Chapter XX

Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke sail—Mr. Coddington’s charter
vacated—troubles in Rhode-Island—Mr. Williams returns—Sir
Henry Vane—Milton—Mr. Williams endeavors to re-establish
order—Indians—letter on religious and civil liberty.

Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke sailed from Boston for England, in November, 1651. It was not without considerable difficulty that Mr. Williams was allowed to take passage at Boston. The object of his mission was offensive to Massachusetts, besides the old dislike of his principles.

During their absence, the towns of Newport and Portsmouth submitted quietly to Mr. Coddington’s rule. Providence and Warwick resolved to maintain the government, as before established. They accordingly met by their deputies, in General Assembly, at Providence, elected a Governor, and enacted several laws, one of which prohibited any person from purchasing land of the Indians, without the approbation of the Assembly, on penalty of forfeiting the same to the colony.

Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke, on their arrival in England, presented a petition to the Council of State, who, on April 8, 1652, referred it to the committee for foreign affairs. The application met with opposition, from various sources; but the Council of State granted an order to vacate Mr. Coddington’s commission, and to confirm the former charter.

While in England, in 1652, Mr. Clarke published a book, entitled “III News from New-England, or a Narrative of New-England’s Persecutions; wherein it is declared, that while Old England is becoming New, New-England is becoming Old; also, Four Proposals to Parliament, and Four Conclusions, touching the Faith and Order of the Gospel of Christ, out of his Last Will and Testament.”

Mr. Williams also published, in 1652, his rejoinder to Mr. Cotton, entitled “The Bloody Tenet yet More Bloody, by Mr. Cotton’s Endeavor to Wash it White;” and two essays, the one entitled “The Hireling Ministry None of Christ’s, or a Discourse on the Propagation of the Gospel of Jesus Christ;” and the other, “Experiments of Spiritual Life and Health, and their Preservatives.”

The following letter was written to Mr. Gregory Dexter, who had printed Mr. Williams’ “Key,” during his first visit to England, but who had subsequently removed to Providence.

“At Mr. Davis his house, at the Checker, in St. Martin’s, or at Sir
Henry Vane’s, at Whitehall.

“_8th, 7, 52, (so called.)_

“My dear and faithful friend, to whom, with the dearest, I humbly
wish more and more of the light and love of him who is invisible,
God blessed for evermore in the face of Jesus Christ. It hath
pleased God so to engage me in divers skirmishes against the
priests, both of Old and New-England, so that I have occasioned
using the help of printer men, unknown to me, to long for my old
friend. So it hath pleased God to hold open an open desire of
preaching and printing wonderfully against Romish and English
will-worship. At this present, the devil rageth and clamors in
petitions and remonstrances from the stationers and others to the
Parliament, and all cry, ‘shut up the press.’ The stationers and
others have put forth ‘The Beacon Fired,’ and ‘The Second Beacon
Fired;’ and some friends of yours have put forth ‘The Beacon
Quenched,’ not yet extant.

“Sir, many friends have frequently, with much love, inquired after
you. Mr. Warner is not yet come with my letters: they put into
Barnstable. She came by wagon by land, but he goes with the ship to
Bristol, and, indeed, in this dangerous war with the Dutch, the only
safe trading is to Bristol, or those parts, for up along the
channel, in London way, is the greatest danger, for although our
fleets be abroad, and take many French and Dutch, yet they sometimes
catch up some of ours.

“By my public letters, you will see how we wrestle, and how we are
like yet to wrestle, in the hopes of an end. Praised be the Lord, we
are preserved, the nation is preserved, the Parliament sits, God’s
people are secure, too secure. A great opinion is, that the kingdom
of Christ is risen, and (Rev. 11:) ‘the kingdoms of the earth are
become the kingdoms of our Lord and of his Christ.’ Others have fear
of the slaughter of the witnesses yet approaching. Divers friends,
of all sorts, here, long to see you, and wonder you come not over.
For myself, I had hopes to have got away by this ship, but I see now
the mind of the Lord to hold me here one year longer. It is God’s
mercy, his very great mercy, that we have obtained this interim
encouragement from the Council of State, that you may cheerfully go
on in the name of a colony, until the controversy is determined. The
determination of it, Sir, I fear, will be a work of time, I fear
longer than we have yet been here, for our adversaries threaten to
make a last appeal to the Parliament, in case we get the day before
the Council.

“Sir, in this regard, and when my public business is over, I am
resolved to begin my old law-suit, so that I have no thought of
return until spring come twelve months. My duty and affection hath
compelled me to acquaint my poor companion with it. I consider our
many children, the danger of the seas, and enemies, and therefore I
write not positively for her, only I acquaint her with our affairs.
I tell her, joyful I should be of her being here with me, until our
state affairs were ended, and I freely leave her to wait upon the
Lord for direction, and according as she finds her spirit free and
cheerful, to come or stay. If it please the Lord to give her a free
spirit to cast herself upon the Lord, I doubt not of your love and
faithful care, in any thing she hath occasion to use your help,
concerning our children and affairs, during our absence; but I
conclude, whom have I in heaven or earth but thee, and so humbly and
thankfully say, in the Lord’s pleasure, as only and infinitely best
and sweetest.

“Abundance of love remembered from abundance of friends to your dear
self and your dearest.

“My love to your cousin Clemence, and all desire love, especially
our godly friends.

“To my dear and faithful friend, Mr. Gregory Dexter, at Providence,
in New-England, these.”

The General Assembly, which met at Providence, in October, addressed the following letter to Mr. Williams. It is valuable, as a public testimonial of the affection of his fellow-citizens. The proposition to procure for himself, from the government of England, an appointment as Governor of the colony for one year, is a strong proof of their respect and confidence, though this proposition was protested against by some of them. Mr. Williams, we presume, did not covet this distinction, and probably considered such an appointment as a dangerous precedent, and a virtual relinquishment of the authority given to the colony by the charter to elect its own officers.

“Honored Sir,

“We may not neglect any opportunity to salute you in this your
absence, and have not a little cause to bless God, who hath pleased
to select you to such a purpose, as we doubt not but will conduce to
the peace and safety of us all, as to make you once more an
instrument to impart and disclose our cause unto those noble and
grave senators, our honorable protectors, in whose eyes God hath
given you honor, (as we understand) beyond our hopes, and moved the
hearts of the wise to stir on your behalf. We give you hearty thanks
for your care and diligence, to watch all opportunities to promote
our peace, for we perceive your prudent and comprehensive mind
stirreth every stone to present it to the builders, to make firm the
fabric unto us, about which you are employed, laboring to unweave
such irregular devices wrought by others amongst us, as have
formerly clothed us with so sad events, as the subjection of some
among us, both English and Indian, to other jurisdictions, as also
to prevent such near approach of our neighbors upon our borders, on
the Narraganset side, which might much annoy us, with your endeavors
to furnish us with such ammunition as to look a foreign enemy in the
face, being that the cruel begin to stir in these western parts, and
to unite in one again such as of late have had seeming separation in
some respects, to encourage and strengthen our weak and enfeebled
body to perform its work in these foreign parts, to the honor of
such as take care, have been and are so tender of our good, though
we be unworthy to be had in remembrance by persons of so noble
places, indued with parts of so excellent and honorable and
abundantly beneficial use.

“Sir, give us leave to intimate thus much, that we humbly conceive
(so far as we are able to understand) that if it be the pleasure of
our protectors to renew our charter for the re-establishing of our
government, that it might tend much to the weighing of men’s minds,
and subjecting of persons who have been refractory, to yield
themselves over as unto a settled government, if it might be the
pleasure of that honorable state, to invest, appoint, and empower
yourself to come over as Governor of this colony, for the space of
one year, and so the government to be honorably put upon this place,
which might seem to add weight forever hereafter in the constant and
successive derivation of the same. We only present it to your
deliberate thoughts and consideration, with our hearty desires that
your time of stay there for the effectual perfecting and finishing
of your so weighty affairs may not seem tedious, nor be any
discouragement unto you; rather than you shall suffer for loss of
time here, or expense there, we are resolved to stretch forth our
hands at your return, beyond our strength, for your supply. Your
loving bed-fellow is in health, and presents her endeared affection,
so are all your family. Mr. Sayles, also, and his, with the rest of
your friends throughout the colony, who wish and desire earnestly to
see your face.

“Sir, we are yours; leaving you unto the Lord, we heartily take
leave.

“From the General Assembly of this colony of Providence Plantations,
assembled in the town of Providence, the 28th of October, 1652.

“JOHN GREENE, _General Recorder_.”[281]

The order of the Council of State was sent over by Mr. William Dyre, who, perhaps, accompanied the agents to England. This order directed the towns to unite again, as before; but it was found, in this, as in other cases, easier to command, than to enforce obedience. The towns seem to have been jealous of each other, and tenacious of their claims to precedence. It was found difficult to procure a meeting, to adjust the government; the two towns on the island insisting that the meeting should be held there, as the largest part of the colony, while the towns of Providence and Warwick made a similar claim, with the plausible reason, that they had steadily adhered to the charter.

The result was, either from mistake or from a rigid adherence to etiquette, that two meetings were held. Mr. Backus says:[282]

“The towns on the main met at Providence, May 17, 1653, and elected their officers. An assembly met at the same time on the island, and chose Mr. Sanford their President, and some freemen coming from the main, they chose an assistant for each town in the colony; and they sent Mr. James Barker and Mr. Richard Knight to Mr. Coddington, to demand the statute book and book of records. And as it was then a time of war betwixt England and Holland, and a mention was made of it in the letters which confirmed their charter, Dyre thought to make his advantage thereby, and procured commissions for himself, Capt. Underhill and Edward Hull, to act against the Dutch in America; and some cannon, with twenty men, were sent to the English, on the east end of Long-Island, to enable them to act against the Dutch, who lay to the westward of them. This alarmed Providence colony, who met again in June, and a third time at Warwick, on August 13, when they answered a letter from the Massachusetts, and remonstrated against being drawn into a war with the Dutch; and wrote to Mr. Williams an account of Dyre’s conduct, and of their being urged to give up their former actings as null; but, say they, ‘being still in the same order you left us, and observing two great evils that such a course would bring upon us: First, the hazard of involving in all the disorders and bloodshed which have been committed on Rhode-Island since their separation from us.’ Secondly, ‘the invading and frustrating of justice in divers weighty causes, then orderly depending in our courts, in some of which causes, Mr. Smith, President, William Field, &c. were deeply concerned;’ therefore they could not yield to such a motion.”

Mr. Williams and Mr. Clarke continued in England, endeavoring to sustain the rights of the colony. They had many opposers, but they found a steady and powerful friend in Sir Henry Vane.[283] At his seat Mr. Williams spent a portion of his time. While there, he wrote the following letter to the towns of Providence and Warwick. It exhibits his generous self-devotion for the public good, his love for his family, and his characteristic regard for the Indians:

“From Sir Henry Vane’s, at Belleau, in Lincolnshire.

“_April 1st, 53, (so called.)_

“My dear and loving friends and neighbors of Providence and Warwick,
our noble friend, Sir Henry Vane, having the navy of England mostly
depending on his care, and going down to the navy at Portsmouth, I
was invited by them both to accompany his lady to Lincolnshire,
where I shall yet stay, as I fear, until the ship is gone. I must
therefore pray your pardon, that by the post I send this to London.
I hope it may have pleased the Most High Lord of sea and land to
bring Capt. Ch-rst-n’s ship and dear Mr. Dyre unto you, and with him
the Council’s letters, which answer the petition Sir Henry Vane and
myself drew up, and the Council, by Sir Henry’s mediation, granted
us, for the confirmation of the charter, until the determination of
the controversy. This determination, you may please to understand,
is hindered by two main obstructions. The first is the mighty war
with the Dutch, which makes England and Holland and the nations
tremble. This hath made the Parliament set Sir Henry Vane and two or
three more as commissioners to manage the war, which they have done,
with much engaging the name of God with them, who hath appeared in
helping sixty of ours against almost three hundred of their
men-of-war, and perchance to the sinking and taking about one
hundred of theirs, and but one of ours, which was sunk by our own
men. Our second obstruction is the opposition of our adversaries,
Sir Arthur Haselrig and Col. Fenwicke, who hath married his
daughter, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. Hopkins, both in great place; and all
the friends they can make in Parliament and Council, and all the
priests, both Presbyterian and Independent; so that we stand as two
armies, ready to engage, observing the motions and postures each of
the other, and yet shy each of other. Under God, the sheet-anchor of
our ship is Sir Henry, who will do as the eye of God leads him, and
he faithfully promised me that he would observe the motion of our
New-England business, while I staid some ten weeks with his lady in
Lincolnshire. Besides, here is great thoughts and preparation for a
new Parliament; some of our friends are apt to think another
Parliament will more favor us and our cause than this has done. You
may please to put my condition into your soul’s cases; remember I am
a father and a husband. I have longed earnestly to return with the
last ship, and with these, yet I have not been willing to withdraw
my shoulders from the burthen, lest it pinch others, and may fall
heavy upon all; except you are pleased to give to me a discharge. If
you conceive it necessary for me still to attend this service, pray
you consider if it be not convenient that my poor wife be encouraged
to come over to me, and to wait together on the good pleasure of God
for the end of this matter. You know my many weights hanging on me,
how my own place stands, and how many reasons I have to cause me to
make haste, yet I would not lose their estates, peace and liberty,
by leaving hastily. I write to my dear wife, my great desire of her
coming while I stay, yet left it to the freedom of her spirit,
because of the many dangers; truly, at present the seas are
dangerous, but not comparably so much, nor likely to be, because of
the late great defeat of the Dutch, and their present sending to us
offers of peace.

“My dear friends, although it pleased God himself, by many favors,
to encourage me, yet please you to remember, that no man can stay
here as I do, leaving a present employment there, without much
self-denial, which I beseech God for more, and for you also, that no
private respects, or gains, or quarrels, may cause you to neglect
the public and common safety, peace and liberties. I beseech the
blessed God to keep fresh in your thoughts what he hath done for
Providence Plantations.

“My dear respects to yourselves, wives and children. I beseech the
eternal God to be seen amongst you; so prays your most faithful and
affectionate friend and servant,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.

“P. S. My love to all my Indian friends.”[284]

The difficulties in the colony continued, and were artfully fomented by uneasy men, who thought disorder more propitious to their interests than the stable dominion of law and good government. Mr. Williams felt that his presence was needed at home, that he might, if possible, bring the discordant towns into harmonious co-operation. He therefore left Mr. Clarke in England, to prosecute the duties of their mission, and returned, early in the summer of 1654. He landed at Boston, and being furnished with an order from the Lord Protector’s Council, requiring the government of Massachusetts to allow him in future to embark or land in their territories, he was not molested. He brought the following letter from Sir Henry Vane, addressed to the inhabitants of the colony of Rhode-Island:

“Loving and Christian friends,

“I could not refuse this bearer, Mr. Roger Williams, my kind friend
and ancient acquaintance, to be accompanied with these few lines
from myself to you, upon his return to Providence colony; though,
perhaps, my private and retired condition, which the Lord, of his
mercy, hath brought me into, might have argued strongly enough for
my silence; but, indeed, something I hold myself bound to say to
you, out of the Christian love I bear you, and for his sake whose
name is called upon by you and engaged in your behalf. How is it
that there are such divisions amongst you? Such headiness, tumults,
disorders, injustice? The noise echoes into the ears of all, as well
friends as enemies, by every return of ships from those parts. Is
not the fear and awe of God amongst you to restrain? Is not the love
of Christ in you, to fill you with yearning bowels, one towards
another, and constrain you not to live to yourselves, but to him
that died for you, yea, and is risen again? Are there no wise men
amongst you? No public self-denying spirits, that at least, upon the
grounds of public safety, equity and prudence, can find out some way
or means of union and reconciliation for you amongst yourselves,
before you become a prey to common enemies, especially since this
state, by the last letter from the Council of State, give you your
freedom, as supposing a better use would have been made of it than
there hath been? Surely, when kind and simple remedies are applied
and are ineffectual, it speaks loud and broadly the high and
dangerous distempers of such a body, as if the wounds were
incurable. But I hope better things from you, though I thus speak,
and should be apt to think, that by commissioners agreed on and
appointed on all parts, and on behalf of all interests, in a general
meeting, such a union and common satisfaction might arise, as,
through God’s blessing, might put a stop to your growing breaches
and distractions, silence your enemies, encourage your friends,
honor the name of God, (which of late hath been much blasphemed, by
reason of you,) and in particular, refresh and revive the sad heart
of him who mourns over your present evils, as being your
affectionate friend, to serve you in the Lord.

“H. VANE.

“_Belleau, the 8th of February, 1653–4._”[285]

Soon after Mr. Williams returned, he wrote the following letter to his friend, Mr. Winthrop:

“For my much honored, kind friend, Mr. John Winthrop, at Pequod.

“_Providence, July 12, 54, (so called.)_

“Sir,

“I was humbly bold to salute you from our native country, and now,
by the gracious hand of the Lord, once more saluting this
wilderness, I crave your wonted patience to my wonted boldness, who
ever honored and loved, and ever shall, the root and branches of
your dear name. How joyful, therefore, was I to hear of your abode
as a stake and pillar in these parts, and of your healths, your own,
Mrs. Winthrop, and your branches, although some sad mixtures we have
had from the sad tidings (if true) of the late loss and cutting off
of one of them.

“Sir, I was lately upon the wing to have waited on you at your
house. I had disposed all for my journey, and my staff was in my
hand, but it pleased the Lord to interpose some impediments, so that
I am compelled to a suspension for a season, and choose at present
thus to visit you. I had no letters for you, but yours were well. I
was at the lodgings of Major Winthrop and Mr. Peters, but I missed
them. Your brother flourisheth in good esteem, and is eminent for
maintaining the freedom of the conscience as to matters of belief,
religion and worship. Your father Peters[286] preacheth the same
doctrine, though not so zealously as some years since, yet cries out
against New-English rigidities and persecutions, their civil
injuries and wrongs to himself, and their unchristian dealing with
him, in excommunicating his distracted wife. All this he told me in
his lodgings, at Whitehall, those lodgings which I was told were
Canterbury’s; but he himself told me, that that library, wherein we
were together, was Canterbury’s, and given him by the Parliament.
His wife lives from him not wholly, but much distracted. He tells me
he had but two hundred a year, and he allowed her fourscore per
annum of it. Surely, Sir, the most holy Lord is most wise in all the
trials he exerciseth his people with. He told me that his affliction
from his wife stirred him up to action abroad, and when success
tempted him to pride, the bitterness in his bosom comforts was a
cooler and a bridle to him.

“Surely, Sir, your father, and all the people of God in England,
formerly called _Puritanus Anglicanus_, of late _Roundheads_, now
the _Sectarians_, (as more or less cut off from the parishes) are
now in the saddle and at the helm, so high that _non datur descensus
nisi cadendo_. Some cheer up their spirits with the impossibility of
another fall or turn, so doth Major Gen. Harrison, and Mr. Feake,
and Mr. John Simson, now in Windsor Castle for preaching against
this last change, and against the Protector, as an usurper, Richard
III., &c. So did many think of the last Parliament, who were of the
vote of fifty-six against priests and tithes, opposite to the vote
of the fifty-four who were for them, at least for a while. Major
Gen. Harrison was the second in the nation of late, when the loving
General and himself joined against the former Long Parliament and
dissolved them, but now being the head of the fifty-six party, he
was confined by the Protector and Council, within five miles of his
father’s house, in Staffordshire. That sentence he not obeying, he
told me (the day before my leaving London) he was to be sent
prisoner into Harfordshire. Surely, Sir, he is a very gallant, most
deserving, heavenly man, but most high flown for the kingdom of the
saints, and the fifth monarchy now risen, and their sun never to set
again, &c. Others, as to my knowledge, the Protector, Lord President
Lawrence, and others at helm, with Sir Henry Vane, (retired into
Lincolnshire, yet daily missed and courted for his assistance) are
not so full of that faith of miracles, but still imagine changes and
persecutions and the very slaughter of the witnesses, before that
glorious morning so much desired of a worldly kingdom, if ever such
a kingdom (as literally it is by so many expounded) be to arise in
this present world and dispensation.

“Sir, I know not how far your judgment hath concurred with the
design against the Dutch. I must acknowledge my mourning for it, and
when I heard of it, at Portsmouth, I confess I wrote letters to the
Protector and President, from thence, as against a most uningenuous
and unchristian design, at such a time, when the world stood gazing
at the so famous treaty for peace, which was then between the two
States, and near finished when we set sail. Much I can tell you of
the answer I had from Court, and I think of the answers I had from
heaven, viz. that the Lord would graciously retard us until the
tidings of peace (from England) might quench the fire in the
kindling of it.

“Sir, I mourn that any of our parts were so madly injurious to
trouble yours. I pity poor Sabando. I yet have hopes in God that we
shall be more loving and peaceable neighbors. I had word from the
Lord President to Portsmouth, that the Council had passed three
letters as to our business. First, to encourage us; second, to our
neighbor colonies not to molest us; third, in exposition of that
word dominion, in the late frame of the government of England, viz.
that liberty of conscience should be maintained in all American
plantations, &c.

“Sir, a great man in America told me, that he thought New-England
would not bear it. I hope better, and that not only the necessity,
but the equity, piety and Christianity of that freedom will more and
more shine forth, not to licentiousness, (as all mercies are apt to
be abused) but to the beauty of Christianity and the lustre of true
faith in God and love to poor mankind, &c.

“Sir, I have desires of keeping home. I have long had scruples of
selling the natives aught but what may bring or tend to civilizing;
I therefore neither brought, nor shall sell them, loose coats nor
breeches. It pleased the Lord to call me for some time, and with
some persons, to practise the Hebrew, the Greek, Latin, French and
Dutch. The Secretary of the Council, (Mr. Milton) for my Dutch I
read him, read me many more languages. Grammar rules begin to be
esteemed a tyranny. I taught two young gentlemen, a Parliament man’s
sons, as we teach our children English, by words, phrases and
constant talk, &c. I have begun with mine own three boys, who labor
besides; others are coming to me.

“Sir, I shall rejoice to receive a word of your healths, of the
Indian wars, and to be ever yours,

“R. W.

“Sir, I pray seal and send the enclosed.”

Among other remarkable passages, in the foregoing letter, the allusion to Milton is not the least interesting. He was then the Secretary of the government, and in that office he honored the English name, by his eloquent writings in defence of liberty. Mr. Williams was naturally attracted to a communion with the lofty spirit of Milton. His was a kindred mind, imbued with the same love of liberty, and alike free from selfish ends. Both encountered persecution, and endured poverty for their principles. They both acted in the same spirit of self-sacrifice for the good of others; and Mr. Williams might have used, with equal truth and propriety, the magnanimous and almost triumphant language of Milton, in his sonnet on the loss of his sight, which was hastened by his intense application to his noble “Defensio pro Populo Anglicano.”

“I argue not
Against Heaven’s hand or will, nor bate a jot
Of heart or hope, but still bear up, and steer
Right onward.”

The preceding letter bears an incidental testimony to the various learning of Milton, and it implies, that Mr. Williams was sufficiently versed in the Hebrew, Greek, Latin, Dutch and French languages, to teach them. It shows, moreover, that, like Milton himself, and Dr. Johnson, and other distinguished men, Mr. Williams employed himself in the honorable office of an instructor of youth; an office worthy of the most gifted mind, and which ranks, in the estimate of sober reason, second to no other function, except that of the teacher of religion. This fact is the more honorable to Mr. Williams, because he became a teacher, as a means of subsistence, while he was serving his colony in England.[287]

In the following letter to the town of Providence, Mr. Williams alludes, in affecting terms, to his toils and sacrifices, and to the ungrateful requital with which they had been met by some individuals:

“Well beloved friends and neighbors,

“I am like a man in a great fog. I know not well how to steer. I
fear to run upon the rocks at home, having had trials abroad. I fear
to run quite backward, as men in a mist do, and undo all that I have
been a long time undoing myself to do, viz. to keep up the name of a
people, a free people, not enslaved to the bondages and iron yokes
of the great (both soul and body) oppressions of the English and
barbarians about us, nor to the divisions and disorders within
ourselves. Since I set the first step of any English foot into these
wild parts, and have maintained a chargeable and hazardous
correspondence with the barbarians, and spent almost five years’
time with the state of England, to keep off the rage of the English
against us, what have I reaped of the root of being the
stepping-stone of so many families and towns about us, but grief,
and sorrow, and bitterness? I have been charged with folly for that
freedom and liberty which I have always stood for; I say liberty and
equality, both in land and government. I have been blamed for
parting with Moshassuck, and afterward Pawtuxet, (which were mine
own as truly as any man’s coat upon his back,) without reserving to
myself a foot of land, or an inch of voice in any matter, more than
to my servants and strangers. It hath been told me that I labored
for a licentious and contentious people; that I have foolishly
parted with town and colony advantages, by which I might have
preserved both town and colony in as good order as any in the
country about us. This, and ten times more, I have been censured
for, and at this present am called a traitor, by one party, against
the state of England, for not maintaining the charter and the
colony; and it is said that I am as good as banished by yourselves,
and that both sides wished that I might never have landed, that the
fire of contention might have had no stop in burning. Indeed, the
words have been so sharp between myself and some lately, that at
last I was forced to say, they might well silence all complaints if
I once began to complain, who was unfortunately fetched and drawn
from my employment, and sent to so vast distance from my family, to
do your work of a high and costly nature, for so many days and weeks
and months together, and there left to starve, or steal, or beg or
borrow. But blessed be God, who gave me favor to borrow one while,
and to work another, and thereby to pay your debts there, and to
come over with your credit and honor, as an agent from you, who had,
in your name, grappled with the agents and friends of all your
enemies round about you. I am told that your opposites thought on
me, and provided, as I may say, a sponge to wipe off your scores and
debts in England, but that it was obstructed by yourselves, who
rather meditated on means and new agents to be sent over, to cross
what Mr. Clarke and I obtained. But, gentlemen, blessed be God, who
faileth not, and blessed be his name for his wonderful PROVIDENCES,
by which alone this town and colony, and that grand cause of TRUTH
AND FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE, hath been upheld to this day. And blessed
be his name who hath again quenched so much of our fires hitherto,
and hath brought your names and his own name thus far out of the
dirt of scorn, reproach, &c. I find among yourselves and your
opposites that of Solomon true, that the contentions of brethren
(some that lately were so) are the bars of a castle, and not easily
broken; and I have heard some of both sides zealously talking of
undoing themselves by a trial in England. Truly, friends, I cannot
but fear you lost a fair wind lately, when this town was sent to for
its deputies, and you were not pleased to give an overture unto the
rest of the inhabitants about it; yea, and when yourselves thought
that I invited you to some conference tending to reconciliation,
before the town should act in so fundamental a business, you were
pleased to forestall that, so that being full of grief, shame and
astonishment, yea, and fear that all that is now done, especially in
our town of Providence, is but provoking the spirits of men to fury
and desperation, I pray your leave to pray you to remember (that
which I lately told your opposites) _only by pride cometh
contention_. If there be humility on the one side, yet there is
pride on the other, and certainly the eternal God will engage
against the proud. I therefore pray you to examine, as I have done
them, your proceedings in this first particular. Secondly, Love
covereth a multitude of sins. Surely your charges and complaints
each against other, have not hid nor covered any thing, as we use to
cover the nakedness of those we love. If you will now profess not to
have disfranchised humanity and love, but that, as David in another
case, you will sacrifice to the common peace, and common safety, and
common credit, that which may be said to cost you something, I pray
your loving leave to tell you, that if I were in your soul’s case, I
would send unto your opposites such a line as this: ‘Neighbors, at
the constant request, and upon the constant mediation which our
neighbor Roger Williams, since his arrival, hath used to us, both
for pacification and accommodation of our sad differences, and also
upon the late endeavors in all the other towns for an union, we are
persuaded to remove our obstruction, viz. that paper of contention
between us, and to deliver it into the hands of our aforesaid
neighbor, and to obliterate that order, which that paper did
occasion. This removed, you may be pleased to meet with, and debate
freely, and vote in all matters with us, as if such grievances had
not been amongst us. Secondly, if yet aught remain grievous, which
we ourselves, by free debate and conference, cannot compose, we
offer to be judged and censured by four men, which out of any part
of the colony you shall choose two, and we the other.’

“Gentlemen, I only add, that I crave your loving pardon to your bold
but true friend,

“ROGER WILLIAMS.”

The pathetic earnestness, and conciliatory yet dignified tone of this letter, produced a favorable effect. At a town meeting held in Providence, in August, Mr. Williams was requested to prepare an answer to Sir Henry Vane’s letter, in the name of the town. This answer, dated August 27, 1654, is as follows. It bears the characteristics of Mr. Williams’ style, and it expresses his opinions of certain public men and measures:

“Sir,

“Although we are aggrieved at your late retirement from the helm of
public affairs, yet we rejoice to reap the sweet fruits of your rest
in your pious and loving lines, most seasonably sent unto us. Thus
the sun, when he retires his brightness from the world, yet from
under the very clouds we perceive his presence, and enjoy some light
and heat and sweet refreshings. Sir, your letters were directed to
all and every particular town of this Providence colony. Surely,
Sir, among the many providences of the Most High, towards this town
of Providence, and this Providence colony, we cannot but see
apparently his gracious hand, providing your honorable self for so
noble and true a friend to an outcast and despised people. From the
first beginning of this Providence colony, occasioned by the
banishment of some in this place from the Massachusetts, we say ever
since to this very day, we have reaped the sweet fruits of your
constant loving kindness and favor towards us. Oh, Sir, whence,
then, is it that you have bent your bow, and shot your sharp and
bitter arrows now against us? Whence is it that you charge us with
divisions, disorders, &c.? Sir, we humbly pray your gentle
acceptance of our two fold answer.

“First, we have been greatly disturbed and distracted by the
ambition and covetousness of some amongst us. Sir, we were in
complete order, until Mr. Coddington, wanting that public,
self-denying spirit which you commend to us in your letter,
procured, by most untrue information, a monopoly of part of the
colony, viz. Rhode-Island, to himself, and so occasioned our general
disturbance and distractions. Secondly, Mr. Dyre, with no less want
of a public spirit, being ruined by party contentions with Mr.
Coddington, and being betrusted to bring from England the letters of
the Council of State for our re-unitings, he hopes for a recruit to
himself by other men’s goods; and, contrary to the State’s
intentions and expressions, plungeth himself and some others in most
unnecessary and unrighteous plundering, both of Dutch and French,
and English also, to our great grief, who protested against such
abuse of our power from England; and the end of it is to the shame
and reproach of himself, and the very English name, as all these
parts do witness.

“Sir, our second answer is, (that we may not lay all the load upon
other men’s backs,) that possibly a sweet cup hath rendered many of
us wanton and too active, for we have long drunk of the cup of as
great liberties as any people that we can hear of under the whole
heaven. We have not only been long free (together with all
New-England) from the iron yoke of wolvish bishops, and their popish
ceremonies, (against whose cruel oppressions God raised up your
noble spirit in Parliament,) but we have sitten quiet and dry from
the streams of blood spilt by that war in our native country. We
have not felt the new chains of the Presbyterian tyrants, nor in
this colony have we been consumed with the over-zealous fire of the
(so called) godly christian magistrates. Sir, we have not known what
an excise means; we have almost forgotten what tythes are, yea, or
taxes either, to church or commonwealth. We could name other special
privileges, ingredients of our sweet cup, which your great wisdom
knows to be very powerful (except more than ordinary watchfulness)
to render the best of men wanton and forgetful. But, blessed be your
love, and your loving heart and hand, awakening any of our sleepy
spirits by your sweet alarm; and blessed be your noble family, root
and branch, and all your pious and prudent engagements and
retirements. We hope you shall no more complain of the saddening of
your loving heart by the men of Providence town or of Providence
colony, but that when we are gone and rotten, our posterity and
children after us shall read in our town records your pious and
favorable letters and loving kindness to us, and this our answer,
and real endeavor after peace and righteousness; and to be found,
Sir, your most obliged, and most humble servants, the town of
Providence, in Providence colony, in New-England.

“GREGORY DEXTER,
_Town Clerk_.”

The town of Providence, at the instance of Mr. Williams, and the other towns, as we may presume, by his influence, appointed commissioners, who met on the 31st of August, and re-established the government on its old foundations.[288] They appointed a general election, to be held at Warwick, on the 12th of September, at which Mr. Williams was chosen President of the colony, and, together with Mr. Gregory Dexter, was requested to “draw forth and send letters of humble thanksgiving to his Highness, the Lord Protector, and Sir Henry Vane, Mr. Holland, and Mr. John Clarke, in the name of the colony; and Mr. Williams is desired to subscribe them, by virtue of his office.”

By the wisdom, and the firm yet healing gentleness of Mr. Williams, was the colony thus re-united, after a disorderly interval of several years. The little bark was rescued from the rocks which threatened her destruction, and once more launched forth, her faithful pilot at the helm, and her banner, displaying her chosen motto “Hope,” floating again upon the breeze.[289]

The following letter to the government of Massachusetts, alludes to some disturbances with the Indians, which occurred about this time. Ninigret, the Niantick sachem, had made war with the Indians of Long Island,[290] and was supposed to be in alliance with the Dutch at New-York. The commissioners of the united colonies sent a considerable force against Ninigret, under the command of Major Willard, of Massachusetts, but they returned without success, the sachem and his warriors having taken refuge in a swamp. The real cause, perhaps, why the war was not vigorously waged, was, that Massachusetts was opposed to hostilities, and with a wisdom and humanity which honored her rulers, prevented at this time, as she had done on a former occasion, a general war with the natives.[291] We may hope, that the admirable letter of Mr. Williams had some effect in producing this pacific temper:

“_Providence, 5, 8, 54, (so called.)_

“Much honored Sirs,

“I truly wish you peace, and pray your gentle acceptance of a word,
I hope not unreasonable.

“We have in these parts a sound of your meditations of war against
these natives, amongst whom we dwell. I consider that war is one of
those three great, sore plagues, with which it pleaseth God to
affect the sons of men. I consider, also, that I refused, lately,
many offers in my native country, out of a sincere desire to seek
the good and peace of this.

“I remember, that upon the express advice of your ever honored Mr.
Winthrop, deceased,[292] I first adventured to begin a plantation
among the thickest of these barbarians.

“That in the Pequod wars, it pleased your honored government to
employ me in the hazardous and weighty service of negotiating a
league between yourselves and the Narragansets, when the Pequod
messengers, who sought the Narragansets’ league against the English,
had almost ended that my work and life together.

“That at the subscribing of that solemn league, which, by the mercy
of the Lord, I had procured with the Narragansets, your government
was pleased to send unto me the copy of it, subscribed by all hands
there, which yet I keep as a monument and a testimony of peace and
faithfulness between you both.

“That, since that time, it hath pleased the Lord so to order it,
that I have been more or less interested and used in all your great
transactions of war or peace, between the English and the natives,
and have not spared purse, nor pains, nor hazards, (very many
times,) that the whole land, English and natives, might sleep in
peace securely.

“That in my last negotiations in England, with the Parliament,
Council of State, and his Highness,[293] I have been forced to be
known so much, that if I should be silent, I should not only betray
mine own peace and yours, but also should be false to their
honorable and princely names, whose loves and affections, as well as
their supreme authority, are not a little concerned in the peace or
war of this country.

“At my last departure for England, I was importuned by the
Narraganset sachems, and especially by Ninigret, to present their
petition to the high sachems of England, that they might not be
forced from their religion, and, for not changing their religion, be
invaded by war; for they said they were daily visited with
threatenings by Indians that came from about the Massachusetts, that
if they would not pray, they should be destroyed by war. With this
their petition I acquainted, in private discourses, divers of the
chief of our nation, and especially his Highness, who, in many
discourses I had with him, never expressed the least tittle of
displeasure, as hath been here reported, but, in the midst of
disputes, ever expressed a high spirit of love and gentleness, and
was often pleased to please himself with very many questions, and my
answers, about the Indian affairs of this country; and, after all
hearing of yourself and us, it hath pleased his Highness and his
Council to grant, amongst other favors to this colony, some
expressly concerning the very Indians, the native inhabitants of
this jurisdiction.

“I, therefore, humbly offer to your prudent and impartial view,
first, these two considerable terms, it pleased the Lord to use to
all that profess his name (Rom. 12: 18,) if it be possible, and all
men.

“I never was against the righteous use of the civil sword of men or
nations, but yet since all men of conscience or prudence ply to
windward, to maintain their wars to be defensive, (as did both King
and Scotch, and English, and Irish too, in the late wars,) I humbly
pray your consideration, whether it be not only possible, but very
easy, to live and die in peace with all the natives of this country.

“For, secondly, are not all the English of this land, generally, a
persecuted people from their native soil? and hath not the God of
peace and Father of mercies made these natives more friendly in
this, than our native countrymen in our own land to us? Have they
not entered leagues of love, and to this day continued peaceable
commerce with us? Are not our families grown up in peace amongst
them? Upon which I humbly ask, how it can suit with Christian
ingenuity to take hold of some seeming occasions for their
destructions, which, though the heads be only aimed at, yet, all
experience tells us, falls on the body and the innocent.

“Thirdly, I pray it may be remembered how greatly the name of God is
concerned in this affair, for it cannot be hid, how all England and
other nations ring with the glorious conversion of the Indians of
New-England. You know how many books are dispersed throughout the
nation, of the subject, (in some of them the Narraganset chief
sachems are publicly branded, for refusing to pray and be
converted;) have all the pulpits in England been commanded to sound
of this glorious work, (I speak not ironically, but only mention
what all the printed books mention,) and that, by the highest
command and authority of Parliament, and church wardens went from
house to house, to gather supplies for this work.

“Honored Sirs,

“Whether I have been and am a friend to the natives’ turning to
civility and Christianity, and whether I have been instrumental, and
desire so to be, according to my light, I will not trouble you with;
only I beseech you consider, how the name of the most holy and
jealous God may be preserved between the clashings of these two,
viz: the glorious conversion of the Indians in New-England, and the
unnecessary wars and cruel destructions of the Indians in
New-England.

“Fourthly, I beseech you forget not, that although we are apt to
play with this plague of war more than with the other two, famine
and pestilence, yet I beseech you consider how the present events of
all wars that ever have been in the world, have been wonderful
fickle, and the future calamities and revolutions, wonderful in the
latter end.

“Heretofore, not having liberty of taking ship in your jurisdiction,
I was forced to repair unto the Dutch, where mine eyes did see that
first breaking forth of that Indian war, which the Dutch begun, upon
the slaughter of some Dutch by the Indians; and they questioned not
to finish it in a few days, insomuch that the name of peace, which
some offered to mediate, was foolish and odious to them. But before
we weighed anchor, their bowries were in flames; Dutch and English
were slain. Mine eyes saw their flames at their towns, and the
flights and hurries of men, women and children, the present removal
of all that could for Holland; and, after vast expenses, and mutual
slaughters of Dutch, English, and Indians, about four years, the
Dutch were forced, to save their plantation from ruin, to make up a
most unworthy and dishonorable peace with the Indians.

“How frequently is that saying in England, that both Scotch and
English had better have borne loans, ship money, &c. than run upon
such rocks, that even success and victory have proved, and are yet
like to prove. Yea, this late war with Holland, however begun with
zeal against God’s enemies, as some in Parliament said, yet what
fruits brought it forth, but the breach of the Parliament, the
enraging of the nation by taxes, the ruin of thousands who depended
on manufactures and merchandize, the loss of many thousand seamen,
and others, many of whom many worlds are not worthy?

“But, lastly, if any be yet zealous of kindling this fire for God,
&c. I beseech that gentleman, whoever he be, to lay himself in the
opposite scale, with one of the fairest buds that ever the sun of
righteousness cherished, Josiah, that most zealous and
melting-hearted reformer, who would to war, and against warnings,
and fell in most untimely death and lamentations, and now stands, a
pillar of salt to all succeeding generations.

“Now, with your patience, a word to these nations at war, (occasion
of yours,) the Narragansets and Long-Islanders, I know them both
experimentally, and therefore pray you to remember,

“First, that the Narragansets and Mohawks are the two great bodies
of Indians in this country, and they are confederates, and long have
been, and they both yet are friendly and peaceable to the English. I
do humbly conceive, that if ever God calls us to a just war with
either of them, he calls us to make sure of the one to a friend. It
is true some distaste was lately here amongst them, but they parted
friends, and some of the Narragansets went home with them, and I
fear that both these and the Long-Islanders and Mohegans, and all
the natives of the land, may, upon the sound of a defeat of the
English, be induced easily to join each with other against us.

“2. The Narragansets, as they were the first, so they have been long
confederates with you; they have been true, in all the Pequod wars,
to you. They occasioned the Mohegans to come in, too, and so
occasioned the Pequods’ downfall.

“3. I cannot yet learn, that ever it pleased the Lord to permit the
Narragansets to stain their hands with any English blood, neither in
open hostilities nor secret murders, as both Pequods and
Long-Islanders did, and Mohegans also, in the Pequod wars. It is
true they are barbarians, but their greatest offences against the
English have been matters of money, or petty revenging of themselves
on some Indians, upon extreme provocations, but God kept them clear
of our blood.

“4. For the people, many hundred English have experimented them to
be inclined to peace and love with the English nation.

“Their late famous long-lived Canonicus so lived and died, and in
the same most honorable manner and solemnity (in their way) as you
laid to sleep your prudent peace-maker, Mr. Winthrop, did they honor
this, their prudent and peaceable prince. His son, Mexham[294],
inherits his spirit. Yea, through all their towns and countries, how
frequently do many, and oft-times one Englishman, travel alone with
safety and loving kindness!

“The cause and root of all the present mischief, is the pride of two
barbarians, Ascassassotic, the Long-Island sachem, and Ninigret, of
the Narraganset. The former is proud and foolish; the latter is
proud and fierce. I have not seen him these many years, yet from
their sober men I hear he pleads,

“First, that Ascassassotic, a very inferior sachem, bearing himself
upon the English, hath slain three or four of his people, and since
that, sent him challenges and darings to fight, and mend himself.

“2. He, Ninigret, consulted, by solemn messengers, with the chief of
the English Governors, Major Endicott, then Governor of the
Massachusetts, who sent him an implicit consent to right himself,
upon which they all plead that the English have just occasion of
displeasure.

“3. After he had taken revenge upon the Long-Islanders, and brought
away about fourteen captives, divers of their chief women, yet he
restored them all again, upon the mediation and desire of the
English.

“4. After this peace made, the Long-Islanders, pretending to visit
Ninigret, at Block-Island, slaughtered of his Narragansets near
thirty persons, at midnight, two of them of great note, especially
Wepiteammoc’s son, to whom Ninigret was uncle.

“5. In the prosecution of this war, although he had drawn down the
Islanders to his assistance, yet, upon protestation of the English
against his proceedings, he retreated, and dissolved his army.

“Honored Sirs,

“1. I know it is said the Long-Islanders are subjects; but I have
heard this greatly questioned, and, indeed, I question whether any
Indians in this country, remaining barbarous and pagan, may with
truth or honor be called the English subjects.

“2. But grant them subjects, what capacity hath their late massacre
of the Narragansets, with whom they had made peace, without the
English consent, though still under the English name, put them into?

“3. All Indians are extremely treacherous; and if to their own
nation, for private ends, revolting to strangers, what will they do
upon the sound of one defeat of the English, or the trade of killing
English cattle, and persons, and plunder, which will, most certainly
be the trade, if any considerable party escape alive, as mine eyes
beheld in the Dutch war.

“But, I beseech you, say your thoughts and the thoughts of your
wives and little ones, and the thoughts of all English, and of God’s
people in England, and the thoughts of his Highness and Council,
(tender of these parts,) if, for the sake of a few inconsiderable
pagans, and beasts, wallowing in idleness, stealing, lying, whoring,
treacherous witchcrafts, blasphemies, and idolatries, all that the
gracious hand of the Lord hath so wonderfully planted in the
wilderness, should be destroyed.

“How much nobler were it, and glorious to the name of God and your
own, that no pagan should dare to use the name of an English
subject, who comes not out, in some degree, from barbarism to
civility, in forsaking their filthy nakedness, in keeping some kind
of cattle, which yet your councils and commands may tend to, and, as
pious and prudent deceased Mr. Winthrop said, that civility may be a
leading step to Christianity, is the humble desire of your most
unfeigned in all services of love,

“ROGER WILLIAMS,
_of Providence colony_,
_President_.”

Though Mr. Williams had succeeded in restoring the regular operation of the government, there were not wanting individuals who were uneasy and restive under restraints. A person, about this time, sent a paper to the town of Providence, affirming “that it was blood-guiltiness, and against the rule of the Gospel, to execute judgment upon transgressors against the private or public weal.” This principle struck at the foundation of all civil society. There were, as we may easily suppose, some individuals, who had been drawn to Rhode-Island by the prospect of enjoying liberty, and who would gladly have cast off all restraint, and revelled in unbounded license.

Mr. Williams could not remain silent, while such sentiments were avowed. He accordingly wrote the following letter to the town. It is, in every respect, worthy of him. It presents, briefly, his principles of civil and religious liberty, illustrated by a happy comparison, and carefully guarded by limitations, exact, clear, and in harmony with the dictates of reason and Scripture. The duty of civil obedience is maintained, as decisively as Mr. Cotton himself could have wished; while the rights of conscience are declared, with a precision, an enlarged comprehension of mind, and a liberality of feeling, of which no other example could be found at that early day. This letter is a sufficient reply to all the allegations against Mr. Williams of a spirit hostile to the civil peace; and it may be added, that the church which he founded at Providence, and all the churches of the same faith which have since multiplied over the land, have maintained precisely the same views of civil and religious duties and rights:

“That ever I should speak or write a tittle that tends to such an
infinite liberty of conscience, is a mistake, and which I have ever
disclaimed and abhorred. To prevent such mistakes, I at present
shall only propose this case: There goes many a ship to sea, with
many hundred souls in one ship, whose weal and woe is common, and is
a true picture of a commonwealth, or a human combination or society.
It hath fallen out sometimes that both Papists and Protestants, Jews
and Turks, may be embarked in one ship; upon which supposal I
affirm, that all the liberty of conscience, that ever I pleaded for,
turns upon these two hinges: that none of the Papists, Protestants,
Jews or Turks, be forced to come to the ship’s prayers or worship,
nor compelled from their own particular prayers or worship, if they
practise any. I further add, that I never denied, that
notwithstanding this liberty, the commander of this ship ought to
command the ship’s course, yea, and also command that justice, peace
and sobriety be kept and practised, both among the seamen and all
the passengers. If any of the seamen refuse to perform their
service, or passengers to pay their freight; if any refuse to help,
in person or purse, towards the common charges or defence; if any
refuse to obey the common laws and orders of the ship, concerning
their common peace or preservation; if any shall mutiny and rise up
against their commanders and officers; if any should preach or write
that there ought to be no commanders or officers, because all are
equal in Christ, therefore no masters nor officers, nor laws nor
orders, no corrections nor punishments; I say, I never denied, but
in such cases, whatever is pretended, the commander or commanders
may judge, resist, compel and punish such transgressors, according
to their deserts and merits. This, if seriously and honestly minded,
may, if it so please the Father of Lights, let in some light to such
as willingly shut not their eyes.

“I remain studious of your common peace and liberty.

ROGER WILLIAMS.”