in our addresses made unto them; we have
by good and comfortable proofs found, having plentiful experience
thereof. The last year we had laden you with much employment, which
we were then put upon by reason of some too refractory among
ourselves, wherein we appealed unto you for advice, for the more
public manifestation of it, with respect to our superiors; but our
intelligence fell short in that great loss of the ship, which we
concluded here to be cast away. We have now a new occasion given us
by an old spirit, with respect to the colonies round about us, who
seem to be offended with us, because a sort of people, called by the
name of Quakers, who are come amongst us, who have raised up divers
who at present seem to be of their spirit, whereat the colonies
about us seem to be offended with us, being the said people have
their liberty with us, are entertained in our houses, or any of our
assemblies; and for the present, we have found no just cause to
charge them with the breach of the civil peace; only they are
constantly going forth amongst them about us, and vex and trouble
them about their religion and spiritual state, though they return
with many a foul scar in their bodies for the same. And the offence
our neighbors take against us, is because we take not some course
against the said people, either to expel them from amongst us, or
take such courses against them as themselves do, who are in fear
lest their religion should be corrupted by them. Concerning which
displeasure that they seem to take, it was expressed to us in a
solemn letter, written by the commissioners of the united colonies
at their sitting, as though they would either bring us in to act
according to their scantling, or else take some course to do us a
greater displeasure. A copy of which letter we have herewith sent
unto you, wherein you may perceive how they express themselves; as
also we have herewith sent our present answer unto them, to give you
what light we may in the matter. There is one clause in the letter,
which plainly implies a threat, though courtly expressed, as their
manner is; which we gather to be this, that themselves (as we
construe it) have been much awed in point of subjection to the state
of England, lest in case they should decline, England might prohibit
all trade with them, both in point of exportation and importation of
any commodities, which were a host sufficiently prevalent to subdue
New England, not being able to subsist:—even so they seem to
threaten us, by cutting us off from all commerce and trade with
them, and thereby to disable us from any comfortable subsistence,
being that the concourse of shipping, and all other sorts of
commodities, are universally conversant among themselves: as also
knowing that ourselves are not in a capacity to send out shipping of
ourselves, which in great measure is occasioned _by their oppressing
us_, as yourself well knows:—as in many other respects, so in this
for one, that we cannot have any thing from them, for the supply of
our necessities, but in effect they make the price, both of their
commodities and our own. Also, because we have no English coin, but
only that which passeth among these barbarians, and such commodities
as are raised by the labor of our hands, as corn, cattle, tobacco,
&c. to make payment in, which they will have at their own rates, or
else not deal with us; whereby though they gain extraordinarily by
us, yet, for the safeguard of their religion, they may seem to
neglect themselves in that respect; for _what will not men do for
their God_? Sir, this is our earnest and pressing request unto you
in this matter, that as you may perceive by our answer unto the
united colonies, we fly as our refuge in all civil respects to his
Highness and honorable Council, as not being subject to any other in
matters of our civil state, so may it please you to have an eye and
ear open, in case our adversaries should speak, to undermine us in
our privileges granted unto us, and plead our cause in such sort, as
that we may not be compelled to exercise any civil power over men’s
consciences, so long as human orders in point of civility are not
corrupted and violated, which our neighbors about us do frequently
practise, whereof many of us have absolute experience, and judge it
to be no less than a point of ABSOLUTE CRUELTY.

“JOHN SANFORD,
_Clerk of Assembly_.”

The concluding sentences of this letter are worthy of special note, as showing, that the rulers of Rhode-Island carefully distinguished between the rights of conscience and the duty of obedience to the laws which guard the civil peace. They permitted no disorderly license, and if any persons had been guilty, in Rhode-Island, of the acts which some individuals, calling themselves Quakers, practised in Massachusetts, they would have been punished. Mr. Williams, in his subsequent controversy with George Fox, expressed his approbation of the punishment of certain females in Massachusetts, for their shameless conduct, affirming it to be a perversion of terms to call the punishment of such actions, persecution.

We must now return to Mr. Williams. He held the office of President two years. On the 1st of February, 1657–8, he issued a warrant against Mr. William Harris, for the alleged crime of opposing the Protector’s government. The warrant ordered his arrest and imprisonment, for the purpose of sending him to England, in accordance, probably, with the act of June, 1655. How far this strong measure was deserved by the conduct of Mr. Harris, we cannot now determine.[302] It has been inferred that it was not sustained by public opinion, because, at the next election, Mr. Williams was superseded, as President, by Mr. Benedict Arnold. It is not improbable, that he was urged too far, by zeal to uphold the charter and the Protector’s authority, and perhaps by personal hostility towards Mr. Harris, between whom and himself there was, for many years, a very acrimonious feud.[303] There is, however, no very conclusive evidence, that Mr. Williams’ conduct, in this case, was generally disapproved. He occupied a seat in the General Assembly, at intervals, for several years, both as an assistant, and as a representative from Providence. He was often chosen on important committees, and he continued, till his death, to serve the public, in various ways, with ability and patriotic zeal.[304]