Chapter VIII: Front Matter (8)

6. Line representing the end of the first day, _i. e._, the time between two days; rest.

7. Traveler again on the way.

8. Making signal that on second day (right hand raised with two extended fingers) he saw game (deer, 9) on a hill-top, which he secured, so terminating his journey.

9. Deer.

Figures 50, 51, and 52 were drawn by Naumoff, under the circumstances above mentioned, and signify “Have gone home.”

His explanation of Figure 50 is as follows:

When one of a hunting party is about to return home and wishes to inform his companions that he has set out on such return, he ascends the hill-top nearest to which they became separated, where he ties a bunch of grass or other light colored material to the top of a long stick or pole. The lower end of the stick is placed firmly in the ground, leaning in the direction taken. When another hill is ascended, another stick with similar attachment is erected, again leaning in the direction to be taken. These sticks are placed at proper intervals until the village is sighted. This device is employed by Southern Alaskan Indians.

He also explained Figure 51 as follows:

Seal hunters adopt the following method of informing their comrades that they have returned to the settlement. The first to return to the regular landing place sometimes sticks a piece of wood into the ground, leaning toward the village, upon which is drawn or scratched the out-line of a baidarka, or skin canoe, heading toward one or more outlines of lodges, signifying that the occupants of the boat have gone toward their homes. This is resorted to when the voyage has been a dangerous one, and is intended to inform their companions of the safe arrival of some of the party.

This device is used by coast natives of Southern Alaska and Kadiak.

He also explained Figure 52 as follows:

When hunters become separated, the one first returning to the forks of the trail puts a piece of wood in the ground, on the top of which he makes an incision, into which a short piece of wood is secured horizontally, so as to point in the direction taken by the individual.

The following instance is taken from the Narrative of an Expedition to the Source of St. Peter’s River, * * under the command of Stephen H. Long, major U. S. Top. Eng. [commonly known as Keating’s Long’s Expedition]. Philadelphia, 1824. Vol. I, p. 217.

When we stopped, says Major Long, to dine, White Thunder, (the
Winnebago chief that accompanied me,) suspecting that the rest of his
party were in the neighborhood, requested a piece of paper, pen and
ink, to communicate to them the intelligence of his having come up
with me. He then seated himself and drew three rude figures, which
at my request he explained to me. The first represented my boat with
a mast and flag, with three benches of oars and a helmsman; to show
that we were Americans, our heads were represented by a rude cross,
indicating that we wore hats.

The representation of himself was a rude figure of a bear over a
kind of cypher representing a hunting ground. The second figure was
designed to show that his wife was with him; the device was a boat
with a squaw seated in it; over her head lines were drawn in a zigzag
direction, indicating that she was the wife of White Thunder. The
third was a boat with a bear sitting at the helm, showing that an
Indian of that name had been seen on his way up the river, and had
given intelligence where the party were. This paper he set up at the
mouth of Kickapoo Creek, up which the party had gone on a hunting
trip.

The following is extracted from an Account of an Expedition from Pittsburgh to the Rocky Mountains, * * under the command of Major Stephen H. Long [commonly known as James’ Long’s Expedition]. Philadelphia, 1823. Vol. I, p. 478.

At a little distance [on the bank of the Platte River], in front of
the entrance of this breastwork, was a semicircular row of sixteen
bison skulls, with their noses pointing down the river. Near the
center of the circle which this row would describe, if continued, was
another skull marked with a number of red lines.

Our interpreter informed us that this arrangement of skulls and other
marks here discovered, were designed to communicate the following
information, namely, that the camp had been occupied by a war party
of the Skeeree or Pawnee Loup Indians, who had lately come from an
excursion against the Cumancias, Ietans, or some of the western
tribes. The number of red lines traced on the painted skull indicated
the number of the party to have been thirty-six; the position in
which the skulls were placed, that they were on their return to their
own country. Two small rods stuck in the ground, with a few hairs
tied in two parcels to the end of each, signified that four scalps
had been taken.

When a hunting party of the Hidatsa has arrived at any temporary camping ground, from which point a portion of the members might leave on a short reconnoitering expedition, the remainder, upon leaving for a time, will erect a pole and cause it to lean in the direction taken. At the foot of this pole a buffalo shoulder-blade or other flat bone is placed, upon which is depicted the object causing departure. For instance, should buffalo or antelope be discovered, an animal of the character sighted is rudely drawn with a piece of charred wood or red lead, the latter being a substance in the possession of nearly every warrior to use in facial decoration, etc.

When a Hidatsa party has gone on the war path, and a certain number is detailed to take another direction, the point of separation is taken as the rendezvous. After the return of the first party to the rendezvous, should the second not come up in a reasonable length of time, they will set sticks in the ground leaning in the direction to be taken, and notches are cut into the upper ends of the sticks to represent the number of nights spent there by the waiting party.

A party of Hidatsa who may be away from home for any purpose whatever often appoint a rendezvous, from which point they return to their respective lodges. Should an individual return to the rendezvous before any others and wish to make a special trip for game or plunder, he will, for the information of the others, place a stick of about 3 or 4 feet in length in the ground, upon the upper end of which a notch is cut, or perhaps split, for the reception of a thinner piece of twig or branch having a length of about a foot. This horizontal top piece is inserted at one end, so that the whole may point in the direction to be taken. Should the person wish to say that the trail would turn at a right angle, to either side, at about one-half the distance of the whole journey in prospect, the horizontal branch is either bent in that direction or a naturally-curved branch is selected having the turn at the middle of its entire length, thus corresponding to the turn in the trail. Any direction can be indicated by curves in the top branch.

NOTICE OF CONDITION.

According to Masta, chief of the Abnaki, members of that tribe remove the bark of trees in prominent places to denote that the inhabitants of the nearest lodge are in a starving condition.

The Ottawa and the Potawatomi Indians indicate hunger and starvation by drawing a black line across the breast or stomach of the figure of a man. (See Fig. 145, page 221.) This drawing is placed upon a piece of wood, either incised or with a mixture of powdered charcoal and glue water, or red ocher. This is then attached to a tree or fastened to a piece of wood, and erected near the lodge on a trail, where it will be observed by passers by, who are expected to alleviate the sufferings of the native who erected the notice.

Figure 53 illustrates information with regard to distress in another village, which occasioned the departure of the party giving the notification. The drawing was made for Dr. W. J. Hoffman, in 1882, by Naumoff, in imitation of drawings prepared by Alaska natives. The designs are traced upon a strip of wood, which is then stuck upon the roof of the house belonging to the recorder.

1. The summer habitation, showing a stick leaning in the direction to be taken.

2. The baidarka, containing the residents of the house. The first person is observed pointing forward, indicating that they “go by boat to the other settlement.”

3. A grave stick, indicating a death in the settlement.

4, 5. Summer and winter habitations, denoting a village.

The drawing, Figure 54, made for Dr. Hoffman in 1882, by a native, in imitation of originals in Alaska, is intended to be placed in a conspicuous portion of a settlement which has been attacked by a hostile force and finally deserted. The last one to leave prepares the drawing upon a strip of wood to inform friends of the resort of the survivors.

1. Represents three hills or ranges, signifying that the course taken would carry them beyond that number of hills or mountains.

2. The recorder, indicating the direction, with the left hand pointing to the ground, _one_ hill, and the right hand indicating the number _two_, the number still to be crossed.

3. A circular piece of wood or leather, with the representation of a face, placed upon a pole and facing the direction to be taken from the settlement. In this instance the drawing of the character denotes a hostile attack upon the town, for which misfortune such devices are sometimes erected.

4, 5. Winter and summer habitations.

6. Store-house, erected upon upright poles.

This device is used by Alaska coast natives generally.

In connection with these figures reference may be made to a paper by the present writer in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, p. 369, showing the devices of the Abnaki.

Dr. George Gibbs (Contributions to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. I, p. 222) says of “symbolic writing” of the northwest tribes:

I am not aware how far this may be carried among the Sound tribes.
Probably there is no great essential difference between them and
their neighbors of the plains in this art. It may perhaps be best
explained by an example given me by a veteran mountaineer, Dr. Robert
Newell, of Champoeg. A party of Snakes are going to hunt strayed
horses. A figure of a man, with a long queue, or scalp lock, reaching
to his heels, denoted Shoshonee; that tribe being in the habit of
braiding horse- or other hair into their own in that manner. A number
of marks follow, signifying the strength of the party. A foot-print,
pointed in the direction they take, shows their course, and a
hoof-mark turned backward, that they expect to return with animals.
If well armed, and expecting a possible attack, a little powder mixed
with sand tells that they are ready, or a square dotted about the
figures indicates that they have fortified.

The design shown in Figure 55 is in imitation of etchings made by natives of Southern Alaska to convey to the observer the information that the recorder had gone away to another settlement the inhabitants of which were in distress. The drawings were put on a strip of wood and placed at the door of the house where it might be seen by visitors or inquirers.

Naumoff gave the following explanation:

1. A native making the gesture of indicating _self_ with the right hand, and with the left indicating direction and _going_.

2. The native’s habitation.

3. Scaffold used for drying fish. Upon the top of the pole is placed a piece of wood tied so that the longest end points in the direction to be taken by the recorder.

4. The baidarka conveying the recorder.

5. A native of the settlement to be visited.

6. Summer habitation.

7. “Shaman stick” or grave stick, erected to the memory of a recently deceased person, the cause of which has necessitated the journey of the recorder.

8. Winter habitation. This, together with No. 6, indicates a settlement.

Fig. 56, also drawn by Naumoff, means “ammunition wanted.”

When a hunter is tracking game, and exhausts his ammunition, he returns to the nearest and most conspicuous part of the trail and sticks his ihú^nŭk in the ground, the top leaning in the direction taken. The ihú^nŭk is the pair of sticks arranged like the letter A, used as a gun-rest. This method of transmitting the request to the first passer is resorted to by the greater number of coast natives of Southern Alaska.

Fig. 57, also drawn by Naumoff, means “discovery of bear; assistance wanted.”

When a hunter discovers a bear, and requires assistance, he ties together a bunch of grass, or other fibrous matter, in the form of an animal with legs, and places it upon a long stick or pole which is erected at a conspicuous point to attract attention. The head of the effigy is directed toward the locality where the animal was last seen.

This device is also used at times by most of the Southern Alaskan Indians.

Figure 58 was also drawn by Naumoff, and signifies “starving hunters.”

Hunters who have been unfortunate, and are suffering from hunger, scratch or draw upon a piece of wood characters similar to those figured, and place the lower end of the stick in the ground on the trail where the greatest chance of its discovery occurs. The stick is inclined toward the locality of the habitation. The accompanying explanation will serve to illustrate more fully the information contained in the drawing.

1. A horizontal line denoting a canoe, showing the persons to be fishermen.

2. An individual with both arms extended signifying _nothing_, corresponding with the gesture for negation.

3. A person with the right hand to the mouth, signifying _to eat_, the left hand pointing to the house occupied by the hunters.

4. The habitation.

The whole signifies that there is _nothing to eat_ in the _house_. This is used by natives of Southern Alaska.

Figure 59, with the same signification, and from the same hand, is similar to the preceding in general design. This is placed in the ground near the landing place of the canoemen, so that the top points toward the lodge.

The following is the explanation of the characters:

1. Baidarka, showing double projections at bow, as well as the two individuals, owners, in the boat.

2. A man making the gesture for _nothing_. (See in this connection Figure 155, page 235.)

3. Gesture drawn, denoting _to eat_, with the right hand, while the left points to the lodge.

4. A winter habitation.

This is used by the Alaskan coast natives.

WARNING AND GUIDANCE.

An amusing instance of the notice or warning of “No thoroughfare” is given on page 383 of the present writer’s paper, Sign Language among North American Indians, in the First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. It was taken from a rock-etching in Cañon de Chelly, New Mexico. A graphic warning against trespass appears in Schoolcraft, Vol. I, Plate 48, Figure B, op. page 338.

During his connection with the geographic surveys west of the one hundredth meridian under the direction of Capt. G. M. Wheeler, U. S. Army, Dr. Hoffman observed a practice which prevailed among the Tivátikai Shoshoni, of Nevada, in which heaps of stones were erected along or near trails to indicate the direction to be taken and followed to reach springs of water.

Upon slight elevations of ground, or at points where a trail branched into two or more directions, or at the intersection of two trails, a heap of stones would be placed, varying from 1 to 2 or more feet in height, according to the necessity of the case, to attract attention. Upon the top of this would be fixed an elongated piece of rock so placed that the most conspicuous point projected and pointed in the course to be followed. This was continued sometimes at intervals of several miles unless indistinct portions of a trail or intersections demanded a repetition at shorter distances.

A knowledge of the prevalence of this custom proved very beneficial to the early prospectors and pioneers.

Stone circles and stone heaps of irregular form were also met with, which to a casual observer might be misleading. These resulted from previous deposits of edible pine nuts, which had been heaped upon the ground and covered over with stones, grass, and earth to prevent their destruction by birds and rodents. These deposits were placed along the trails in the timbered regions to afford sustenance to Indians who had failed in the hunt, or who might not reach camp in time to prevent suffering from hunger.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXX

ROCK PAINTINGS IN AZUZA CAÑON, CALIFORNIA.]

Plate LXXX (A, B, C) represents colored pictographs found by Dr. Hoffman in 1884 on the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, also known as the Azuza Cañon, Los Angeles County, California. Its description is as follows:

A and B are copies, one-sixteenth natural size, of rock painting found in the Azuza Cañon, 30 miles northeast of Los Angeles, California.

The bowlder upon which the paintings occur measures 8 feet long, about 4 feet high, and the same in width. The figures occur on the eastern side of the rock, so that the left arm of the human figure on the right points toward the north.

The map (C) at the bottom of the plate presents the topography of the immediate vicinity and the relative positions of the rocks bearing the two illustrations. The map is drawn on a scale of 1,000 yards to the inch.

The stream is the North Fork of the San Gabriel River, and is hemmed in by precipitous mountains, with the exception of two points marked _c_, _c_, over which the old Indian trail passed in going from the Mojave Desert on the north to the San Gabriel Valley below, this course being the nearest for reaching the mission settlements at San Gabriel and Los Angeles. In attempting to follow the water-course the distance would be greatly increased and a rougher trail encountered. The pictograph A, painted on the rock marked _b_ on the map C, shows characters in pale yellow, upon a bowlder of almost white granite, which are partly obliterated by weathering and annual floods, though still enough remains to indicate that the right-hand figure is directing the observer to the northeast, although upon taking that course it would be necessary to round the point a short distance to the west. It may have been placed as a notification of direction to those Indians who might have come up the cañon instead of on the regular trail. Farther west, at the spot marked _a_ on the map, is a granite bowlder bearing a large number of paintings part of which have become almost obliterated. These were drawn with red ocher (ferric oxide). A selection of these is shown in B on the plate. This is on the western face of the rock, almost vertical. This also appears to refer to the course of the trail, which might readily be lost on account of the numerous mountain ridges and spurs. The left-hand figure appears to place the left hand upon a series of ridges, as if showing pantomimically the rough and ridged country over the mountains.

The middle figure represents gesture, which in its present connection may indicate direction, of the trail, _i. e._, toward the left, or northward in an up-hill course, as indicated by the arm and leg, and southward, or downward, as suggested by the lower inclination of the leg, and lower forearm and hand on the right of the illustration.

The right-hand figure, although similar in manner of delineating gesture and general resemblance to the Shoshonian method, is not yet determined in that connection.

These illustrations, as well as other pictographs on the same rock, not at present submitted, bear remarkable resemblance to the general type of Shoshonian drawing, and from such evidence as is now attainable it appears more than probable that they are of Chemehuevi origin, as that tribe at one time ranged thus far west, though north of the mountains, and also visited the valley and settlements at Los Angeles at stated intervals to trade. It is also known that the Mojaves came at stated periods to Los Angeles as late as 1845, and the trail indicated at point _a_ of the map would appear to have been their most practicable and convenient route. There is strong evidence that the Mokis sometimes visited the Pacific coast and might readily have taken this same course, marking the important portion of the route by drawings in the nature of guide boards.

CHARTS OF GEOGRAPHIC FEATURES.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman states that when at Grapevine Springs, Nevada, in 1871, the Pai-Uta living at that locality informed the party of the exact location of Las Vegas, the objective point. The Indian sat upon the sand, and with the palms of his hands formed an oblong ridge to represent Spring Mountain, and southeast of this ridge another gradual slope, terminating on the eastern side more abruptly; over the latter he passed his fingers to represent the side valleys running eastward. He then took a stick and showed the direction of the old Spanish trail running east and west over the lower portion of the last-named ridge.

When this was completed the Indian looked at the members of the party, and with a mixture of English, Spanish, Pai-Uta, and gesture signs, told them that from where they were now they would have to go southward, east of Spring Mountain, to the camp of Pai-Uta Charlie, where they would have to sleep; then indicating a line southeastward to another spring (Stump’s) to complete the second day; then he followed the line representing the Spanish trail to the east of the divide of the second ridge above named, where he left it, and passing northward to the first valley, he thrust the short stick into the ground and said, “Las Vegas.”

It is needless to say that the information was found to be correct and of considerable value to the party.

Schoolcraft (Vol. I, p. 334, Pl. 47, Fig. B) mentions that the discovery, on one of the tributaries of the Susquehanna River, “of an Indian map drawn on stone, with intermixed devices, a copy of which appears in the first volume of the collections of the Historical Committee of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia, proves, although it is thus far isolated, that stone was also employed in that branch of inscription. This discovery was in the area occupied by the Lenapees, who are known to have practiced the art, which they called Ola Walum.”

The Tegua Pueblos, of New Mexico, “traced upon the ground a sketch of their country, with the names and locations of the pueblos occupied in New Mexico,” a copy of which, “somewhat improved,” is given in Vol. III, Pacific R. R. Explorations, 1856, Part III, pp. 9, 10.

A Yuma map of the Colorado River, with the names and locations of tribes within its valley, is also figured in the last mentioned volume, page 19. The map was originally traced upon the ground.

A Pai-Uta map of the Colorado River is also figured in the same connection, which was obtained by Lieutenant Whipple and party.

Lean-Wolf, of the Hidatsa, who drew the picture of which Figure 60 is a fac-simile, made a trip on foot from Fort Berthold to Fort Buford, Dakota, to steal a horse from the Dakotas encamped there. The returning horse tracks show that he attained the object in view, and that he rode home. The following explanation of characters was made to Dr. Hoffman, at Fort Berthold, in 1881:

1. Lean-Wolf, the head only of a man to which is attached the outline of a wolf.

2. Hidatsa earth lodges, circular in form, the spots representing the pillars supporting the roof. Indian village at Fort Berthold, Dakota.

3. Human footprints; the course taken by the recorder.

4. The Government buildings at Fort Buford (square).

5. Several Hidatsa lodges (round), the occupants of which had inter-married with the Dakotas.

6. Dakota lodges.

7. A small square--a white man’s house--with a cross marked upon it, to represent a Dakota lodge. This denotes that the owner, a white man, had married a Dakota woman who dwelt there.

8. Horse tracks returning to Fort Berthold.

9. The Missouri River.

10. Tule Creek.

11. Little Knife River.

12. White Earth River.

13. Muddy Creek.

14. Yellowstone River.

15. Little Missouri River.

16. Dancing Beard Creek.

CLAIM OR DEMAND.

Stephen Powers states that the Nishinam of California have a curious way of collecting debts. “When an Indian owes another, it is held to be in bad taste, if not positively insulting, for the creditor to dun the debtor, as the brutal Saxon does; so he devises a more subtle method. He prepares a certain number of little sticks, according to the amount of the debt, and paints a ring around the end of each. These he carries and tosses into the delinquent’s wigwam without a word and goes his way; whereupon the other generally takes the hint, pays the debt, and destroys the sticks.” See Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology, Vol. III, 321.

Dr. W. J. Hoffman says, “When a patient has neglected to remunerate the Shaman [Wĭktcŏm´nĭ´ of the Yokŏtsan linguistic division] for his services, the latter prepares short sticks of wood, with bands of colored porcupine quills wrapped around them, at one end only, and every time he passes the delinquent’s lodge a certain number of them are thrown in as a reminder of the indebtedness.” See San Francisco (Cal.) Western Lancet, XI, 1882, p. 443.

MESSAGES AND COMMUNICATIONS.

Figure 61 is a letter sent by mail from a Southern Cheyenne, named Turtle-following-his-Wife, at the Cheyenne and Arapaho Agency, Indian Territory, to his son, Little-Man, at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory. It was drawn on a half-sheet of ordinary writing paper, without a word written. It was inclosed in an envelope, which was addressed to “Little-Man, Cheyenne, Pine Ridge Agency,” in the ordinary manner, written by some one at the first-named agency. The letter was evidently understood by Little-Man, as he immediately called upon Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, and was aware that the sum of $53 had been placed to his credit for the purpose of enabling him to pay his expenses in going the long journey to his father’s home in Indian Territory. Dr. McGillycuddy had, by the same mail, received a letter from Agent Dyer, inclosing $53, and explaining the reason for its being sent, which enabled him also to understand the pictographic letter. With the above explanation it very clearly shows, over the head of the figure to the left, the turtle following the turtle’s wife united with the head of the figure by a line, and over the head of the other figure, also united by a line to it, is a little man. Also over the right arm of the last-mentioned figure is another little man in the act of springing or advancing toward Turtle-following-his-Wife, from whose mouth proceed two lines, curved or hooked at the end, as if drawing the little figure towards him. It is suggested that the last-mentioned part of the pictograph is the substance of the communication, _i. e._, “come to me,” the larger figures with their name totems being the persons addressed and addressing. Between and above the two large figures are fifty-three round objects intended for dollars. Both the Indian figures have on breech-cloths, corresponding with the information given concerning them, which is that they are Cheyennes who are not all civilized or educated.

The illustration, Figure 62, was made by a native Alaskan, and represents a native of the Teninahs making a smoke signal to the people of the village on the opposite shore of a lake, so that a boat may be sent to carry the signalist across. The K’niqamūt band of the Tenina have no boats, as they live inland, and therefore resort to signaling with smoke when desiring transportation. On account of this custom they are termed “Signal People.” If the pictograph could be transmitted in advance of the necessity, the actual use of the smoke signal, with consequent delay in obtaining the boat, would be avoided.

1. Represents the mountain contour of the country.

2. A Tenina Indian.

3. Column of smoke.

4. Bird’s-eye view of the lake.

5. The settlement on opposite shore of lake.

6. Boat crossing for the signalist.

Under this head of messages and communications may be included the material objects sent as messages, many accounts of which are published. It is to be expected that graphic representations of the same or similar objects, with corresponding arrangement, should have similar significance. Among the Indians painted arrows, bearing messages when discharged, are familiar. The Turkish Selam, or flower letters, are in the same category.

The following account of a “diplomatic packet” is extracted from Schoolcraft, Vol. III, p. 306, _et seq._:

In the month of August, 1852, a message reached the President of
the United States, by a delegation of the Pueblos of Tesuque in New
Mexico, offering him friendship and intercommunication; and opening,
symbolically, a road from the Moqui country to Washington. * * *

This unique diplomatic packet consists of several articles of
symbolic import. The first is the official and ceremonial offer of
the peace-pipe. This is symbolized by a joint of the maize, five and
a half inches long, and half an inch in diameter. The hollow of the
tube is filled by leaves of a plant which represents tobacco. It is
stopped to secure the weed from falling out, by the downy yellow
under plumage of some small bird. Externally, around the center of
the stalk, is a tie of white cotton twisted string of four strands,
(not twisted by the distaff,) holding, at its end, a small tuft of
the before-mentioned downy yellow feathers, and a small wiry feather
of the same species. The interpreter has written on this, “The pipe
to be smoked by the President.” * * The object is represented in the
cut, A, [represented in Figure 63.]

The second symbol consists of two small columnar round pieces of
wood, four and a half inches long, and four-tenths in diameter,
terminating in a cone. The cone is one and a half inches long, and
is colored black; the rest of the pieces are blue; a peace color
among the Indians south, it seems, as well as north. This color has
the appearance of being produced by the carbonate of copper mixed
with aluminous earth; and reminds one strongly of the blue clays
of the Dacotahs. The wood, when cut, is white, compact, and of a
peculiar species. A notch is cut at one end of one of the pieces,
and colored yellow. A shuck of the maize, one end of which, rolled
in the shape of a cone, is bound up by cotton strings, with a small
bird’s feather, in the manner of the symbolic pipe. There is also
tied up with the symbolic sticks, one of the secondary feathers and
bits of down of a bird of dingy color. The feather is naturally
tipped with white. Together with this, the tie holds a couple of
sticks of a native plant or small seed of the prairie grass, perhaps.
It may, together with the husk of the maize, be emblematic of
their cultivation. The whole of the tie represents the Moquis. The
following cut, B, [reproduced in Figure 64,] represents this symbol:

The third object is, in every respect, like B, [reproduced in Figure
64,] and symbolizes the President of the United States. A colored
cotton cord, four feet long, unites these symbols. Six inches of
this cord is small and white. At the point of its being tied to the
long colored cord there is a bunch of small bird’s feathers. This
bunch, which symbolizes the geographical position of the Navajoes,
with respect to Washington, consists of the feathers of six species,
the colors which are pure white, blue, brown, mottled, yellow, and
dark, like the pigeon-hawk, and white, tipped with brown. (See the
preceding cut, C.)

The interpreter appends to these material effigies or devices [which
are arranged as in D, reproduced in Figure 66] the following remarks.

“These two figures represent the Moqui people and the President;
the cord is the road which separates them; the feather tied to the
cord is the meeting point; that part of the cord which is white is
intended to signify the distance between the President and the place
of meeting; and that part which is stained is the distance between
the Moqui and the same point. Your Excellency will perceive that the
distance between the Moqui and place of meeting is short, while the
other is very long.

“The last object of this communication from the high plains of New
Mexico, is the most curious, and the most strongly indicative of the
wild, superstitious notions of the Moqui mind. It consists of a
small quantity of wild honey, wrapped up in a wrapper or inner fold
of the husk of the maize, as represented in E, [reproduced in Figure
67.] It is accompanied by these remarks:

“A charm to call down rain from heaven.--To produce the effect
desired, the President must take a piece of the shuck which contains
the wild honey, chew it, and spit it upon the ground which needs
rain; and the Moquis assure him that it will come.”

The Maori used a kind of hieroglyphical or symbolical way of communication; a chief inviting another to join in a war party sent a tattooed potato and a fig of tobacco bound up together, which was interpreted to mean that the enemy was a Maori and not European by the tattoo, and by the tobacco that it represented smoke; he therefore roasted the one and eat it, and smoked the other, to show he accepted the invitation, and would join him with his guns and powder. Another sent a water-proof coat with the sleeves made of patchwork, red, blue, yellow, and green, intimating that they must wait until all the tribes were united before their force would be water-proof, _i. e._, able to encounter the European. Another chief sent a large pipe, which would hold a pound of tobacco, which was lighted in a large assembly, the emissary taking the first whiff, and then passing it round; whoever smoked it showed that he joined in the war. See Te Ika a Maui, by Rev. Richard Taylor, London, 1870.

RECORD OF EXPEDITION.

Under this head, many illustrations of which might be given besides several in this paper, see account of colored pictographs in Santa Barbara County, California, page 34 _et seq._, Plates I and II, also Lean-Wolf’s trip, Figure 60, page 158. Also, Figures 135 and 136, pages 214 and 215.

TOTEMIC.

This is one of the most striking of the special uses to which pictography has been applied by the North American Indians. For convenience, the characters may be divided into: First, tribal; Second, gentile; and Third, personal designations.

TRIBAL DESIGNATIONS.

A large number of these graphic distinctions are to be found in the Dakota Winter Counts.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports that the Tsi[c]u side of the Osage tribe, when on a war party, have the face painted red, with mud upon the cheek, below the left eye, as wide as two or more fingers.

The Hañka side of the tribe paint the face red, with a spot of mud upon the right cheek, below the eye, as wide as two or more fingers.

For an ingenious method of indicating by variation of incisions on trees, the tribal use of paint by the Absaroka and Dakota respectively, see page 62.

Figure 68 shows the tribal designation of the Kaiowa by the Dakota, taken from the winter count of Battiste Good, 1814-’15. He calls the winter “Smashed-a-Kaiowa’s-head-in winter.” The tomahawk with which it was done is in contact with the Kaiowa’s head.

The sign for Kaiowa is made by passing the hands--naturally extended--in short horizontal circles on either side of the head, and the picture is probably drawn to represent the man in the attitude of making this gesture, and not the involuntary raising of the hands upon receiving the blow, such attitudes not appearing in Battiste Good’s system.

Figure 69 is the tribal sign of the Arikara made by the Dakotas, taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1823-’24, which he calls “General- ---- -first-appeared-and-the-Dakotas-aided-in-an-attack-on-the-Rees winter”; also “Much-corn winter.”

The gun and the arrow in contact with the ear of corn show that both whites and Indians fought the Rees.

The ear of corn signifies “Ree” or Arikara Indians, who are designated in gesture language as “Corn Shellers.”

Figure 70 is the tribal designation of the Omahas by the Dakotas, taken from the winter count of Battiste Good.

A human head with cropped hair and red cheeks signifies Omaha. This tribe cuts the hair short and uses red paint upon the cheeks very extensively. This character is of frequent occurrence in Battiste Good’s count.

Figure 71 is the tribal designation of the Pani by the Dakotas, taken from Battiste Good’s winter count for the year 1704-’05.

He says: The lower legs are ornamented with slight projections resembling the marks on the bottom of an ear of corn [husks], and signifies Pani.

A pictograph for Cheyenne is given in Figure 78, page 173, with some remarks.

Figure 72 is the tribal designation for Assiniboine by the Dakotas from winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1709-’10.

The Dakota pictorial sign for Assiniboine or Hohe, which means the voice, or, as some say, the voice of the musk-ox, is the outline of the vocal organs, as they conceive them, and represents the upper lip and roof of the mouth, the tongue, the lower lip, and chin and neck. The view is lateral, and resembles the sectional aspect of the mouth and tongue.

Figure 73 is the tribal designation of the Gros Ventres, by the same tribe and on the same authority.

Two Gros Ventres were killed on the ice by the Dakotas in 1789-’90. The two are designated by two spots of blood on the ice, and _killed_ is expressed by the blood-tipped arrow against the figure of the man above. The long hair, with the red forehead, denotes the Gros Ventre. The red forehead illustrates the manner of applying war paint, and applies, also, to the Arikara and Absaroka Indians, in other Dakota records. The horizontal blue band signifies ice.

Stephen Powers says (Contrib. to N. A. Ethnology, III, p. 109) the Mattoal, of California, differ from other tribes in that the men tattoo. “Their distinctive mark is a round blue spot in the center of the forehead.”

He adds: Among the Mattoal--

The women tattoo pretty much, all over their faces.

In respect to this matter of tattooing there is a theory entertained
by some old pioneers which may be worth the mention. They hold that
the reason why the women alone tattoo in all other tribes is that
in case they are taken captives their own people may be able to
recognize them when there comes an opportunity of ransom. There are
two facts which give some color of probability to this reasoning.
One is that the California Indians are rent into such infinitesimal
divisions, any one of which may be arrayed in deadly feud against
another at any moment, that the slight differences in their dialects
would not suffice to distinguish the captive squaws. A second is that
the squaws almost never attempt any ornamental tattooing, but adhere
closely to the plain regulation mark of the tribe.

Paul Marcoy, in Travels in South America, N. Y., 1875, Vol. II, page 353, says of the Passés, Yuris, Barrés, and Chumanas, of Brazil, that they mark their faces (in tattoo) with the totem or emblem of the nation to which they belong. It is possible at a few steps distant to distinguish one nation from another.

GENTILE OR CLAN DESIGNATIONS.

Rev. J. Owen Dorsey reports of the Osages that all the old men who have been distinguished in war are painted with the decorations of their respective gentes. That of the Tsi[c]u wactake is as follows: The face is first whitened all over with white clay; then a red spot is made on the forehead, and the lower part of the face is reddened; then with the fingers the man scrapes off the white clay, forming the dark figures, by letting the natural color of the face show through.

In Schoolcraft, V, 73, 74, it is stated that by totemic marks the various families of the Ojibwa denote their affiliation. A guardian spirit has been selected by the progenitor of a family from some object in the zoological chain. The representative device of this is called the totem. A warrior’s totem never wants honors in their reminiscences, and the mark is put on his grave-post, or _adjedatig_, when he is dead. In his funeral pictograph he invariably sinks his personal name in that of his totem or family name. These marks are, in one sense, the surname of the clan. The personal name is not indicative of an Indian’s totem.

The same custom, according to Rev. J. Owen Dorsey, prevails among the Omahas; and with the exception of that portion which relates to the drawing of the totemic mark upon the grave post the above remarks apply also to the Dakotas, of Northern Dakota, according to the observations of Dr. Hoffman. The Pueblos, remarked Mr. James Stevenson in a conversation with the writer, depict the gens totems upon their various forms and styles of ceramic manufacture. The peculiar forms of secondary decoration also permit the article to be traced to any particular family by which it may have been produced.

PERSONAL DESIGNATIONS.

This head may be divided into (1) Insignia, or tokens of authority. (2) Connected with personal name. (3) Property marks. (4) Status of the individual. (5) Signs of particular achievement.

INSIGNIA OR TOKENS OF AUTHORITY.

A large number of examples are presented in connection with other divisions of this paper. Many more are noted in Schoolcraft, especially in Vol. I, plates 58 and 59, following page 408. In addition the following may be mentioned:

Figure 74 is a copy of a drawing made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the Hidatsa, to represent himself. The horns on his head-dress show that he is a chief. The eagle feathers on his war-bonnet, arranged in the special manner portrayed, also show high distinction as a warrior. His authority as “partisan,” or leader of a war party is represented by the elevated pipe. His name is also added with the usual line drawn from the head. He explained the outline character of the wolf, having a white body with the mouth unfinished, to show that it was hollow, nothing there, _i. e._, lean. The animal’s tail is drawn in detail and dark to distinguish it from the body.

The character for “partisan” is also shown in the Dakota winter counts for the year 1842-’43. See Plate XXIII.

Figure 75 (extracted from the First Annual Report Bureau of Ethnology, Fig. 227), drawn and explained by an Oglala Dakota, exhibits four erect pipes to show that he had led four war parties.

PERSONAL NAME.

The names of Indians as formerly adopted or bestowed among themselves were and still remain connotive, when not subjected to white influence. They very often refer to some animal, predicating an attribute or position of that animal. On account of their objective, or at least ideographic, character, they almost invariably admit of being expressed in sign-language; and for the same reason they can with the same ease be portrayed in pictographs. Abundant proof of this is given in two collections _infra_, viz., the Ogalala Roster and the Red-Cloud Census. The device generally adopted by the Dakotas to signify that an object drawn in connection with a human head or figure was a name totem or a personal name of the individual, is to connect that object with the figure by a line drawn to the head or more frequently to the mouth of the latter. The same tribes make a distinction in manifesting that the gesture-sign for the object gestured is intended to be the name of an individual, by passing the index forward from the mouth in a direct line after the conclusion of the sign for the object. This signifies, “that is his name,”--the name of the person referred to.

A similar designation of an object as a name by means of a connected line is mentioned in Kingsborough’s Mexico, Vol. I, Plate 33, part 4, and text, Vol. VI, page 150. Pedro de Alvarado, one of the companions of Cortez, was red-headed. Because of this the Mexicans called him _Tonatihu_, the “Sun,” and in their picture-writing his name was represented by a picture of that luminary attached to his person by a line.

As a general rule Indians are named at first according to a clan or gentile system, but in later life one generally acquires a new name, or perhaps several names in succession, from some special exploits or adventures. Frequently a sobriquet is given which is not complimentary. All of the names subsequently acquired as well as the original names are so connected with material objects or with substantive actions as to be expressible in a graphic picture, and also in a pictorial sign. The determination to use names of this connotive character is shown by the objective translation, whenever possible, of such European names as it became necessary for them to introduce frequently into their speech. William Penn was called _Onas_, that being the word for feather-quill in the Mohawk dialect. The name of the second French governor of Canada was Montmagny, erroneously translated to be “great mountain,” which words were correctly translated by the Iroquois into _Onontio_, and this expression becoming associated with the title has been applied to all successive Canadian governors, though the origin having been generally forgotten, it has been considered to be a metaphorical compliment. Governor Fletcher was named by the Iroquois _Cajenquiragoe_, “the great swift arrow,” not because of his speedy arrival at a critical time, as has been supposed, but because they had somehow been informed of the etymology of his name, “arrow-maker” (_Fr. fléchier_). A notable example of the adoption of a graphic illustration from a similarity in the sound of the name to known English words is given in the present paper in the Winter Count of American-Horse for the year 1865-’66, page 144, where General Maynadier is made to figure as “many deer.”

While, as before said, some tribes give names to children from considerations of birth and kinship according to a fixed rule, others confer them after solemn deliberation. They are not necessarily permanent. A diminutive form is frequently bestowed by the affection of the parent. On initiation a warrior always assumes or receives a name. Until this is established he is liable to change his name after every fight or hunt. He will generally only acknowledge the name he has himself assumed, perhaps from a dream or vision, though he may be habitually called by an entirely different name. From that reason the same man is sometimes known under several different epithets. Personal peculiarity, deformity, or accident is sure to fix a name, against which it is vain to struggle. Girls do not habitually change names bestowed in their childhood. It may also be remarked that the same precise name is often given to different individuals in the same tribe, but not so frequently in the same band, whereby the inconvenience would be increased. For this reason it is often necessary to specify the band, sometimes also the father. For instance, when the writer asked an Indian who Black-Stone, a chief mentioned in the Dakota winter counts, was, the Indian asked, first, what tribe was he; then, what band; then, who was his father; and, except in the case of very noted persons, the identity is not proved without an answer to these questions. A striking instance of this plurality of names among the Dakotas was connected with the name Sitting-Bull, belonging to the leader of the hostile band, while one of that name was almost equally noted as being the head soldier of the friendly Dakotas at Red-Cloud Agency. The present writer also found a number of Dakotas named Lone-Dog when in search of the recorder of the winter count above explained. The case may be illustrated by christian names among civilized people. At the time when a former President of the United States was the leading topic of conversation, nearly any one being asked who bore the name of Ulysses would be able to refer to General Grant, but few other christian names would convey any recognized identity. Indeed, the surname may be added and multiplicity with confusion still remain. Very few men have names so peculiar as not to find them with exact literation in the directories of the large cities.

Among the many peculiarities connected with Indian personal names, far too many for discussion here, is their avoidance of them in direct address, terms of kinship or relative age taking their place. Major J. W. Powell, in some remarks before the Anthropological Society of Washington, on the functions performed by kinship terms among Indian tribes, stated that at one time he had the Kaibab Indians, a small tribe of northern Arizona, traveling with him. The young chief was called by white men “Frank.” For several weeks he refused to give his Indian name, and Major Powell endeavored to discover it by noticing the term by which he was addressed by the other Indians; but invariably some kinship term was employed. One day in a quarrel his wife called him “Chuarumpik (Yucca-heart.)” Subsequently Major Powell questioned the young chief about the matter, who explained and apologized for the great insult which his wife had given him by stating that she was excused by great provocation. The insult consisted in calling the man by his real name.

The following is quoted for comparison with the name-system of the Indians of Guiana, from Everard F. im Thurn, _op. cit._, p. 219, _et seq._:

The system under which the Indians have their personal names is
intricate, and difficult to explain. In the first place, a name,
which may be called the proper name, is always given to a young
child soon after birth. It is said to be proper that the peaiman,
or medicine-man, should choose and give this name; but, at any rate
now, the naming seems more often left to the parents. The word
selected is generally the name of some plant, bird, or other natural
object. Among Arawak proper names may be mentioned _Yambenassi_
(night-monkey) and _Yuri-tokoro_ (tobacco-flower), and among Macusi
names _Ti-ti_ (owl), _Cheripung_ (star?), and _Simiri_ (locust-tree).
But these names seem of little use, in that owners have a very strong
objection to telling or using them, apparently on the ground that the
name is part of the man, and that he who knows the name has part of
the owner of that name in his power.

To avoid any danger of spreading knowledge of their names, one
Indian, therefore, generally addresses another only according to
the relationship of the caller and the called, as brother, sister,
father, mother, and so on; or, when there is no relationship, as
boy, girl, companion, and so on. These terms, therefore, practically
form the names actually used by Indians amongst themselves. But an
Indian is just as unwilling to tell his proper name to a white man
as to an Indian; and, of course, between the Indian and the white man
there is no relationship the term for which can serve as a proper
name. An Indian, therefore, when he has to do with a European, asks
the latter to give him a name, and if one is given to him, always
afterwards uses this. The names given in this way are generally
simple enough--John, Peter, Thomas, and so on. But sometimes they are
not sufficiently simple to be comprehended and remembered by their
Indian owners, who therefore, having induced the donor to write the
name on a piece of paper, preserve this ever after most carefully,
and whenever asked for their name by another European, exhibit the
document as the only way of answering. Sometimes, however, an Indian,
though he cannot pronounce his English names, makes it possible by
corruption. For instance, a certain Macusi Indian was known to me for
a long time as Shassapoon, which I thought was his proper name, until
it accidentally appeared that it was his ‘English name,’ he having
been named by and after one Charles Appun, a German traveler.