Chapter VII: The Date of Ukhaiḍir (2)

Strzygowski, Prof., xii, 117 n., 133 n., 134 n., 135 n., 138 n., 152 n.

Studniczka, 128 n.

Ṣukhail, 5.

Ṣukhûr, the, 55, 118 n.

Sulâm, 162.

Sulṭan Khân, 78.

Sûq al-Ghazl, 40.

Susa, 63, 81 and n., 90, 96, 107.

Swaidâ, 126.

Syria, vii, 57, 66, 70, 72, 73, 97,
104, 116, 126, 133, 135, 139, 142, 143, 151, 152, 166;
Eastern, 98 n.;
Northern, 60, 75, 98 n., 132, 141 n.

T

Ṭabari, 57 n., 148 and n., 149 and n., 150 and n., 162.

Tâg-i-Îwân, 72 n.

Ṭahmâsgerd, Mâr, 71, 134, 140.

Takhmâ al-Asadi, Ibn, 164.

Takht-i-Mâder-i-Suleimân, 96.

al-Tamr, ‘Ain, 2, 3, 40, 43 and n., 59.

Taposiris Magna, 124 n.

Tâq-i-Girrâ, 166.

Ṭâr, the, 162 and n.

Ṭâûq, 40.

Tavernier, ix, x n.

Taylor, Major John, x.

Ṭayy, the, 59.

Teano, 56 n., 145 n., 146 n., 147 n., 148 n., 149 n., 151 n.

Teixeira, Pedro, ix, xi.

Tekrît, 140 n., 143.

Tellôh, 78, 87, 122, 142.

Texier, viii, 109 n.

Tha’labites, the, 56.

Thapsus, 109.

Theophilus, 121.

Thiersch, Prof., 92 n., 124 n., 128 n., 151 n.

Thomas, Félix, 68.

Tigris, the, 64, 69, 84.

Tilimsân, 152.

al-Tiqtaqa, Ibn, 143 n.

Tiryns, 65 n., 108, 120.

Tornberg, 3 n.

Trajan, Emperor, 69 n., 98, 110.

Trajan’s camp, 101.

Troy, 108, 120.

al-Ṭûbah, 111-14, 116-18, 120, 165.

Ṭulûn, Ibn, mosque of, 92 n., 135, 142-4, 156, 158.

Tunis, 142, 152.

Ṭaquṭqâneh (el-Heiadîe), 58 and n., 162.

Tyre, 109.

Tzâriq, 57 n.

U

al-Ubaiḍ, Wâdi, 1, 2, 3, 5, 162, 168.

Ukhaiḍir, _passim_;
_see also_ el-Chader.

Ulu Djâmi’, 132 n.

‘Umar, 147-51.

‘Umar ibn ‘Abd al-Azîz, 147.

Umtâ’iyyeh, 133 n.

‘Uthmân, 147.

al-’Uzza, ‘Abd, 57 n.

V

Van Berchem, M. Max, 133 n., 143 n., 152 n., 154, 160.

Veramîn, 41 n.

Vespasian, Emperor, 97.

Vienna, xii.

Viollet, M., 16 n., 86, 156 n.

Vitruvius, 109, 128.

W

Walîd (son of Yazîd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik), 110.

al-Walîd, Umm, 106.

Walîd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik, 147, 148.

Wardân, Qaṣr ibn, 105, 112, 165.

Warka, 65, 90, 122, 140, 141 n., 142 n.

Wâsiṭ, 162 n.

Weissenberg, 99 n.

Wellhausen, 146.

Wetzel, Dr., 16 n.

al-Weyned, 111 n.

Wiegand, 124 n.

Wiesbaden, 99.

Willcocks, Sir William, 1 and n.

Wizikh, 2.

Wright, 56 n.

Wüstenfeld, 3 n., 147 n.

Wuswas, 122, 142 n.

X

Xanthos, 108.

Xeque Mahamed Eben Raxet, ix.

Xeres, battle of, 112.

Xerxes, 63.

Y

Yamanlar Dâgh, the, 108.

Ya’qûbi, 167 and n.

Yâqût, 3, 110, 147 n., 162 and n., 164 and n.

Yazdegerd I, King, 57.

Yazîd ibn ‘Abd al-Malik (Yazîd II), 110, 117.

Yazîd III, 111, 162 n.

Yûsuf ibn ‘Umar, 162 n., 168.

Z

al-Zahrâ, _see_ Medînat al-Zahrâ.

al-Zaitûn, Umm, 73 n.

Zaitûnah, the, 152.

Zaqârît, sub-tribe, 2, 5.

al-Zebîb, Khân, 106.

Zindjirli, 60 and n., 61, 62 n., 63, 107, 109, 119, 122.

Ziyâd ibn Abîhî, 17 n., 146 n., 148, 149, 168.

Zohâb, 105, 120.

Zugmantel, 100 n.

Zûrah, 164.

* * * * *

MAP 1

SYRIA AND MESOPOTAMIA]

MAP 2

UKHAIḌIR

Map of Site ]

PLATE 3

PLATE 6 Ukhaiḍir, map of site.]

PLATE 7

PLATE 8

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PLATE 40

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PLATE 65

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PLATE 69

PLATE 70

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PLATE 72

PLATE 73

(_From M. de Morgan’s ‘Mission scientifique en Perse’._)]

(_From ‘Voyage en Perse’: Flandin & Coste._)]

PLATE 74

(_From L’Art antique de la Perse’, by kind permission of M. Dieulafoy._)]

PLATE 75

PLATE 76

(_From ‘Voyage en Perse’: Flandin & Coste._)]

PLATE 77

(_From ‘Ninive’: Place._)]

PLATE 78

(_From ‘Ninive’: Place._)]

(_From ‘Provincia Arabia’, by kind permission of Professor Brünnow._)]

PLATE 79

(_Phot. by Dr. Moritz._)]

(_Phot. by Dr. Moritz._)]

PLATE 80

(_Phot. by Dr. Moritz._)]

(_Phot. by Dr. Moritz._)]

PLATE 81

(_From ‘Mschattâ’, by kind permission of Professor Strzygowski._)]

PLATE 82

PLATE 83

(_From ‘L’Art antique de la Perse’, by kind permission of M. Dieulafoy._)]

PLATE 84

PLATE 85

PLATE 86

(_Phot. F. Bruckmann A.-G., Munich._)]

PLATE 87

(_By kind permission of M. Velazquez Bosco._)]

PLATE 88

PLATE 89

PLATE 90

PLATE 91

PLATE 92

PLATE 93

FOOTNOTES:

[1] _Travels into East India and Arabia Deserta_, London, 1665, p. 263.

[2] _Travels from India to Italy by Land_, London, 1710.

[3] _Les Six Voyages_, t. i, liv. 2, ch. 3, p. 136, Paris, 1681

[4] M. Saladin quotes Tavernier’s words in _L’Architecture Musulmane_, p. 327.

[5] _Reisebeschreibung_, vol. ii, p. 225, note.

[6] _Journey from India to Persia_, London, 1773.

[7] _Travels from England to India_, vol. i, p. 243, London, 1779.

[8] _Erdkunde_, vol. xi, pp. 956, 1039.

[9] The height above sea-level is Sir W. Willcocks’s reduced level, arrived at by his own observations on the Persian Gulf. Sir W. Willcocks, _The Irrigation of Mesopotamia_, p. 15, Plate 2.

[10] Professor Musil, early in 1912, visited Ukhaiḍir and continued his journey south, parallel with the ṭâr which he names ṭâr al-Ṣeihed. _Proceedings of the K. Akad. der Wiss. in Wien_, No. 1, 1913, p. 10.

[11] When I was there in March 1911 many of the palm-trees had been killed, and the rest severely damaged by the snow which had fallen in January and February. In the memory of no living man had snow fallen in Shethâthâ, and the inhabitants, when they woke to find the ground covered with white, were at a loss to know what the strange substance could be. Some took it to be flour. Snow fell as far south as Nedjef, and in the desert round ‘Aṭshân, between Ukhaiḍir and the Kerbelâ-Nedjef road, it lay for some days. When I passed I saw each abandoned camping ground of the Bani Ḥasan marked by a ring of dead animals, donkeys, sheep, and goats, which had perished in the unwonted cold.

[12] Ibn al-Athîr, ed. Tornberg, vol. ix, p. 423, ‘Shefâthâ w’al ‘ain.’ Shethâthâ is a colloquial corruption for Shefâthâ, and the official maps still spell it in the latter fashion.

[13] Ed. de Goeje, p. 117.

[14] Ed. Wüstenfeld, vol. iii, p. 759.

[15] _Ocheïdir_, p. 12.

[16] Dr. Reuther gives the square as 2·85 metres. In my first account of the palace I had described this dome as oval in plan, but, as I felt very doubtful on this point, on my second visit I took particular care to re-examine the whole tract between the north gate and the door of the great hall. My second measurements gave a square of 3·10 metres to the dome. The difference between us is, however, too small to be of much importance.

[17] _Ocheïdir_, p. 3.

[18] _Ocheïdir_, p. 21.

[19] Dr. Reuther observes here the funnel leading from the bottom of the niche to the top of the arch which had been described in the outer gates.

[20] The decoration as well as the funnel had escaped my notice, but when Dr. Reuther called my attention to the former I was able to verify the correctness of his observation on one of my own photographs.

[21] _Journal of the Hellenic Society_, vol. xxx, 1910, p. 77.

[22] In the spring of 1910, I asked M. Viollet, who was then on his way to Mesopotamia, to clear away the ruins from the middle of the south wall and ascertain whether there were any sign of a miḥrâb. Upon his return he informed me that he had discovered the niche at the point which I had indicated and that he felt no hesitation as to its being in fact the miḥrâb. When I was at Ukhaiḍir in 1911, I uncovered the niche still further and photographed it carefully. Two of these photographs I sent to Dr. Wetzel for publication in the German work, and they are there reproduced, _Ocheïdir_, Figs. 22 and 23. Professor Brünnow has suggested that since prayer niches with flanking colonnettes were known to the Nabataeans, the Mohammadan niche, with its non-Arabic name, was certainly derived from pre-Mohammadan usage. (’Zur neuesten Entwicklung der Meschetta-Frage,’ _Zeitschrift für Assyriologie_, August 1912, p. 129.) This view is not likely to find acceptance. It is expressly stated that the miḥrâb was a feature of the mosque which was borrowed from the Christian cult and that it was not adopted until the beginning of the second century of Islâm. (See Lammens, Ziâd ibn Abîhi, _Rivista degli Studi Orientali_, vol. iv, 1911, p. 246 (94), note 1, and Becker, ‘Zur Geschichte des islamischen Kultus,’ _Der Islam_, vol. iii, 1912, p. 392.) I continue, therefore, to regard the niche at Ukhaiḍir as a clear proof that the building was originally intended for a mosque.

[23] _Ocheïdir_, p. 24.

[24] There seems to me to be an error in the reconstruction of the north façade given in _Ocheïdir_, Plate 24. Dr. Reuther makes the wall of the chemin de ronde, immediately to the west of the gate-house, stand flush with the outer edge of the vault between the gate-house and the tower. I do not think that this is correct. The chemin de ronde projected no further here than it projected between the other towers, i.e. it was flush with the face of the pilasters, and in my Plate 11, Fig. 1, its windows can be seen behind the balcony. If the wall had been flush with the edge of the balcony vault, the fall of that vault, partial to the west of the gate-house, total to the east, must have entailed the fall of the wall also. But this is not the case; the chemin de ronde is intact on either side.

[25] Aiwân is the Persian form, very commonly used in the Shâhnâmah. It has become lîwân in Arabic by the incorporation of the article al-Aiwân. (Note by Sir Charles Lyall.)

[26] _Ocheïdir_, p. 5.

[27] It appears in one of M. Massignon’s photographs; _Mission en Mésopotamie_, Plate XX

[28] Dr. Reuther observed that in No. 69 the vault at the north end had been constructed without centering, while the vault at the south end had been constructed over a centering; _Ocheïdir_, p. 43.

[29] Rooms 63 and 65 are vaulted without centering; _Ocheïdir_, p. 5.

[30] As has been mentioned on p. 10, the original intention was to carry this same wall round the fourth side (the north side) also; but when the great outer wall was added to the scheme, it replaced the smaller, less important wall of the first design.

[31] The authors of _Ocheïdir_ restore a south wall running from No. 150 to No. 152, thus converting the open space to the south of 141 into a court on the analogy of court F. I saw no trace of such a wall.

[32] Dr. Reuther gives a detailed photograph (_Ocheïdir_, Fig. 50), showing a band of rhomboids round the window frame.

[33] It was visited by Massignon and appears in his map, _Mission en Mésopotamie_, vol. i, p. 21.

[34] Cf. the crenellated motive round the archivolt of the doors of corridors 5 and 6 at Ukhaiḍir.

[35] M. Massignon heard of it under the name of Makhḍah or Madjḍah, but he did not visit it. Op. cit., p. 30.

[36] Le Strange, _Lands of the Eastern Kaliphate_, p. 92.

[37] _Residence in Koordistan_, vol. i, p. 40.

[38] _Amurath to Amurath_, p. 191. Massignon, _Mission en Mésopotamie_, vol. ii, p. 41.

[39] Tower tomb at Bostân, dated on the miḥrâb A.D. 1300-1301, _Denkmäler persischer Baukunst_, p. 116, and Plate 85. Tower tomb at Rhages, twelfth or thirteenth century, ibid., p. 57. Tower tomb at Veramîn, twelfth or thirteenth century, ibid., p. 59. Minaret of Khodja ‘Alam at Iṣfahân, probably end of fourteenth or beginning of fifteenth century, ibid., p. 76 and Plate 62.

[40] Sarre, op. cit., p. 76; Fergusson, _History of Indian and Eastern Architecture_, p. 494.

[41] M. Massignon heard of a ruined khân called ‘Aṭishân, op. cit., p. 30. He places it too far east in his map.

[42] Cf. the east, west, and south gates of Ukhaiḍir.

[43] Cf. a calotte in the central court at Ukhaiḍir, Plate 26, Fig. 2.

[44] This seems to be the road to which al-Ḥadjdjâdj alludes (_Ṭabari_, vol. ii, p. 945): ‘And if you have come opposite to Hît, leave the Euphrates road and al-Anbâr and take your way to ‘Ain al-Tamr so that you may reach al-Kûfah.’

[45] _Mission scientifique en Perse_, vol. iv, Plates 40, 42, and 46.

[46] Cf. with these passages the vaulted passages to one side of the lîwân groups at Ukhaiḍir in courts B, C, G, and H.

[47] In the photograph there seems to be a low archway on the south side of the gate; it is, however, merely a hole in the wall, and I satisfied myself that there was originally no opening here.

[48] In the palace of Firûzâbâd the dome is of stone, but at Sarvistân it is of brick. The construction of the squinches at Chehâr Qapû is not like that of the Firûzâbâd squinches, but it is exactly similar to the Sarvistân work. Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique de la Perse_, vol. iv, Plates 5 and 14. Sarvistân is much nearer in date to Chehâr Qapû, see below, p. 92.

[49] Ibn Ḥanbal, Musnad III, 163, quoted by Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Ḥîra sous les Omaiyades,’ _Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de Beyrouth_, vol. iv, p. 95.

[50] Lammens, op. cit., p. 92. In this brilliant article, and in a series of studies on the Umayyad khalifs, published in the same journal, Lammens has restored to the Umayyad period, which was neglected or wilfully misrepresented by Mohammadan historians, its capital importance. See too Musil, _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 150 et seq.

[51] Lammens, op. cit., p. 106. Sir Charles Lyall me the following note: ‘I feel considerable doubt as to Lammens’s theory that the word ‘ḥîrah’ was used in the time of the Umayyads. The word is Syriac, not Arabic. See Nöldeke, _Sassaniden_, p. 25, note 1.’

[52] Ed. Wright, p. 46. See too John of Ephesus, iii, 42, where al-Mundhir’s sons are described as pitching a great ḥertâ in the desert.

[53] Nöldeke, _Die ghassanischen Fürsten aus dem Hause Gafna’s_, p. 47.

[54] Possibly at Djâbiyah. Teano; _Annali dell’ Islam_, vol. iii, p. 928.

[55] De Vogüé, _La Syrie centrale_, vol. i, p. 69; Bell, _The Desert and the Sown_, p. 125.

[56] De Vogüé, op. cit., vol. i, p. 71.

[57] Dussaud, _Mission dans les régions désertiques de la Syrie moyenne_, p. 31.

[58] Bruno, Meissner, ‘Von Babylon nach den Ruinen von Ḥîra und Huarnaq,’ _Sendschriften der deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft_, No. 2, p. 18.

[59] Le Strange, _Lands of the Eastern Khalifate_, p. 76, n. 1.

[60] Ṭabari, ed. de Goeje, Prima Series, p. 853, Bell. _Amurath to Amurath_, p. 141

[61] Nöldeke, _Perser und Araber_, p. 79.

[62] Rothstein, _Die Dynastie der Lakhmiden in al-Ḥîra_, p. 15. Ṭabari does not mention this fact, though he quotes a poem by ‘Abd al-’Uzza in which Sinimmâr is alluded to as ‘al-’ildj’, the stranger, non-Arab. _Ṭabari_, vol. i, p. 852.

[63] Yâqût, vol. ii, p. 375.

[64] Rothstein, op. cit., p. 115. See Massignon, _Mission en Mésopotamie_, vol. i, pp. 32 et seq., for Lakhmid topography. Sir Charles Lyall calls my attention to a verse of al-Aswad ibn Ya’fur in which he gives a list of the Lakhmid buildings: al-Khawarnaq, al-Sadîr, Tzâriq, and ‘the pinnacled castle of Sindâd’.

[65] _Encyclopédie de l’Islam_, under Anbâr. The site was ancient.

[66] _Reisebeschreibung_, vol. ii, p. 236.

[67] Since this was written I learn that Ḥiyyadhiyyeh was visited in 1912 by Prince Sixtus of Bourbon and Professor Musil, see the _Vorbericht_ of the latter in the report of the K. Akad. d. Wiss. in Wien, 1913, No. 1, p. 11. Journeying southwards from Ukhaiḍir they passed through Ḥiyyadhiyyeh, which is described as ‘eine festungsartige kleine Ortschaft am rechten Ufer des wâdi al-Kherr’. On the way from Ḥiyyadhiyyeh to Nedjef they passed by Ṭaquṭqâneh (Niebuhr’s Tukteqâne) and Ruḥeimeh.

[68] Le Strange, _Lands of the Eastern Khalifate_, p. 76.

[69] Massignon, op. cit., p. 41.

[70] Mentioned by Massignon under Ruḥbeh, op. cit., p. 41.

[71] _Erster vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Sâmarrâ_, p. 40.

[72] _Mas’ûdi, Marûdj al-Dhahab_, ed. Barbier de Meynard, vol. vii, p. 192.

[73] See Lane, _Arabic and English Dictionary_, under _riwâq_.

[74] Rothstein, op. cit., p. 130.

[75] Idem, pp. 69, 74, 81.

[76] Bell, _Amurath to Amurath_, p. 139.

[77] Sarre-Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 237.

[78] _Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli_, pt. ii. There is some doubt as to whether Zindjirli was actually occupied by Hatti. No Hittite inscriptions have been discovered there; but further researches have shown that architecturally Zindjirli belongs to a group of settlements the Hittite origin of which it is impossible to doubt. Professor Garstang has found a khilâni palace at Sakcheh Geuzu (_Annals of Archaeology and Anthropology_, vol. v, Plate 3), Baron Oppenheim a very remarkable palace of the same type at Râs ul-’Ain, of which the plan has not yet been published.

[79] _Ausgrabungen_, p. 173, and Fig. 82, p. 184.

[80] _Ausgrabungen_, Fig. 83, p. 184.

[81] Puchstein, ‘Die Säule in der assyrischen Architektur,’ _Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts_, 1892, p. 11.

[82] Koldewey gives a chronological series of Assyrian khilânis and shows that the development in Assyria was a faithful copy of the development which he had noted at Zindjirli, op. cit., pp. 188 et seq.

[83] Dr. Herzfeld suggests that it may have been transmitted to the Achaemenids through Media; _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 186.

[84] Dr. Herzfeld calls attention to the significant fact that the Babylonian theatre, while it exhibits a good Greek plan, is built of sun-dried brick, doubtless by local workmen, and is technically indistinguishable from local structures of an earlier age. _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 225. To a reconstruction of a later period belongs the stage, with its burnt brick foundations, wooden superstructure, and ornaments of carved stucco, and here too technique and material are of local origin. The theatre is not yet published. A very short account of the excavations is to be found in _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 21, p. 9, and No. 22, pp. 4 et seq.; a longer description in Koldewey, _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_, p. 293.

[85] Loftus, _Chaldaca and Susiana_, p. 225. See Sarre-Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 227, for a comprehensive enumeration of Parthian remains.

[86] Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique de la Perse_, vol. v, p. 29.

[87] Hilprecht, _Explorations in Bible Lands_, p. 564, compares it to the ancient Greek houses at Delos, for which see Durm, _Baukunst der Griechen_, p. 516. The juxtaposition of megaron and andron, each group of rooms opening into its own court, recalls irresistibly a yet older type; cf. the plan of Tiryns, Perrot-Chipiez, _Histoire de l’Art_, vol. vi, Plate 2. It is curious to note that the audience halls at Niffer are the oriental latitudinal chambers; indeed they have the closest connexion with the old Babylonian house type, which, as Professor Koldewey has observed, postulates invariably a court with a large chamber to the south of it. The Niffer palace is little more than a reproduction of such houses as the big house in the Merkes at Babylon, plus the column, which was due to Greek influence. See Koldewey, _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_, pp. 279 et seq.

[88] _Mitt, der D. O.-G._, No. 25, p. 39.

[89] Ibid., No. 28, p. 59.

[90] Stoae of Attalos at Athens and at Pergamon, Durm, _Baukunst der Griechen_, p. 504.

[91] The Assur palace is not yet published, but see _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 42, pp. 45-50. The plan is given on Plate 4 of Andrae’s _Festungswerke von Assur_.

[92] Andrae, _Hatra_, pt. ii, Plate 6.

[93] The literature on this subject is of vast extent. See Choisy, _L’Art de bâtir chez les Byzantins_, p. 32; Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique de la Perse_, vol. iv, p. 14; Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, pp. 143-7, 163-81, 231-46. Delbrück’s chronological _résumé_ of the history of the vault has brought order into chaos; _Hellenistische Bauten in Latium_, pt. ii, pp. 63-85.

[94] Place, _Ninive_, vol. i, pp. 176, 255.

[95] Idem, vol. i, pp. 254 et seq.

[96] Layard, _Nineveh_, vol. i, p. 127, and vol. ii, p. 260.

[97] I must refer briefly to his new work. _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_, wherein the question of Babylonian vaults is fully discussed on pp. 90 et seq.

[98] Delbrück, _Hell. Bauten in Latium_, vol. ii. Table A, p. 64. The widest span is found in the cisterns of the theatre at Delos; it is 6.55 metres.

[99] Early Hellenistic barrel vaults in the Mediterranean coast-lands. Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii. Table A, p. 64. Cut stone vaults showing characteristics of brick construction, such as vaulting in concentric courses, vaults outlined by mouldings, vaults with uncentered joints, and a single example of the horse-shoe vault at Chiusi, idem, Table B, p. 67. In Egypt and in western Asia solutions were sought to further problems of stone vaulting, the intersection of stone barrel vaults, vaulting in inclined planes, the stone dome with or without voussoirs. At first these were in general confined to the East; the evolution in the West begins in the Roman Imperial period. Delbrück, pt. ii. pp. 77-80. Development of the Egyptian cut stone vault out of sun-dried brick construction, idem, pp. 80-3.

[100] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, Table C, p. 70.

[101] Bridge at Pergamon, Delbrück, pt. ii, Table D, p. 72.

[102] Andrae, _Hatra_, pt. ii, p. 2, assigns it to the second century, after Trajan and before Septimius Severus; a more accurate dating is not possible without excavation. The largest of the palace vaults spans 14·80 metres.

[103] Choisy, _L’Art de bâtir chez les Byzantins_, p. 154.

[104] Podium of the altar and of the upper gymnasium at Pergamon, Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 104. The whole subject is admirably handled by him, pt. ii, pp. 108-11, where the accounts left by Diodorus and by Strabo of the substructure of the Hanging Gardens are examined, and the mutual interaction of India and western Asia is considered. See Koldewey, _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_, p. 90, for a description of the vaulted substructions which he believes to have supported the Hanging Gardens.

[105] Strabo, xvi, 1, 5.

[106] Chaldaea, at Mughair, sun-dried brick; Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 232. Egypt, at Dair el-Baḥri, 18th Dynasty; Perrot-Chipiez, vol. i, p. 536; and a brick dome at Abydos; Choisy, _Histoire de l’Architecture_, vol. i, p. 19. Syria, dolmenic tomb at Ridjm el Melfûf; _Annual of the Palestine Exploration Fund, 1911_, p. 9. Knossos; Evans, _Prehistoric Tombs of Knossos_, p. 139. Numerous other examples are cited by Durm in two articles in the _Jahreshefte des öst. arch. Instituts_, vol. x, 1907.

[107] _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 27, p. 29.

[108] In one of these only is the springing of the vault preserved. Bell, _Amurath to Amurath_, Fig. 109.

[109] Sâmarrâ, _Amurath_, Fig. 154.

[110] Cf. the stone vaults at Medinet Abu, Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 81.

[111] Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique de la Perse_, vol. iv, Fig. 10; _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 40, Fig. 10, a late Assyrian tomb.

[112] Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique_, vol. iv, Plate 7.

[113] Bell, _Churches and Monasteries of the Ṭûr ‘Abdîn_, p. 100 (44).

[114] Idem, pp. 65 (9), 71 (15), &c.

[115] Mau, _Pompeii, its Life and Art_, p. 199.

[116] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, Fig. 45.

[117] Idem, p. 146.

[118] Fergusson and Burgess, _Cave Temples of India_, Plates 9 and 11.

[119] De Vogüé, _La Syrie centrale_, Plate 7, and Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, Fig. 77. The records only have survived; the buildings themselves have disappeared.

[120] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 145.

[121] Butler, _Ancient Architecture in Syria_, Sect. A, pt iii, Fig. 185; de Vogüé, _La Syrie centrale_, vol. i, p. 47.

[122] Tâg-i-Îwân, Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique_, vol. v, p. 80.

[123] Dieulafoy, ibid., vol. v, p. 80.

[124] Andrae, _Hatra_, pt. i, p. 18.

[125] Pergamon, _Athenische Mitt._, vol. xxix (1904), p. 136, Plate 13; Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, Table G, and p. 103.

[126] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 104.

[127] Fergusson and Burgess, _Cave Temples_, Plates 11, 15, 24, and 28.

[128] Kalybes at Shaqqah and at Umm al-Zaitûn, de Vogüé, _La Syrie centrale_, p. 44, and Plate 6. Two domes at Binbirklisse, Ramsay and Bell, _Thousand and One Churches_, pp. 80 and 241.

[129] As to the date of these palaces, I accept the suggestions of Dr. Herzfeld until good reasons for modifying them have been shown. Ardashir I founded the city of Firûzâbâd in A.D. 226; the palace is probably of his time. Sarvistân belongs possibly to the time of Bahrâm V Gûr, 420-438; Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn may have been built by Khusrau II Parwêz towards the end of the sixth century. Sarre-Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, pp. 128-31.

[130] The Sarvistân dome rests on walls some 1·50 metres thick, and is about 5 metres in diameter, according to Dieulafoy’s plan (vol. iv, Plate 3). Flandin and Coste (_Voyage en Perse_, Plate 28) extend its diameter to the outer walls, which would give it a span of about 7·50 metres, but the section which they give on Plate 29 shows that Dieulafoy’s plan is in this respect correct, and indeed no other construction is possible.

[131] Balâdhuri (_Futûḥ_, p. 288) says that Ibrahîm ibn Salamah, one of the chiefs of Khurâsân, built the dome of the old Persian palace of Khawarnaq, in the khalifate of Abu Abbâs, and adds that previously there was no dome there. Possibly the domes seen by Ibn Baṭûṭah were due to this Mohammadan restoration.

[132] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 146, Fig. 43.

[133] Dieulafoy, op. cit., vol. ii, Plate 14 and vol. iv, Plate 15. Possibly there are earlier examples of the ṭâqchah than those at Persepolis. Room 11 in the big house in the Merkes at Babylon would seem from the plan to have possessed a ṭâqchah. Koldewey, _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_, Fig. 236.

[134] A tube can be seen in Dieulafoy’s Plate 9, vol. iv. It runs between the inner barrel vault on the right side of the big lîwân and the domed chamber to the right of the central hall of audience. See, too, the tubes in Flandin and Coste’s sections, Plates 40 and 41 _bis_.

[135] Dieulafoy, vol. iv, Figs. 25 and 26, and Plate 14, an arched niche in the inside of the dome. According to Flandin and Coste’s sections, all the door, window, and niche arches were so treated.

[136] Idem, vol. iv, Fig. 29.

[137] Koldewey, in _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 12, p. 6.

[138] Dieulafoy, vol. iv, Fig. 30.

[139] Idem, vol. iv, Plate 17.

[140] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 140.

[141] Flandin and Coste restore the façade differently and give it the true oriental form of the lîwân façade; see below, p. 137.

[142] De Sarzec-Heuzey, _Découvertes en Chaldée_, p. 397.

[143] Ramsay and Bell, _The Thousand and One Churches_, Fig. 355.

[144] Dieulafoy, vol. iv, p. 77.

[145] Idem, vol. iv, Plate 1. In the flanking chamber to the left of the entrance lîwân the vaults of the niches oversail the wall and the same seems to be the case in the vault of the lîwân itself. Flandin and Coste draw all the door, window, and niche arches oversailing the jambs. From Dieulafoy’s picture of the dome, it would seem that the arches of the side niches there certainly oversailed the jambs. Plate 5.

[146] Idem, vol. iv, Plate 2.

[147] Idem, vol. iv, Plate 5.

[148] Idem, vol. iv, Plate 7.

[149] There are probably many more than those which we know. De Morgan has given a plan of Haush Quru, a ruin by which I passed on my return from Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn. That I did not linger there was due partly to the circumstances described above, and partly to the fact that a village has grown up round and among the ruins, which renders their examination exceedingly tiresome. I was obliged to waste a large portion of my stay in a visit of ceremony to Kerîm Khân’s brother, who resides at Haush Quru. In plan the palace is very similar to the central block of Qaṣr-i-Shîrîn. It is noticeable that the same rectangular area occupies the centre of the state apartments; de Morgan represents it as covered with cement--was it opened or domed? _Mission sc. en Perse_, Plates 50 and 51. He mentions other Sasanian ruins and gives a sketch plan of Shirwân, p. 362, another of Dereh Shah, p. 367, and a fragmentary plan of Hazâr Dâr, together with some remarkably interesting details of decoration. Hazâr Dâr is probably so much ruined that without excavation the distribution of the palace could not be made out; at any rate it cannot be determined from the plan given on Plate 62. For other Sasanian remains see Sarre-Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 237.

[150] So too at Susa; Dieulafoy, _L’Acropole de Suse_, p. 239.

[151] Idem, Fig. 126, and p. 240.

[152] I had not realized the purpose for which these oblong rooms were intended until Dr. Reuther told me that he had seen similar kitchens in modern Arab houses. He has made a careful study of Mesopotamian domestic architecture of the present day and published an excellent book on the subject, _Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad und anderen Städten des Irak_.

[153] I suspect that the cross-shaped disposition of chambers was used in oriental palaces older than the Mohammadan era. It is found in the fifth-century church of Qal’at Sim’ân (de Vogüé, _La Syrie centrale_, vol. i, p. 141), for which I do not know a Western prototype.

[154] Herzfeld, _Erster vorläufiger Bericht über die Ausgrabungen von Sâmarrâ_, Plate 9.

[155] Herzfeld, _Sâmarrâ_, Fig. 23; Bell, _Amurath to Amurath_. Fig. 148.

[156] ‘Un palais musulman au IXe siècle,’ _Mémoires présentés à l’Acad. des Ins. et Belles-Lettres_, vol. xii, pt. ii.

[157] _Erster vorl. Bericht_, p. 40.

[158] Dr. Herzfeld believes the type to be based upon the Roman camp, a point to which I shall refer later, p. 120.

[159] Sarzec-Heuzey, _Découvertes en Chaldée_, Plan A, and p. 405. It must, however, be remembered that in the plan, as we have it, the dates of the various parts of the building are hopelessly confused; Koldewey, _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_, p. 286.

[160] _Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa_, p. 14.

[161] _L’Acropole de Suse_, Fig. 264.

[162] _Hatra_, pt. i, Fig. 32.

[163] _Chaldaea and Susiana_, p. 225.

[164] _Assyrian Discoveries_, pp. 146 and 429. Photograph opposite p. 308.

[165] Bk. i, ch. 131.

[166] Bk. xv, ch. 3, 13-16.

[167] _Hatra_, pt. ii, p. 143.

[168] Ibid., pt. ii, p. 109.

[169] _L’Art antique_, vol. iv, p. 79.

[170] In the mosque of Ibn Ṭulûn at Cairo. The origin of the minaret is a vexed question which has been treated at length by Thiersch, _Der Pharos_, and continues to be the subject of controversy. Personally I subscribe to the view of Dr. Andrae and M. Dieulafoy.

[171] Koldewey, _Die Tempel von Babylon und Borsippa_, p. 66.

[172] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, pp. 448-9.

[173] Koldewey, _Die Tempel von Bab. und Bor._, Plate 2; the palace has not yet been published, but the plan is given here. See, too, _Das wieder erstehende Babylon_.

[174] Puchstein, _Boghaskoi_, Plates 33, 42, 44, 46, and 47. The differences are so profound that I am led to the belief that the architects of southern Hittite palaces must have been governed by cultural influences other than those which obtained at Boghâz Keui. For example, the latitudinal disposition of the chambers which characterizes the southern khilâni is absent at Boghâz Keui. Can it be that southern Hittite architecture is in truth Syrian architecture under Hittite domination?

[175] Andrae, _Der Anu-Adad Tempel_, Plate 4, is an example of the symmetrical temple. On p. 83 Andrae discusses the influences under which it arose, a subject of the highest interest and importance, for which the recent excavation of the temple of Assur has given chronological data. _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 44, p. 40. The plan of the Assur temple is given in _Die Festungswerke von Assur_, Plate 2.

[176] Koldewey, _Sendschirli_, p. 18.

[177] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 196.

[178] Koldewey, _Die Tempel von Bab. und Bor._, Plates 3, 5, 7, and 12.

[179] Place, _Ninive_, vol. i, p. 101.

[180] Sarre-Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 129.

[181] Nöldeke, _Geschichte der Perser und Araber_, p. 58, note.

[182] Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique de la Perse_, vol. v, p. 79.

[183] Delbrück, _Hellenistische Bauten_, pt. ii, p. 86.

[184] For instance, the walls of Assur, _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 26, p. 35, and No. 28, Fig. 11.

[185] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 90.

[186] Koepp, _Die Römer in Deutschland_, p. 76.

[187] Brünnow-Domaszewski, _Die Provincia Arabia_, vol. iii, p. 221.

[188] Stolle, _Das Lager und Heer der Römer_, pp. 52 et seq., 105 et seq.

[189] Boṣrâ in eastern Syria, Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit., vol. iii, p. 2; Shuhbâ in the Ḥaurân, idem, iii, p. 146, and Butler, _Architecture and other Arts_, p. 393; Apamea in northern Syria, Butler, idem, p. 54.

[190] The material for their study is ample: _Der obergermanisch-rätische Limes des Römerreiches_, published by the Reichs-Limeskommission; _Der römische Limes in Oesterreich_, published by the K. Akad. der Wissenschaften; the great camp at Novaesium published in the _Bonner Jahrbuch_, 1904; for the Saalburg see Jacobi, _Führer durch das Römerkastell Saalburg_. For Africa, Ballu, _Les Ruines de Timgad_; Gsell, _Monuments antiques de l’Algérie_; Cagnat, _Les Deux Camps de Lambèse_. For Britain, Bruce, _The Roman Wall_; Curle, _A Roman Frontier Fort_. Lyell, _A Bibliographical List of Romano-British Architectural Remains_, gives reference to others.

[191] _Der oberger.-rät. Limes_, No. 66, Aalen, No. 65, Unterböbingen.

[192] _Der oberger.-rät. Limes_, No. 31.

[193] Cagnat, _Les Deux Camps de Lambèse_, p. 19, Fig. 2.

[194] _Der oberger.-rät. Limes_, No. 8, Zugmantel.

[195] For example Weissenberg, _Der oberger.-rät. Limes_, No. 72.

[196] There are scarcely any exceptions, but at Stockstadt, _Der oberger.-rät. Limes_, No. 33, at Zugmantel, No. 8, at Sulz, No. 61_a_, and at Niederberg, No. 34, a slight exterior salience is given to some of the rectangular towers. At Niederbieber the gate towers have a considerable salience, and the intermediate towers are also salient, a variation to which Schultze (’Die römischen Stadttore,’ _Bonner Jahrbuch_, 1909, p. 324) attaches no importance.

[197] Mommsen, _The Provinces of the Roman Empire_, vol. ii, p. 153.

[198] Cf. Khirbet el Fityân, which belongs probably to the time of Diocletian, Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 139.

[199] Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 102, Fig. 685.

[200] It must be remembered that in all these ruins only those parts which remain above ground have been recorded. Excavation is needed to show the exact relation of the interior buildings to the encompassing wall at Ḍumair and Ledjdjûn.

[201] _Revue biblique_, 1904, p. 414. and Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. ii, pt. 2, p. 118.

[202] Praetoria are occasionally found outside the walls in the fortified cities of Gaul, but there is no example earlier than the close of the third century. Blanchet, _Les Enceintes romaines de la Gaule_, p. 276.

[203] Butler, _Ancient Architecture in Syria_, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 146.

[204] Idem, Sect. B, pt. ii, Plate 8.

[205] Idem, Sect. B, pt. i, p. 26.

[206] I am aware that this view is in contravention of Dr. Herzfeld’s opinion, but I fail to discern any ground for his statement that the castrum of Qasṭal belongs to the type of the great legionary camps. ‘Die Genesis der islamischen Kunst,’ _Der Islam_, vol. i, p. 123.

[207] Flandin-Coste, _Voyage en Perse_, Plate 213 _bis_.

[208] Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 82.

[209] Idem, vol. ii, p. 89.

[210] Idem, vol. ii, p. 65.

[211] Idem, vol. ii, p. 78.

[212] Dieulafoy, _L’Acropole de Suse_, p. 163.

[213] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 341, Gates of Balawât, and other plans, pp. 343-4.

[214] Plan of the acropolis of Khorsâbâd, Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, p. 326; the towers have a salience of 4 metres and are placed at intervals of 27 metres. Walls of Assur, _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 32, p. 35, and plan of the western half of the mound, issued with that number. The towers are 4 metres wide, with a salience of 2 metres; the curtain walls vary in length from 24·55 metres to 29 metres--distances, remarks Dr. Andrae, which lie well within the limits of a bow-shot. See too Andrae, _Die Festungswerke von Assur_, vol. i, p. 5, where the normal proportions of Salmanassar III’s outer wall are given as follows: towers 8 metres wide, with a salience of 3 to 4 metres; curtain walls 30 metres long. Towers existed in the archaic walls (idem, p. 65), as well as great bastions standing out from 10 to 20 metres from the face of the wall (idem, p. 123).

[215] _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 31, p. 28, No. 32, p. 36; and _Festungswerke_, vol. i, p. 115.

[216] _L’Acropole de Suse_, Plate 2. It is doubtful whether the towers in the plan are based upon actual observation, or due to a restoration on the part of the excavator.

[217] Andrae, _Hatra_, pt. ii, pp. 36, 39, and 53.

[218] Hilprecht, _Explorations in Bible Lands_, P. 559.

[219] Dastajird, Sarre-Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 237; Iṣṭakhr (the walls may, however, have been Achaemenid), Flandin-Coste, _Voyage en Perse_, Plate 58; Qal’a-i-Kuhna, idem, Plate 213 _bis_.

[220] Koldewey, _Sendschirli_, pt. ii, pp. 172-8.

[221] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iv, p. 505.

[222] Puchstein, _Boghaskoi_, Plate 2.

[223] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. vi, Plate 1.

[224] Durm, _Baukunst der Griechen_, pp. 38 and 42.

[225] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, p. 45.

[226] Idem, vol. v, p. 321.

[227] Idem, vol. v, p. 324.

[228] _Reisen in Lykien und Karien_, p. 54.

[229] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, p. 385.

[230] Benndorf-Niemann, op. cit., p. 124.

[231] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iii, pp. 331, 338, 348, 353, and 325.

[232] Texier, _Asie Mineure_, vol. ii, Plate 108. _Investigations at Assos_, Clarke, Bacon, Koldewey, pt. i, p. 13.

[233] Merchel, _Die Ingenieurtechnik im Alterthum_, p. 425. Messene was founded by Epaminondas in 371 B.C.

[234] The town was destroyed by the Carthaginians in 409 B.C., and the walls date from after that period. Durm, _Baukunst der Griechen_, p. 209.

[235] _Forschungen in Ephesos_, vol. i, p. 91.

[236] Koldewey, _Sendschirli_, vol. ii, p. 179. It was built in 320 B.C.

[237] Choisy, _Histoire de l’Architecture_, vol. i, p. 501.

[238] Promis, _Le Antichità di Aosta_, Plates 3 and 4.

[239] Blanchet, _Les Enceintes romaines de la Gaule_, pp. 211 and 14.

[240] ‘Die römischen Stadttore’, _Bonner Jahrb._, 1909, p. 293.

[241] Blanchet, op. cit., pp. 335-7.

[242] Not only were the walls of camps less strongly fortified than the walls of towns, but the defences of the gateways were not so highly developed. Cramer, _Trier_, p. 72.

[243] Brünnow-Domaszewski, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 100.

[244] Idem, vol. ii, p. 182; I think it very doubtful whether any part of the existing ruins are Roman. See too Herzfeld, ‘Genesis,’ _Der Islam_, vol. i, p. 128.

[245] Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Hîra,’ _Mélanges de la Faculté orientale de Beyrouth_, vol. iv, p. 103; and Musil, _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, pp. 155-6.

[246] Musil, idem, p. 163.

[247] Lammens, op. cit., p. 107.

[248] Moritz, ‘Ausflüge in der Arabia Petraea,’ _Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth_, vol. iii, p. 432. I do not propose to consider here small buildings like Mshaiyesh (Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, p. 313, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 115), or al-Weyned (Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, p. 289, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 93). They are both on the caravanserai plan and differ little from the edifice which stands near Qṣair ‘Amrah. This last was probably a lodging for guards and courtiers. Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, p. 223; _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, Plate 2.

[249] Butler, _Ancient Architecture in Syria_, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 77, and appendix, p. xix.

[250] De Vogüé, _La Syrie centrale_, vol. i, p. 71.

[251] _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, p. 229, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 64.

[252] Nöldeke, _Neue Freie Presse_, March 28, 1907, and Becker, _Münchener Neueste Nachrichten_, May 28, 1907.

[253] _Revue biblique_, 1904, p. 423; Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 106, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 72.

[254] Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. ii, pt. ii, p. 75, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 65.

[255] Butler, _Ancient Arch. in Syria_, Sect. B, pt. i, Plate 4, and in the same number _Greek and Roman Inscriptions_, p. 40.

[256] Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, p. 176, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 13.

[257] Musil, _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, p. 290, and _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 97; Moritz, ‘Ausflüge,’ _Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth_, vol. iii, p. 421. I give four photographs which Dr. Moritz has been so kind as to place at my disposal.

[258] _Arabia Petraea_, vol. i, Fig. 135.

[259] Schultz and Strzygowski, _Mschattâ_; Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 105; Musil, _Qṣeir ‘Amra_, p. 39.

[260] Lammens, ‘La Bâdia et la Hîra,’ _Mélanges de la F. O. de Beyrouth_, p. 110.

[261] ‘Genesis,’ _Der Islam_, vol. i, p. 126.

[262] _Mea culpa!_ I visited Mshattâ in the year 1900 (and to this day, though I spell its name in the accepted grammatical fashion, I cannot bring myself to speak it except as the Beduin speak it--Mshittâ), but I was so much dazzled by the splendour of the façade that I photographed nothing else. Moreover, I was not then sufficiently instructed to be on the watch for matters which would now absorb my attention. In 1905 I passed close by it again, but a regrettable sentiment prevented me from re-visiting it after it had been shorn of its glory. I never find myself in Berlin without rejoicing that the marvellous decoration has been put in safety, and in easy reach of us all, but I never think of the palace in the wilderness without congratulating myself on having seen it in 1900. It remains in my mind as the most princely of ḥirahs, wrapped round by the grass-grown Syrian desert, mild and beneficent in winter; and the flocks of the Ṣukhûr resort to it as kings resorted of old.

[263] Cf. the vaults in the side niches of a building on the citadel at ‘Ammân which I believe to be not older than the Umayyad period. Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique_, vol. v, p. 98; _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 23, p. 47.

[264] Brünnow and Domaszewski, op. cit., Fig. 720.

[265] In any case the maxim laid down by Dr. Herzfeld (’Genesis,’ _Der Islam_, vol. i. p. 110) is misleading. It is too hasty a generalization and it does not cover the facts. At Ukhaiḍir door openings are sometimes wider and sometimes narrower than the arches above them, and it is doubtful whether the same is not the case at Sarvistân. See above, p. 79.

[266] _Mschattâ_, Plate 6.

[267] So it appears to me, but I am conscious that the roots may go deeper. Damascus, Apamea, and Antioch are Seleucid foundations, and we know nothing of the Seleucid city plan.

[268] Ebersolt, _Le Grand Palais de Constantinople_, pp. 162-7.

[269] Bury, _A History of the Eastern Roman Empire from the fall of Irene to the accession of Basil I_, p. 132.

[270] Herzfeld, _Erster vorl. Bericht_, p. 33.

[271] Sprenger-Michaelis, _Handbuch der Kunstgeschichte_, 9th ed., vol. i, p. 60.

[272] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 101.

[273] Dieulafoy, _L’Acropole de Suse_, Figs. 93, 100, 132.

[274] _Chaldaea and Susiana_, p. 174.

[275] _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 51, p. 71.

[276] Hilprecht, _Explorations in Bible Lands_, p. 483, and fig. on p. 552.

[277] Sarzec-Heuzey, _Découvertes en Chaldée_, Plate 53 _bis_, Fig. 1.

[278] The last two examples are not yet published. For the connexion of the orthostatic construction at Pasargadae with Assyria and the Hittite cultural sphere, see Herzfeld, _Iranische Felsreliefs_, p. 184. The link between the two is probably to be sought at Ecbatana.

[279] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Figs. 107 and 110.

[280] _Hellenistische Bauten in Latium_, pt. ii, p. 147.

[281] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 123.

[282] Idem, vol. ii, Fig. 136.

[283] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. i, Fig. 267, and Puchstein, _Die ionische Säule_, Fig. 45, for Egypt; Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Fig. 39, for Assyria.

[284] Fergusson, _History of Indian and Oriental Architecture_, p. 115, façade of the Chaitya Cave at Nassick.

[285] In the Sema of Ptolemy Philadelphos; Thiersch, ‘Die Alexandrinische Königsnekropole,’ _Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts, 1910_, p. 65. See too _Der Pharos_, p. 210, for an extant example at Taposiris Magna. Delbrück’s handling of the subject is admirable; op. cit., pt. ii, pp. 99 and 139. That the lightening of the wall-face in Hellenistic architecture may be of oriental origin is borne out by the fact that it appears more frequently in the south-east regions, where Greek culture was under the influence of Egypt and western Asia.

[286] Lanckoronski, _Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens_, vol. i, p. 59.

[287] Bulard, ‘Peintures murales et mosaïques de Délos,’ _Mémoires Piot_, vol. xiv, pp. 116 et. seq.

[288] Idem, Plate 6 A; Wiegand-Schrader, _Priene_, p. 312.

[289] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 128.

[290] Wiegand, _Milet_, pt. ii, Plate 7.

[291] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 129.

[292] Durm, _Baukunst der Griechen_, p. 542.

[293] Wiegand-Schrader, _Priene_, p. 268. Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, p. 130.

[294] Durm, _Baukunst der Griechen_, p. 504.

[295] For instance, in the Agora at Magnesia; Humann, _Magnesia am Maeander_, p. 113.

[296] Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 137. He cites the Ephebeum at Priene and the upper gymnasium at Pergamon.

[297] Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i, Plates 13 and 17, and pt. ii, Plate 1. Tabularium, Delbrück, pt. i, Plate 7, and pt. ii, Plate 3.

[298] Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i. Plates 13 and 17, and pt. ii, Plate 1.

[299] Apse at Praeneste, Delbrück, pt. i, Plate 18.

[300] Tivoli, Delbrück, pt. ii, p. 12.

[301] _Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts_, vol. xvii, 1902; _Archäologischer Anzeiger_, p. 152.

[302] Heberdey, _Ephesos_, vol. ii, Plates 7, 8, and 9.

[303] _Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts_, vol. xvi, 1901, p. 143, and vol. xvii, 1902, Plate 9.

[304] Butler, _Florilegium Melchior de Vogüé_, The Temple of Dhûsharâ, Plate 1.

[305] Butler, _Ancient Architecture in Syria_, p. 55.

[306] Idem, pp. 67 and 77.

[307] Idem, p. 325.

[308] Idem, pp. 347 and 351.

[309] Idem, p. 327.

[310] Idem, p. 343.

[311] Idem, p. 371.

[312] Idem, pp. 380 et seq.

[313] Idem, p. 245.

[314] Idem, pp. 252 and 265.

[315] For the latter see Jaussen-Savignac, _Mission archéologique en Arabie_. A number of the tombs are dated, and the learned fathers of St. Étienne, in publishing the inscriptions, have given us a solid basis for the evolution of the Ḥedjr tomb. For the Petra tombs, Brünnow-Domaszewski, _Provincia Arabia_, vol. i; and Dalman, _Petra und seine Felsheiligtümer_, and _Neue Petra-Forschungen_. The material was brilliantly reviewed by Puchstein, _Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts_, 1910, vol. xxv; _Arch. Anzeiger_, p 3.

[316] Egypt, as Puchstein has observed, was always the dominant influence. The form and origin of Nabataean tombs goes back to the time of the Pharaohs, _Arch. Anz._, 1910, p. 40.

[317] Jaussen-Savignac, tomb A 5, p. 357.

[318] Idem, pp. 414 et seq.

[319] Domaszewski suggested that they were the graves of Greek merchants, _Prov. Arabia_, vol. i, p. 15.

[320] Puchstein, op. cit., table, p. 35.

[321] Jaussen-Savignac, op. cit., p. 382; the tomb called Al-Ferîd.

[322] Delbrück, op. cit., pt. ii, pp. 170, 173.

[323] Tomb of the legate Sextius Florentinus, Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. i, p. 170; Corinthian grave, idem, p. 168; No. 34, idem, p. 172. Al-Dair, idem, p. 187; the Storied tomb, idem, p. 169; the Khazneh, idem, Plate 2, and _Palestine Exploration Fund Annual_, 1911, p. 95.

See Hittorff, ‘Pompeii et Petra,’ _Revue arch._ N.S., vol. vi, p. 7.

[324] Wall paintings in Alexandrian tombs and at Boscoreale. Athenaeus gives a description of a tholos on the state barge of Ptolemy Philadelphos, and Vitruvius a description of a wall painting at Alabanda, which Studniczka compares with the Khazneh. _Tropaeum Trajani_, p. 66; Thiersch, ‘Die Alexandrinische Königsnekropole,’ _Jahrbuch des k. d. arch. Instituts_, vol. xxv, 1910, p. 67. A free-standing tholos, placed upon a pluteum or attic, appears upon the tomb of Absalom at Jerusalem, which Puchstein dates in the first half of the first century A.D. See Perrot-Chipiez, vol. iv, p. 279.

[325] This should be compared with Dr. Herzfeld’s drawing of the façade with conjectural restorations in the north wing. Sarre-Herzfeld, _Euphrat- und Tigris-Gebiet_, vol. iii, Plate 41. I doubt whether any of the columns were furnished with bases.

[326] Delbrück, _Hellenistische Bauten_, pt. ii, p. 129.

[327] Butler, _Ancient Architecture in Syria_, p. 132; east church at Bâbisqâ.

[328] Idem, p. 150; chapel at Kfair.

[329] Bronze tablet found at Ephesus and ivory diptych in the British Museum, _Mschattâ_, pp. 266 and 277.

[330] Pointing inwards on the apse at Qalb Lôzeh, and pointing outwards on a doorway at Bashmishli; Butler, _Anc. Arch._, pp. 223 and 239.

[331] _Ocheïdir_, p. 41.

[332] At Al-’Âshiq; _Amurath_, p. 238, and Herzfeld, _Sâmarrâ_, p. 40. Also round the windows of the great mosque at Sâmarrâ; _Amurath_, Fig. 142; Herzfeld, _Erster vorl. Bericht_, Fig. 1.

[333] For instance in a madrasah of the Ulu Djâmi’. The inscription round this madrasah is published (_Amida_, p. 87, inscr. No. 28), and I have the photographs, but these are not yet published.

[334] _Amurath_, Fig. 170.

[335] Unpublished. I have all the photographs and M. Max van Berchem has studied the inscriptions from them.

[336] It was shown at the exhibition of Mohammadan art held in Munich in 1910, and was numbered in the catalogue 2696 (_Meisterwerke muhammedanischer Kunst_, vol. ii, Plate 122).

[337] An early Syrian example, possibly Nabataean, is to be found at Umtâ’iyyeh; Butler, _Ancient Architecture in Syria_, Sect. A, pt. ii, p. 89. Cf. too the façade of the basilical hall at Mshattâ. (Schultz-Strzygowski, _Mschattâ_, Plate 4), and an interesting example on the tambour of the church of the ‘Adhrâ at Ḥakh; Bell, _Churches and Monasteries of the Ṭur ‘Abdin_, p. 84 (28).

[338] Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique_, vol. iv, Plates 6 and 7.

[339] _Miss. scient. en Perse_, p. 364.

[340] Strzygowski, _Mschattâ_, p. 354; Herzfeld, ‘Genesis,’ _Der Islam_, vol. i, p. 118.

[341] Sieglin-Schreiber, _Die Nekropole von Kôm esch Schukâfa_, Figs. 214, 215.

[342] Strzygowski, _Mschattâ_, Fig. 36.

[343] Brünnow-Domaszewski, vol. ii, p. 185, Figs. 760-5, and Plate 49.

[344] Herzfeld, _Erster vorl. Bericht_, Fig. 5.

[345] Lynch, _Armenia_, vol. i, Fig. 74.

[346] Herzfeld, _Erster vorl. Bericht_, p. 9.

[347] Butler, _Ancient Architecture_, p. 130.

[348] _Circa_ 78 B.C., Delbrück, _Hell. Bauten_, pt. ii, Plate 3.

[349] Promis, _Antichità di Aosta_, Plate 7.

[350] _Die römischen Stadttore_, p. 296.

[351] Ibid., pp. 285-6. They too are Augustan.

[352] _Erster vorl. Bericht_, p. 34.

[353] _Ocheïdir_, p. 33.

[354] Reuther, _Das Wohnhaus in Bagdad_, p. 74.

[355] Ramsay and Bell, _The Thousand and One Churches_, Fig. 6, and _passim_.

[356] Butler, _Ancient Architecture_, Fig. 127, p. 364. See too double columns at Palatitza; Heuzey and Daumet, _Mission archéologique de Macédoine_, p. 198, where other examples are cited.

[357] Herzfeld, _Erster vorl. Bericht_, p. 34. As Dr. Herzfeld points out, Mshattâ offers another notable example of the three-arched façade. See Schultz-Strzygowski, Plate 4.

[358] _History of Indian and Eastern Architecture_, p. 580.

[359] Butler, _Ancient Architecture_, p. 367.

[360] Dieulafoy, vol. v, p. 99.

[361] _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 31, p. 28.

[362] Loftus, _Chaldaea and Susiana_, p. 225.

[363] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. v, Figs. 340 and 342.

[364] Another good instance is at Tekrît; _Amurath_, Fig. 130.

[365] Perrot-Chipiez, vol. ii, Figs. 106, 116, 124, 136.

[366] _Ocheïdir_, Fig. 19.

[367] Herzfeld, _Erster vorl. Bericht_, p. 35.

[368] Idem, p. 23, and p. 18.

[369] The latter, though it is now at Baghdâd, was in all probability an import from northern Mesopotamia or northern Syria. Herzfeld, ‘Genesis’, _Der Islam_, 1910, Plates 1 and 2.

[370] The workmen at such a site as Warka may have been half bred with Greeks. The rinceaux on the door-jambs at Hatra, on the other hand, are better defined as combinations of the palmette and the acanthus than as modifications of the vine, and the typical Parthian decoration at Assur consists of various forms of the continuous pattern, the old oriental decorative scheme. Andrae, _Hatra_, pt. ii, Sheet 47, and Plate 12; _Mitt. der D. O.-G._, No. 42, Figs. 7 and 8.

[371] De Beylié, _La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad_, p. 41, quoting Ibn Hauqal.

[372] De Beylié, _La Kalaa des Beni-Hammad_, p. 41.

[373] The Wuswas ruin at Warka has furnished another example of the imitation of Babylonian decoration by Parthian builders. _Mitt. der D O.-G._, No. 51.

[374] De Beylié, op. cit., p. 63.

[375] R. Velazquez Bosco, _Medina Azzahra y Alamiriva_, Plate 17.

[376] Idem, Plate 18.

[377] _Amurath_, Fig. 161.

[378] Andrae, _Hatra,_ pt. ii, Fig. 37, Sect. _e-f_, and Fig. 152

[379] Dieulafoy, _L’Art antique_, vol. iv, Plate 9. Possibly there are others; the palaces of Fars must be re-examined.