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Chapter XIII: Part II: , p. 608.) (3)

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In the present case the temperature of the atmosphere was about ten degrees higher than that of the sea's surface at the point of observation. The surface of the current of warm air appeared like a light fog, inclining in the East towards the Spanish coast, and in the South-east to South towards the surface of the sea. Where it was highest it reached nearly five degrees above the horizon. The images of the ships at anchor near Malaga, and those at sea under sail, appeared reversed, and assumed curiously fantastic forms, particularly in those places where the reflecting surface became irregular, and inclined towards the horizon. The appearance of these distorted ships in the air, joining in the most singular way the real ones actually floating on the sea,--the warm vapour which is from time to time wafted on the face of the observer, as well as the perfect and almost death-like stillness which, under such circumstances, prevails both on the sea and in the atmosphere, may easily produce the belief in a mysterious power, among a people who are generally prone to ascribe to supernatural agencies every phenomenon they cannot understand or explain.

This "Fata Morgana"[10] was not merely interesting in itself, but also gave reason to indulge in the hope of a favourable wind. A light easterly breeze accordingly sprang up towards midnight, the current became reversed, the anchor was weighed, and all sail made with this favourable wind towards Gibraltar, the rock of which was distinctly recognizable through the misty air, at a distance of nearly sixty miles.

[Footnote 10: The name Morgana is of Breton origin, and signifies "sea woman," from _mor_, sea, and _gan_, a fine woman;--the fairy mermaid of English legendary tales.]

A calm still prevailed near Europa Point, but as the day wore on, the easterly breeze blew strong through the Straits, and, in company with innumerable other ships, the Pillars of Hercules were at length passed. The wind freshened, and the frigate cracked merrily on down mid-channel; for, though the set of the current was dead against us, yet the wind proved more than a match for it, which in our case was the more apparent, that those merchantmen which sailed along the coast, not having the advantage of this wind, seemed as though left motionless in the rear.

When towards noon the _Novara_ was off the place where the _Caroline_ had been anchored, that ship was no longer visible. She had probably set sail in the morning. We supposed her to be among the crowd of ships which were sailing in the fog, but did not discover her, even after we had overtaken and examined all of them. We now endeavoured to reach the Atlantic as speedily as possible, making from nine to ten knots an hour, and, with joyful sensations, sailed through those beautiful straits, on whose shores the ancient world unrolled its grand panorama, thanking Providence here, at the entrance of that vast ocean, which now shone so brilliantly, that we were permitted to carry the Austrian flag into distant regions.

At 4 P.M., aided by the fresh evening breeze, we passed the most southerly point of Europe. We were just going to dinner when the last glimpse of the old world passed before the cabin windows, and we gazed once more with sorrowing eyes at the rapidly-disappearing coast, which, illuminated by the rays of the setting sun, seemed to wave us a last farewell in letters of fire. However beautiful, however inspiring the prospect of our task; however inviting the magnificent ocean that lay extended under our eyes, magically lit up by the silvery beams of the bright moon shining from a starry sky, yet the painful sensations of parting with that old world, with which so many pleasing associations--so many cherished recollections were bound up, had a powerful influence, and gave rise to melancholy impressions, of which we were only relieved by the comforting hope that we should one day return to all so dear to us.

The night was delightful. Not a single cloud obscured the sky, and the ship, with all sails swelled by a fair wind, ploughed the dark waves, leaving a glittering track behind. We were now on the ocean! Below, blue, foam-crested billows; above, the sky studded with stars;--below, the wide desert of the sea; above, the infallible guides to lead us safely through it.

We awoke to new activity on that great element, which conceals so many charms and so many hardships, where the continued alternations of hope and fear, of enjoyment and privation--where weariness and disappointment, and yet again the new strength imparted by returning success--so excitingly animate, and so gloriously manifest the innate power of the human mind.

Life on board, the various excitements at sea, the different countries and people seen during a voyage, all tend to arouse feelings and sensations which are reserved for the mariner alone, and which render his life, if he knows how to use it properly, happy and most enviable. At sea the mental and physical eye gains strength, man there seeks to unravel Nature in all her phases, and to know and to admire more thoroughly her works. The seaman owes his energy, his straightforwardness, and his piety, to a life spent in the midst of nature, to his direct intercourse with creation. Between him and the Sovereign of the Universe there is, as it were, no mediator--he lives and labours uninterruptedly on the steps of the throne of his Creator and Preserver. In this great temple he directs to Him alone his complaints, his thanks, and his prayers. At sea he learns law and order from Nature herself in her constantly-recurring functions; here he admires the omnipotence and goodness of God in the sunrise after a stormy night, and in the brightness of the moon that lights up his path; here he learns by his actual experience the truth of that maxim of life, that "God only helps him who helps himself."

The wind, hitherto easterly, chopped round to the North-east, which, according to Maury's excellent directions and charts, may be considered as a trade wind, and in this season might be called so. In fact, the trade winds are produced by a current of air, which is directed towards the Equator, and only in consequence of the earth's motion round its axis acquires a north-easterly direction to the north of the equator, and a south-easterly to the south of it. But the trade winds become perceptible at a certain distance from the equator, or rather from the hottest zone of the earth's surface; and it is clear, that when the zone assumes a greater breadth, the boundary of the trade winds is extended further towards the poles, as the position of this zone and its heat obtained from the sun are the causes of these phenomena.

This is exactly the case in these waters; Africa, with its sandy deserts, presents a broader zone of the greatest heat than is possible on the sea, and the trade winds, accordingly, reach further towards the north. Its direction, however, cannot always be north-easterly, and depends necessarily on the direction of the northern boundaries of this zone of greatest heat. Accordingly, we at first had a more northerly wind, which in our progress towards Madeira became much more easterly. The weather continued on the whole beautiful, the sea was calm, and only the increased length of the waves showed the greater expanse of water we were now navigating.

We overtook some other ships, which were sailing towards the west. As we saw nothing of the _Caroline_, we concluded that she was considerably ahead. The current, which near Gibraltar has a westerly direction, tending towards the Mediterranean, loses its power at a distance from the land, and half-way to Madeira it changes its direction in such a way that the ship is carried imperceptibly southwards, though only a few miles a-day. This current is a lateral branch of the great Gulf Stream, which from the Gulf of Mexico is directed towards England, but about the latitude of New York sends off a branch in a south-easterly direction, which passes round Madeira, and, near the Canaries, takes a parallel direction with the coast of Africa and forms the commencement of the Guinea current. The temperature of the sea water, which in the midst of this current is generally rather higher than that of the air, indicates to the mariner that he is in the Stream, and he must take care that his ship is not carried more to the south out of its course than he wishes. This shows clearly of what importance ocean-currents are to navigation; and it becomes evident that it is the duty of the scientific navigator not only to find out their direction and strength, but to use all means at his command, in order to ascertain their general movement in given districts of ocean.

For this latter purpose, it is customary (as often as circumstances seem to render it advisable) to throw overboard, and commit to the mercy of these currents, a well-corked empty bottle, in which has been deposited a card with the name and position of the ship. The bottle thus prepared, and made conspicuous by a covering of white linen cloth, or some such material, wanders hither and thither with the current, until it is picked up by some other ship, or is stranded anywhere on _terra firma_. The fact of such a bottle having been picked up is usually published, together with the particulars enclosed, by means of which it is obvious that an estimate can be formed of the average strength and direction of the current.

At 1 P.M. each afternoon, it was our custom to despatch one of these ocean-posts, under given conditions; but only rarely did we afterwards receive any information with respect to them. In each bottle was placed a card with the following particulars, written in German, English, French, Italian, and Spanish:--

"H.I.M. frigate, _Novara_, such and such a day of the week and month, hour at which thrown overboard, Longitude from Greenwich, Latitude. Whoever finds this bottle, which is about being thrown overboard well-corked and in good order, is requested to forward for publication, to the nearest spot at which there is a newspaper, the day, hour, latitude and longitude, in which the bottle has been found, together with the particulars of a similar nature already enclosed."

On the 7th June, towards evening, we were not more than 55 nautical miles distant from the E. point of Madeira, and as the wind was favourable and pretty fresh, it became necessary to shorten sail, so as to reach the anchorage by daybreak.

About 2.30 A.M., a vessel was perceived, which, by its lights, was made out to be a man-of-war. We now burned a port fire which was not merely replied to, but accompanied by signalling the number of the _Caroline_. She was steering exactly our own course, and after having had to struggle with calms on nearing the coast, we cast anchor together, in the roads of Funchal, in 32 fathoms, sandy bottom, immediately South of the Loo Rock, a singular-looking, lofty, conical rock, which marks the best anchorage for large ships. The U. S. corvette, _Dale_, lay in our vicinity, and sent a boat on board with an officer to extend to us the usual greetings, after which she saluted the Commodore's standard with a salute of thirteen guns,[11] which, as is the etiquette, we returned, gun for gun. We now had the pleasure of hearing that the small-pox had entirely disappeared on board the corvette _Caroline_, those attacked being now in a fair way of convalescence, while on board the _Novara_, the health of the ship's company was eminently satisfactory.

[Footnote 11: Commodores of other nations receive only eleven guns by way of salute.]

IV.

Madeira.

FROM THE 8TH TO THE 17TH OF JUNE, 1857.

First Impressions.--Difficulty in Landing.--Description of the
Island.--History.--Unfavourable political circumstances
connected with the cultivation of the ground.--Aqueducts.--
First Planting of the Sugar-cane.--Culture of the Vine.--Its
Disease and Decay.--Cochineal as a compensation for its loss.--
Prospects of Success.--Climate.--A favourable Winter Residence
for the Consumptive.--Strangers.--First Appearance of the
Cholera.--Observations with the Ozonometer.--Great Distress
among the Lower Classes.--Liberal Assistance from England.--
Decline of Commerce.--Inhabitants and their Mode of Life.--
Decrease of the Population, and its Causes.--Benevolent
Institutions.--Public Libraries.--The Cathedral.--Barracks.--
Prison.--Environs of Funchal.--Excursion to St. Anna.--Ascent
of the Pico Ruivo.--Singular Sledge Party.--Return to
Funchal.--Departure.

Delightful and striking is the first impression of Funchal, its luxuriant gardens smiling with gorgeous flowers, and its mountain sides cultivated almost to their summits; and although the grander and more gigantic forms of true tropical vegetation are wanting, and the landscape displays rather the character of an island off the shores of Italy than of the torrid zone--still Nature exhibits herself here with such varied charms that imagination can scarcely conceive a sweeter or lovelier scene. The most beautiful plants of the temperate and sub-tropical zones meet here in their highest development, whilst some representatives of the tropics intermixed enhance the richness of the wonderful picture. Odoriferous magnolias, large flowering tulip trees, plane trees, laurels, myrtles, acacias, passion and trumpet flowers, tree-like fuchsias with immense blossoms, gaudy hortensias, sweet-smelling roses, blooming oleanders, aloes, 40 feet high, in full flower, imposing camellias with shining green foliage, covered with beautiful rose-like flowers, chestnut trees, Brazilian pines, cypresses--all delight the eye, together with pomegranates, tamarinds, bananas, sugar-canes, coffee-shrubs, gigantic dragon trees, pine-apples, mangroves, papayas, and aquacatés. Certainly, at a later date, we met in the primitive forests of the Nicobar islands, or in Java, Luzon, and the Caroline islands, with grander and more imposing scenery; but none that surpassed in fragrance, luxuriance, and loveliness the floral beauty of Madeira.

The anchorage of Funchal[12] is merely an open, exceedingly unsafe roadstead, which affords so little protection to ships that often in southerly winds they are obliged to get under sail. This is especially the case in the winter, when the sea often rushes into the small unprotected bay with fearful violence. In October, 1842, five vessels were cast on shore within the space of a few hours, and another sank whilst at anchor; a similar violent gale from the south raged in December, 1848, when a like number of ships met with the same fate, and were dashed to pieces. The British sloop of war _Daphne_ only escaped by making the open sea in time. In order to run less risk of being surprised by such gales, sailing vessels generally cast anchor to the south of the Loo Rock, where there is tolerably safe anchorage at a depth of twenty-five to thirty fathoms. In that position they are clear of the rocky headlands, and can therefore more easily set sail before the sea rushes in with all its irresistible violence. Steamers, which are better able to resist the force of the waves than sailing vessels, generally cast anchor nearer the shore, so that passengers may be more easily landed, and coals shipped with greater facility.

[Footnote 12: The Portuguese for fennel-field, because the first discoverers of the island found this plant in great abundance.]

The Portuguese Government has done nothing to compensate for the shortcomings of nature with regard to safe landing-places in this island, otherwise so highly favoured. Though the rocky condition of the Funchal roads, (the only anchorage for larger ships which the island possesses,) offers sufficient means for the construction of a harbour for boats and small vessels, yet the Government has hitherto done so little, that the landing of passengers can only be effected by small, peculiarly-built boats, which, whilst tossed by the waves, have to be drawn on shore by the natives wading knee-deep in the water. If, therefore, the ship remains any length of time at Funchal, the communication with the land is attended with considerable expense. We laid out, in payments to the boatmen, during a stay of nine days, the sum of forty-five Spanish piastres[13] (£9 15s. sterling), although they had not over-charged us.

[Footnote 13: Spanish piastre = 4s. 4d. at par.]

The formalities at the custom-house, which strangers--even those belonging to a ship-of-war of a friendly Power--have to go through, are extremely annoying, and entail a great loss of time. Before landing, passengers' boats are boarded in the open roads by officers, who are stationed a few cable lengths from the shore. On landing, the stranger is obliged to repair to the custom-house, where even small and open packages are subjected to a second rigid examination. The time lost during this process, unnecessarily minute, is exceedingly unpleasant. The reason assigned for these vexatious regulations is the extent to which, of late, smuggling has been carried on in the island, and which, in the opinion of the Governor, required these measures of precaution. It seems, however, that this system rather promotes contraband trading, by making it very lucrative. The Austrian consul, Charles Bianchi, Esq., did all in his power to diminish the frequency of the continual examinations, and likewise, in all other respects, endeavoured to promote the objects of the Expedition.

The greatest length of the island of Madeira, from Ponta Furado in the east, to Ponta do Pargo, in the west, amounts to 30 miles; its greatest breadth, from Ponta do Cruz in the south, to Ponta do Saõ Jorge in the north, is 12-1/2 miles, and its area is about 240 square miles. This volcanic and mountainous island is intersected by innumerable deep ravines and defiles, and its whole surface is so much broken and irregular, that the representation Columbus once gave to Queen Isabella, of the Island of Jamaica, when she asked him for a description of its configuration, might perfectly be applied to the aspect of Madeira also. The great navigator, after having crushed a sheet of paper in his hand, and partly opened it again, placed it on the table, saying, he could convey to Her Majesty no clearer idea of that island than that crumpled piece of paper afforded.

A large portion of the island is not susceptible of cultivation; for the heathy region which constitutes nearly one-third of its surface, and rises to a height of about 2500 feet above the level of the sea, is extremely steep, and too much exposed to winds and rains in summer, to admit of any kind of cultivation, even that of grain; whilst another not less considerable tract is too rocky and precipitous for that purpose. In the south of the island, the highest limit of cultivation is estimated to be at a height of 2500 feet, though in several places rye and barley grow at 2800 feet. In the north of the island, where a better system of irrigation prevails, the extreme boundary of cultivation reaches a higher altitude, and on the declivities of the Ribeiro Frio, it is met with at an elevation of above 3000 feet.

The earlier history of the island has had such a great influence upon its present industrial and social condition, that a few remarks on the most important features of its history may find a place here.

Madeira was discovered in 1419, by two Portuguese, Joaõ Gonsalvo da Camara[14] and Tristaõ Teixeira, and, about 1421, a colony of Europeans settled on the island. Camara obtained, as a gift for his discovery, the south-eastern, and Teixeira the north-eastern part of the island, together with the most extensive powers and privileges. Funchal was then the principal place of Camara's territory, and Machico that of Teixeira's. These two recipients (_donatarios_) enjoyed the exclusive privileges of erecting flour and saw mills; they alone were allowed to build ovens for public baking (private baking being permitted to all); they, moreover, had the monopoly of trading in salt, had claims upon the tithes of the royal revenues, and were empowered to grant portions of the land to settlers. Every settler was required to erect within five years a house, a cottage, or barn, on his ground, and to cultivate the land. If these conditions, at the expiration of the fixed period, had not been complied with, the donor had the right of granting the land to some one else. These grants were hereditary, and lapsed to the crown, or the donors, if alive, in the event of there being no direct successors. Such extraordinary privileges and immunities were deemed necessary in order to reconcile the holders with the dubious character of the early settlers in the island; for, though in those times the highest families in Portugal took part in all adventurous expeditions, yet most of the settlers were taken from prison and convict hulks; and the first settlement of Madeira had much more the character of a place of banishment for criminals than that of a colony of free emigrants.

[Footnote 14: Vulgarly called Zargo, or the Squinter.]

With a view to obtain more ground for cultivation, the first settlers are said to have set on fire so large a portion of the primeval forests, that they were soon unable to check the conflagration. According to old writers, the fire, particularly in the south of the island, lasted several years; and the heat is said to have been so intense, that many persons in order to escape from it, sought refuge on board the ships in the roads of Funchal.[15]

[Footnote 15: The name _Madeira_, signifying in Portuguese "timber or wood," justifies the statement that the island was at one time richly wooded.]

This act of vandalism against nature, which is confirmed by ancient and modern authors, is being avenged even at present, though centuries have passed since the deed. The cedar, once a denizen of the island, is no longer to be found; and only the ceilings of the cathedral and of old houses, which are constructed of this costly material, show the magnitude which this noble tree formerly attained in the island. Of the dragon tree (_Dracæna Draco_), which was once the ornament of the forests of Madeira, there are at present, in the whole island, only six or seven specimens in existence, which are shown as curiosities to strangers. The Til-tree (_Oreodaphne f[oe]tens_), the Vinhatico (_Persea indica_), and the Folhado (_Clethra arborea_), formerly the most numerous representatives of the native flora, are likewise at present very rarely to be met with, and their places are occupied by plants and trees of the temperate zone, particularly the Spanish chestnut, the fruit of which furnishes the inhabitants with food, whilst the tree itself has served hitherto in the north of the island as a support to the vine. The destruction of the forests has, at the same time, considerably contributed to the modification of the climate in general, and to the diminution of humidity in particular. At the date of the discovery of the island, and a long time after, the Rio Socorridos, the largest river in the island, is said to have been so deep, as to float timber from the interior to the sea; at present this river is quite insignificant, and almost dried up.

The island remained for two centuries in the possession of the direct heirs of the original owners, and when at last, from want of legal successors, these privileges lapsed, the crown granted them to other favourites; but with some restrictions. The exclusive right to corn and saw mills was then entirely abolished, and the salt monopoly with other privileges was retained by the crown. The descendants of the first settlers had in the mean time acquired considerable property in land, whilst the cultivation of the sugar-cane, now very generally adopted, the introduction of negro slaves from Africa, and the foundation of large estates, contributed materially to the prosperity of the inhabitants. The ruins of many large buildings in various parts of the island are even now mute witnesses of the opulence of their former occupants.

This prosperous state of the island was, however, at the beginning of the last century, materially affected by the introduction of the so-called _vinculos_ or entails, which, introduced under the protection and in favour of the church, were a great burden upon the land. Frequently, rich proprietors left to the church portions of their incomes in order to have masses said for the repose of their souls, and encumbered their lands with so many burdens, that only a small remainder fell to their heirs. So long as these claims were in existence the proprietors could not grant leases for a longer period than four years, nor impose fresh burdens on their lands. The union of several such vinculos was called a _morgado_ (entailed property). Under the severe but wise administration of the Marquis of Pombal, a law was passed which forbade the future creation of morgados (unless the property yielded an income of 1200 piastres annually, and even then the special licence of the crown had to be obtained), declaring the whole system of entails "as contrary to the rights of property and the well-founded claims of the other members of the family." The law of Dom Pedro, dated the 4th February, 1802, was still more severe, as it allowed at the same time the abolition of single entails, the value of which was below 200 Spanish piastres annually, as well as that of every morgado, the annual value of which did not exceed the sum of 600 piastres. As, however, a great number of these entails exceed 200 piastres, these oppressive restrictions still weigh upon four-fifths of the land, notwithstanding the above-mentioned laws. Among the creditors who still have claims, there are three nunneries (which alone, of all other similar institutions, outlived the revolution of 1821), the hospital of Funchal, and the Portuguese Government. The institution of these vinculos and morgados produced a kind of feudal dependency between the cultivator of the estates (_caseiro_) and the landlord or holder of the morgado. On the occasion of his marriage, or the birth of an heir to the latter, the caseiro brought presents of such fruits as his land produced; when the landlord removed from the town into the country, the caseiro carried his litter and luggage; in conversation the caseiro addressed the landlord as _meu amo_ (my lord). The revolution of 1821 did away with many of these usages, and in various ways altered the relation between the caseiro and the landlord.

Another impediment to the improvement of agriculture, is the system of parcelling ground into small allotments, which has been continued up to the present time. The farms are in general extremely small. In the richer and more fertile parts of the island they rarely exceed an acre in extent, very often they are not half so large, and sometimes not even the tenth part of an acre. The late Conde de Carvalho, the proprietor of nearly one-third of the whole island, had upwards of eight thousand tenants. Supposing that this mode of farming existed in the remaining two-thirds, there would be in Madeira 24,000 farmers, caseiros or tenants; or, taking the population at 100,000 souls, nearly every fourth inhabitant would be a tenant farmer. This state of things is not to be wondered at, considering that almost every day-labourer farms a small patch of ground, the extent of which is not greater than the ordinary size of a large garden bed, on which he grows vegetables, potatoes, figs, peaches, sugar-cane, and sometimes even grain.

In the north and west of the island, where agriculture has made more progress than in the south, rent is paid in money; generally, however, the system of paying in kind is still in existence, in which the harvest, (after deducting the _tithe_, which, at Madeira, belongs to the State and not to the church,) is divided between the landlord and the tenants. According to this principle the landlord receives half of the produce of the ground, be it grain, sugar-cane, wine, fruit or vegetables, which are brought for sale, and not consumed on the farm itself. It sometimes happens, however, that the harvest is sold in a lump, while yet on the ground. Oxen are the only animals employed in agriculture. They are diminutive and singularly unsightly, but of a very powerful breed, and furnish very good meat for the table. They are generally fed in stalls, but in the mountainous districts they graze in open pastures. There are only a few badly-fed sheep on the island, so that the mutton is almost unfit for consumption. Pigs and fowls are in abundance, and the rearing of poultry is generally the principal means of living possessed by the peasantry. What is asserted by some authors regarding wild rabbits and boars to be met with on the island, wants confirmation. The few rabbits we saw were perfectly identical with the European species (_Lepus cuniculus_), and lead to the supposition that rabbits as well as pigs, now found in a wild state here and there on the island, are only the progeny of those which have formerly been introduced from Europe.

The numerous open and walled water conduits (_levadas_), which are of considerable height, and lead to all parts of the cultivated land, are of particular importance. Each levada is placed under the superintendence of a committee, selected mostly from the landowners, who have a direct interest in them. Sometimes one person only, generally the most considerable landowner of the district, under the title of _juiz da levada_, is entrusted with the control of the water, and receives for his services the use of the water during twenty-four hours. The right of using these levadas is very strictly guarded, and often leads to law proceedings. Every piece of ground within a district through which such a conduit runs, is entitled to the use of the water by turns, during a certain number of hours (generally not more than twenty-four). These turns are different, according to the extent of the district, from fifteen to forty days. The distribution of the water is entrusted to a so-called _levadeiro_, who places himself at the upper end of the land through which the water is to flow, and with an hour-glass in his hand measures--a modern Saturn--the time during which the owner is entitled to the use of the beneficent element. After the expiration of the fixed period, the water is made to pass on to the ground of another proprietor. These conduits, so extremely important to the farmer, were constructed partly at the expense of the Government, and partly by the contributions of the landed proprietors. Those who have no other title may obtain the right to this privilege either by purchase or by government grant. For every twenty-four hours' use of the levadas 400 reis[16] are paid, which tax is employed to keep them in good order.

[Footnote 16: 1000 reis or milreis=to one Spanish piastre, or about 4s. 4d.]

The high roads of Madeira are, with but few exceptions, in a deplorable condition. They are generally laid with small pointed stones, and at numerous places they have an inclination of from 23 to 27 degrees. Every adult male native is obliged to pay annually one Spanish piastre, or to give five days' labour for their repair. On account of the bad condition of the roads in the interior of the island, most of the natural produce is conveyed from one place to another in boats, or, as is the case with wine, is carried to the harbour in skins and casks, on the backs of the inhabitants.

The first attempt at cultivation in Madeira was the planting of sugar-canes, introduced soon after the discovery of the island, through the instrumentality of Prince Henry of Portugal (son of John I.), which grew so abundantly, that for a considerable period the produce of the island sufficed for the supply of the whole kingdom of Portugal. In commemoration of this flourishing epoch, as regards the cultivation of the sugar-cane, two sugar-loaves were introduced into the arms of the island. In the year 1452 was erected the first sugar factory, near Machica, and at the end of the fifteenth century there existed as many as 120, in which slaves chiefly were employed. The Jesuit, Antonio Cordeyro, who wrote his _Historia Insulana Lusitana_ at the beginning of last century, makes mention of a considerable number of sugar factories, which had been erected in almost every part of the south coast. On the estate of the Genoese, Juan Esmeralda, half a league from Ribeiro do Taboa, there were annually manufactured 20,000 arrobas[17] of sugar. By degrees, however, the culture of the cane fell, into decay, whether through disease of the plant or its cheaper production in the Brazils and West Indies is not known, so that in the year 1840, only two sugar factories were at work in the whole island; and even these only produce molasses and rum, of which the latter, in the year 1856, amounted to 1500 pipes. The cultivation of the sugar-cane, however, has increased since the vine disease has fallen so heavily on the landowner. In the summer of 1857, there were eighteen factories again in activity on the island, though so late as 1855, the importation of sugar, for the consumption of the island, amounted to but 31,176 arrobas.[18]

[Footnote 17: One arroba = 32 arrateles or pounds. One pipe = 108 gallons.]

[Footnote 18: From 64 lbs. of sugar-cane are obtained 4 galls. of juice, and from 4 galls. of juice are made 8 galls. of rum. The average price was 2200 reis per gal. of sugar-juice. The rum of commerce (from 22 to 23 degrees) is sold at one Spanish piastre the gallon.]

The greatest elevation at which, in the south of the island, the sugar-cane can be grown, is, like that of the banana tree, about 1000 feet above the level of the sea. In the north, the cultivation of the cane would be remunerative only at those points where, as, for instance, at Fayal and San Jorge, ground and temperature are most favourable for it. To judge by the soil and climate, the cultivation of the cane in Madeira might, with care, even at the present time, prove advantageous. In the south-west part of Lousiana, where, in 1796, this plant was introduced exclusively for the manufacture of _Taffia_,[19] there exist at present as many as 1500 sugar factories, producing annually, on an average, 200,000 hogsheads of sugar. The planter of Madeira is not, as in Lousiana, obliged by the frost to cut the cane before it is ripe; there it ripens thoroughly, blooms in January, and is harvested in March.

[Footnote 19: A beverage resembling brandy in taste, much liked in the West Indies.]

The motive power of the sugar-mills is mostly water and steam. There are also a dozen large distilleries at work, possessing the most modern English improvements. An acre of land, planted with sugar-cane, is said to yield from 100 to 120 Spanish piastres, a result for the landowner more profitable than that arising from the cultivation of the vine, even in its best days.

As regards the culture of cotton, for which the climate and soil are peculiarly suitable, no attempt has as yet been made. The same remark applies to olive trees; though the Government ordered the latter to be planted so long ago as 1768. The cultivation of tobacco, however, is prevented from extending, being a government monopoly. As for wheat, it is not produced in sufficient quantity to meet one quarter of the consumption of the inhabitants. In the year 1854, wheat, to the amount of 216,918 bushels, was imported from the north of Africa alone, a quantity nearly twice as great as that which the island produces. Wheat and maize, or Indian corn, are also imported from the Azores, and some ports of the Mediterranean; an importation which is likely rather to increase than decrease.

The potato belongs to that small class of vegetables which grow at considerable elevations, and, by proper irrigation and dressing of the ground, three harvests may be obtained in the course of the year.

The Inhame [not the Yam (_Dioscorea alata_) of the West Indies and South America, but a kind of grume (_Colocasia esculenta_)] grows in large quantities near to rivers and water conduits, where the ground is humid. It is much sought for by the people, on account of its cheapness, though rather a coarse kind of food, which, as Cordeyro naïvely says, "picao algum tanto na garganta" (scratches the throat).

Sweet potatoes (_Convolvulus edulis_, Lin.), water-melons, gourds, as well as all kinds of European garden vegetables, are found throughout the year in the market, though not of a particularly good quality. Oranges, lemons, bananas, guavas, pine-apples, figs, apricots, and peaches, are abundant during the summer season, and on higher ground even apple and pear-trees are to be met with.

On the "Desertas," three uninhabited little islands south-east of Madeira, and belonging to it, there grows on the rocks the orchilla (_Rocella tinctoria_), a species of lichen, celebrated for yielding a fine purple colour, much used in dyeing. Considering the great importance for industrial purposes of this lichen, it might, with some care, be advantageously grown in Madeira. Formerly there was a small quantity brought to market, and sold for 14,000 reis the quintal. At the present time the yield has entirely ceased, though it is found in large quantities in the neighbouring islands. It is considered not to be of such good quality as that of the Azores, where, as is the case with all lichens, that grow in more southern and warmer climates, it is of a better quality, and more highly esteemed.

The product, however, which hitherto has yielded the largest profit to the natives, and made the name of Madeira famous and familiar, even to those who do not profess a particular interest in the beauties of nature in this romantic island, is its _wine_. Though this article of exportation has, through the vine disease, entirely lost its former importance, yet it may be of some interest to take a glance at its history and culture, in order the better to comprehend the magnitude of the calamities that have overwhelmed the people of Madeira, in consequence of the bad vintages of the last seven years.

The vine was introduced from Cyprus, almost at the same time with the sugar-cane, under the auspices of Prince Henry of Portugal, in 1425, but its culture did not attain much importance till the beginning of the sixteenth century. Some authors even suppose that the wine of Madeira owes its reputation chiefly to those plants which were, at a much later date, imported by the Jesuits from Candia. This much is certain, that the produce grown on the estates of the Jesuits greatly surpassed in quality all others in the island, and maintained a higher price in the market even when those estates had changed hands. The grape ripens in the north at an elevation of 2700 feet, but such as are fitted for the manufacture of wine, grow only as high as the Curral das Freiras (2080 feet).

Hitherto four sorts of vines have been cultivated in the island, namely, the _Bual_ and _Tinta_, both of which were brought from Burgundy, the _Sercial_ from the Rhine, and the _Malvasia_ or _Malmsey_ from Candia. There are four species of the last-mentioned, (_candila_, _roxa_, _babosa_, and _propea_); the delicious flavour of which by many people is considered to have a great similarity with the Hungarian _Tokayer_. The most esteemed sorts were grown west of Funchal, near Cama de Lobos, and Estreita. Excellent qualities were grown also at Santa Cruz, on the north side of the island, and the valleys near Ponta da Cruz; in general, however, the grape of the northern district proved to be of inferior quality, and was therefore only used in the manufacture of rum. In the north the vines were trained on chestnut trees, but in the south, as in Lombardy and the Tyrol, in festoons, supported by a kind of cane (_Arundo sagittata_), and tied up by a species of willow (_Salex rubra_), specially cultivated for that purpose.

Though nearly a fifth of the cultivated portion of the island was thus planted, yet the individual vineyards were but small in extent, the largest of them not exceeding three or four acres. In the wine-growing countries of Europe fresh plants are set at least every twenty years; but in Madeira they are allowed to remain in the ground so long as they yield any fruit. The native growers do not relish improvements; of all the agricultural implements which some English landowners, settled near Funchal, wished to introduce, the garden-rake alone was adopted by these enemies of innovation. The vineyards of Madeira were usually let out to farmers (_caseiros_), and rarely cultivated by the proprietors themselves. The yield of an acre was estimated at from one to three pipes. In 1848 the cost of producing a pipe of Madeira amounted to from 12 to 40 Spanish piastres. In the same year the total production of the island amounted to 30,000 pipes, of which only 10,000 were exported, as the inferior sorts, not keeping well, are not suited for the foreign markets. Of the wines exported, half went to Russia and the Baltic provinces, the other, comprising the best kinds, were sent to England, the West Indies, and the United States. Up to the year 1851, when the last good vintage occurred, the price of a pipe varied from 12 to 14 Spanish piastres. So late as 1845, when the Danish corvette _Galatea_, on her voyage round the world for scientific purposes, put in at this island, the inferior sorts were so cheap that Captain Steen Bille considered it more profitable to supply the crew with wine mixed with water than beer. Since that time prices have become ten times higher, and the best quality now sells for from £110 to £150 a pipe, and will doubtless rise in proportion as the older stores are exhausted.

Though the yield of the vine had been decreasing, year after year, for a considerable time, yet the actual vine disease only made its appearance in 1852, when the leaves and fruit were covered with a kind of fungus (_Oïdium Tuckeri_),[20] like a white dust. The Portuguese Government sent a commission for the purpose of investigating the causes of the calamity. The report[21] is not decisive on the point, whether the fungus is the real cause or only a symptom of the disease, nor does it offer any advice as to how it may be checked. Dr. Hermann Schacht,[22] who resided during a period of 18 months in the island, and has published a valuable treatise, states that the vine-disease appears there in the same form as in Germany, even as regards the season, which is soon after the blossom disappears. At first the young leaf is covered with a whitish matter, chiefly on its lower side; it then assumes a crumpled appearance, becomes spotted, and at last decays. The young diseased grape likewise becomes covered with a white dust, at first partially, and then entirely, the green skin by degrees assuming a brown colour, the grape increasing at same time in size, until it as large as a currant, or a small cherry, when it becomes black, and perishes together with its diseased stock. In this decayed condition the grapes remain on the vine till late in the autumn. Dr. Schacht was successful in arresting the progress of the disease in its earlier stages, by washing all parts of the plant with a solution consisting of one part of glue to sixteen parts of water; an operation which had been likewise performed with good effect in the Royal hothouses of Sans-souci in Prussia. He rubbed the leaves and grapes infected by the fungus with this solution, and, where possible, dipped the grapes in it. The solution very soon dried, and gave the grapes and leaves a glossy appearance. All that had once been operated upon in this way remained in a healthy condition, and even those affected by the fungus recovered beneath the crust, the operation thus seeming to afford a protection against the fungus. The practice of strewing the plant over with powdered sulphur, which was so much lauded, seems to be of little use. At Teneriffe, Dr. Schacht found the fungus widely spread, notwithstanding the application of sulphur. Keeping the grape close upon the ground is also recommended as a protection against the disease, having proved very successful in the south.

[Footnote 20: Vide Botanical Gazette of 1852, page 9; of 1853, page 583; and of 1854, page 137;--Fulasne, "Sur le Champignon, qui cause la Maladie de la Vigne."--_Comptes Rendus_, vol. xxvii. 1853;--Dr. Schacht on Madeira, pages 52 to 58.]

[Footnote 21: Memoria primero sobre a mangra e doenza das vinhas nas ilhas da Madeira e Porto Santo, por Joao de Andrade Corvo. Lisbon. 1854.]

[Footnote 22: Madeira und Teneriffa mit ihrer Vegetation, &c. Von Dr. H. Schacht. Berlin. 1859.]

The pecuniary loss sustained since the first appearance of the malady amounted in the autumn of 1852 to 1,137,990 Spanish piastres, £190,000,[23] and after having waited in vain a period of five years, for a better state of things, the impoverished landowners entirely gave up cultivating the vine. A traveller who chances now to visit Madeira can scarcely believe that but a few years ago the greater portion of the island was covered with the plant. The cause of its disappearance must, however, not be ascribed entirely to the disease, but partly also to the utter neglect of its culture in favour of that of other products, so much so that of late it was scarcely possible to procure a sufficient quantity of grapes for invalids to whom they were medicinally prescribed. Moreover, the sugar plantations, which annually increase in extent, have contributed to the destruction of the vines, as the former require irrigation, which causes the roots of the latter to rot in the humid ground.[24]

[Footnote 23: The quantity of wine produced amounted, in the year 1851, to 10,374 pipes; in the following year (1852), only to 1413-1/2 pipes.]

[Footnote 24: The vine disease seems, however, to have been already prevalent in Madeira at a former period. In an old lease, referring to land or property in the west of the island, there is a clause to the effect that "In the event of the young grape being covered with mildew (_mangra_), the contract would be null and void." In Portugal also, the disease is said to have existed more than fifty years ago, though not to a great extent.]

The present situation of the people of Madeira claims alike the sympathies of the philanthropist and the attention of the political economist. We here behold a population of upwards of a hundred thousand souls, deprived at once of a product, which has been for more than three centuries the principal means of obtaining their living, and by which many an industrious grower made a considerable fortune.

The farmer of Madeira, accustomed for generations to this branch of industry, is now forced to apply his energies to another, on the fortunate selection of which will depend his welfare for the future, or at least for years to come.

Some of the wealthier growers have not entirely abandoned the culture of the vine, and have been assisted in their endeavours by the Consul of the United States in Funchal, the liberal-minded Mr. Marsh; experiments were made by engrafting and setting fresh and healthy plants, brought from the banks of the Ohio. They proceeded on the principle, that it is most advisable, and likely to be productive of the best success, to obtain young plants only from countries where the disease has never appeared. The choice fell upon the Isabella and Catawba grapes, which are indigenous to the United States; and, whatever may be the final success, the merit of transplanting, at a considerable expense, these two North-American grapes to Madeira, is due to Mr. Marsh. It is, however, a question, whether they will be able to replace those hitherto cultivated, the conditions of climate and soil being so different. As is well known, none of the European vines succeed in North America; and the two indigenous sorts, which are grown in great quantities on the banks of the Ohio and the Missouri, cannot stand a comparison with any of our finer kinds. The juice of the American grapes is best suited for the manufacture of what is called sparkling hock, which is very like the Austrian Schaumwein.

Some of the wealthier landowners formed an association for the purpose of introducing the culture of cochineal, to supply the place of that of the vine. Several plantations of nopal, or cactus, were laid out, and the first harvest was gathered in 1858. The nopal (_Opuntia cochinillifera_) is the only kind of cactus on which the cochineal insect breeds, and the south of the island, up to an elevation of 500 feet, the only part adapted for its cultivation. An attempt was made to introduce the culture of cochineal in the island by Señor Miguel de Carvalho, as far back as 1836. But the indifference of the people, and their prejudices against innovation, as well as the limited spirit of enterprise possessed by the native merchants, rendered the attempt, in that instance, abortive. In consequence, however, of the vine disease, the idea of cultivating cochineal was resumed, without considering, as it would appear, the probable results in a mercantile point of view. At the time of our visit there were about thirty acres of land planted with cactus, and the "seed" of the cochineal insect was expected from the Canary Islands. One cannot but think the notion of substituting the cultivation of cochineal for that of the vine was not a lucky one, the large capital required, and the limited market for the article, holding out small chance of success. The entire consumption of cochineal in the whole world amounts to no more than about 30,000 quintals, and towards this quantity, Guatemala furnishes 15,000, the Canary Islands 6000, Mexico 8000, Java and the Philippine Islands together 1000 quintals. There is little prospect, therefore, that the cochineal culture of Madeira will ever become an important source of gain, or advantageously compensate for the loss of the vine. Few landowners in the island seem to possess sufficient means to withstand the chances and fluctuations to which its culture is subject. To illustrate this, it may be mentioned, that during our visit to the highlands of Guatemala, in 1854, when the cochineal harvest was bad, the tercio (150 lbs.) of cochineal cost 140 Spanish piastres. In the following year, when it was unusually productive, the price declined to 80 piastres. A tercio of dried cochineal costs the grower, or nopalero, about 50 piastres; a nopal plantation must lie fallow every third year, being consequently only productive during two years. Have the landowners of Madeira considered all these disadvantages, and will they be able to bear all the drawbacks peculiar to the culture of cochineal? The climate and soil seem to hold out far greater advantages for the cultivation of the sugar-cane, coffee, cotton, and tobacco.

There are few spots on the earth's surface which possess a climate so delightful, and so little subject to extremes as Madeira, the mean annual temperature being 64 degrees Fahrenheit, or only 5 degrees higher than in the most southern parts of Europe. The lowest temperature during five years' observation was 50 degrees, the highest, 74. An invalid residing at Funchal, within his own doors, may always have a temperature not lower than 64, nor higher than 74 degrees. Violent siroccos occur in the course of the summer, which drive the thermometer up to 90 degrees in the shade; these storms, however, occur only twice or thrice a year, and rarely last longer than a couple of days. Dr. Renton, who lived in Madeira from 1825 to 1831, only once during all that time saw the thermometer marking 90 degrees, two hours after sunset. The rainy season, marked by west and south-west winds, begins at the end of September or the beginning of October. In November the weather clears up, and generally keeps fine till the end of December. At this period snow falls on the mountains, and rain at Funchal, accompanied by north-westerly winds, lasting till about the end of February, during which time the weather is wet. The remainder of the year is comparatively dry, the annual fall of rain at Madeira amounting, according to Sir James Clark,[25] to 36 inches, there being in all about 73 wet days,[26] whilst at Rome, for instance, it rains, on an average, during 117 days, though the amount of rain-fall is only 29 inches.

[Footnote 25: On the Sanative Influence of the Climate of Madeira. By Sir James Clark. London. 1841.]

[Footnote 26: The fall of rain, according to Dr. Hoberdon's observations, is, on a seven years' average, 30·62 inches per annum. Dr. Mittermayr, from Heidelberg, states, on a three years' average, the rainy days to be 95 per year. Johnston, in his Physical Atlas of Natural Phenomena, states the fall of rain on an average to be 29·82 inches, and the number of rainy days 100 per annum, viz. 48 in the winter, 17 in the spring, 4 in the summer, and 31 in the autumn.]

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Narrative of the Circumnavigation of the Globe by the Austrian Frigate Novara, Volume IChapter XIII: Part II: , p. 608.) (3)

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