Chapter IX: Front Matter (9)

The original of Figure 76 was made by Lean-Wolf, second chief of the Hidatsa, for Dr. W. J. Hoffman in 1881, and represents the method which this Indian has employed to designate himself for many years past. During his boyhood he had another name. This is a current, or perhaps it may be called cursive, form of the name, which is given more elaborately in Figure 74.

Figure 77 is taken from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1841-’42. He calls the year “Pointer-made-a-commemoration-of-the-dead winter.” Also “Deep-snow winter.”

The extended index denotes the man’s name, “Pointer,” the ring and spots, deep snow.

The spots denoting snow occur also in other portions of this count, and the circle, denoting _quantity_, is also attached in Figure 141, p. 219, to a forked stick and incloses a buffalo head to signify _much meat_. That the circle is intended to signify quantity is probable, as the gesture for “much” or “quantity” is made by passing the hands upward from both sides and together before the body, describing the upper half of a circle, _i. e._, showing a heap.

Figure 78 is also from the winter count of Battiste Good for the year 1785-’86. This year he calls “The-Cheyennes-killed-Shadow’s-father winter.”

The umbrella signifies Shadow; the three marks under the arrow, Cheyenne; the blood-stained arrow in the man’s body, killed; Shadow’s name and the umbrella in the figure intimates that he was the first Dakota to carry an umbrella. The advantages of the umbrella were soon recognized by the Dakotas, and the first they obtained from the whites were highly prized.

In the record prepared by Battiste Good this is the only instance where the short vertical lines below the arrow signify Cheyenne. In all others these marks are numerical, and denote the number of persons killed. That these short lines signify Cheyenne may be attributable to a practice of that tribe, to make transverse cuts in the forearm after or before going into a conflict, as an offering or vow to the Great Spirit for success. Cheyennes are thus represented in the winter count of Cloud-Shield for 1834-’35 (see page 139) and 1878-’79 (see page 146.)

Mr. P. W. Norris has presented a buffalo robe containing a record of exploits, which was drawn by Black-Crow, a Dakota warrior, several years ago. The peculiarity of the drawings is, that the warrior is represented in each instance in an upright position, the accompanying figure being always in a recumbent posture, representing the enemy who was slain. Instead of depicting the personal name above the fallen personage with a line connecting the two, the name of the enemy is placed above the head of the victor in each instance, a line extending between the character and the speaker or warrior whose exploits the characters represent. The latter seems to proclaim the name of his victim. A pipe is also figured between the victor and the vanquished, showing that he is entitled to smoke a pipe of celebration.

A copy of the whole record was shown to the Mdewakantawan Dakotas, near Fort Snelling, Minnesota, in 1883, and the character reproduced in Figure 79, about which there was the most doubt, was explained as signifying “many tongues,” _i. e._, Loud-Talker, being the name of the person killed.

The circle at the end of the line running from the mouth contains a number of lanceolate forms, the half of each of which is black, the other white. They have the appearance of feathers. These figures signify voice, the sounds as issuing from the mouth, and correspond in some respect to those drawn by the Mexicans with that significance. The considerable number of these figures, signifying intensity, denotes loud voice, or, as given literally, “loud talker,” that being the name of the victim.

It is however to be noted that “Shield,” an Oglala Dakota, says the character signifies Feather-Shield, the name of a warrior formerly living at the Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota.

AN OGALALA ROSTER.

Plates LII to LVIII represent a pictorial roster of the heads of families, eighty-four in number, in the band or perhaps clan of Chief Big-Road, and were obtained by Rev. S. D. Hinman at Standing Rock Agency, Dakota, in 1883, from the United States Indian agent, Major McLaughlin, to whom the original was submitted by Chief Big-Road when brought to that agency and required to give an account of his followers.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LII

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“BIG-ROAD” AND BAND]

Chief Big-Road and his people belong to the Northern Ogalala (accurately Oglala), and were lately hostile, having been associated with Sitting-Bull in various depredations and hostilities against both settlers and the United States authorities. Mr. Hinman states that the translations of the names were made by the agency interpreter, and although not as complete as might be, are, in the whole, satisfactory. Chief Big-Road “is a man of fifty years and upwards, and is as ignorant and uncompromising a savage, in mind and appearance, as one could well find at this late date.”

The drawings in the original are on a single sheet of foolscap paper, made with black and colored pencils, and a few characters are in yellow ocher--water-color paint. On each of the seven plates, into which the original is here divided from the requirements of the mode of publication, the first figure in the upper left-hand corner represents, as stated, the chief of the sub-band, or perhaps, “family” in the Indian sense.

On five of the plates the chief has before him a decorated pipe and pouch, the design of each being distinct from the others. On Plates LIV and LV the upper left hand figure does not have a pipe, which leads to the suspicion that, contrary to the information so far received, the whole of the figures from Nos. 11 to 45 inclusive, on Plates LIII, LIV, and LV, constitute one band under the same chief, viz., No. 11. In that case Nos. 23 and 36 would appear to be leaders of subordinate divisions of that band. Each of the five chiefs has at least three transverse bands on the cheek, with differentiation of the pattern.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIII

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“LOW-DOG” AND BAND]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIV

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“THE-BEAR-SPARES-HIM” AND BAND]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LV

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“HAS-A-WAR-CLUB” AND BAND]

It will be noticed that each figure throughout the plates, which carries before it a war club, is decorated with three red transverse bands, but that of No. 30, on Plate LIV, and No. 48 on Plate LVI, have the three bands without a war club.

The other male figures seem in some instances to have each but a single red band; in others two bands, red and blue, but the drawing is so indistinct as to render this uncertain.

It will be observed, also, that in four instances (Nos. 14, 44, 45, and 72) women are depicted as the surviving heads of families. Their figures do not have the transverse bands on the cheek.

Also that the five chiefs do not have the war club, their rank being shown by pipe and pouch. Those men who are armed with war clubs, which are held vertically before the person, indicate (in accordance with a similar custom among other branches of the Dakota Nation, in which, however, the pipe is held instead of the club) that the man has at some time led war parties on his own account. See pages 118 and 139.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVI

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“WALL-DOG” AND BAND]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVII

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“IRON-CROW” AND BAND]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LVIII

AN OGALALA ROSTER--“LITTLE-HAWK” AND BAND]

_English names of the figures in the Ogalala Roster._

No. 1. Big-road.
2. Bear-looking-behind.
3. Brings-back-plenty.
4. White buffalo.
5. The-real-hawk.
6. Shield-boy.
7. The-bear-stops.
8. Wears-the-feather.
9. Dog-eagle.
10. Red-horn-bull.
11. Low-dog.
12. Charging-hawk.
13. White-tail.
14. Blue-cloud (woman).
15. Shield.
16. Little-eagle.
17. Spotted-skunk.
18. White-bear.
19. White-hair.
20. His-fight.
21. Center-feather.
22. Kills-Crows (Indians).
23. The-bear-spares-him.
24. White-plume.
25. Fears-nothing.
26. Red-crow.
27. The-last-bear.
28. Bird-man.
29. Horse-with-horns.
30. Fast-elk.
31. Chief-boy.
32. Spotted-elk.
33. Carries-the-badger.
34. Red-earth-woman.
35. Eagle-clothing.
36. Has-a-war-club.
37. Little-buffalo.
38. Has-a-point (weapon.)
39. Returning-scout.
40. Little-killer.
41. Whistler.
42. Tongue.
43. Black-elk.
44. Lone-woman.
45. Deaf-woman.
46. Long-dog. Erroneously printed Wall dog on Plate LVI.
47. Iron-hawk.
48. Pretty-weasel.
49. Short-buffalo.
50. Bull-with-bad-heart.
51. Four-crows.
52. Tall-white-man.
53. Eagle-hawk.
54. Lone-man.
55. Causes-trouble-ahead.
56. Makes-dirt (“foul”).
57. Black-road.
58. Shot-close.
59. Iron-crow.
60. Running-horse.
61. Owns-an-animal-with-horns.
62. Blue-cloud-man.
63. Fingers.
64. Sacred-teeth.
65. Searching-cloud.
66. Female-elk-boy.
67. Little-owl.
68. Pretty-horse.
69. Running-eagle.
70. Makes-enemy.
71. Prairie-chicken.
72. Red-flute-woman.
73. Little-hawk.
74. Standing-buffalo.
75. Standing-bear.
76. Iron-white-man.
77. Bear-whirlwind.
78. Sacred-crow.
79. Blue-hawk.
80. Hard-to-kill.
81. Iron-boy.
82. Painted-rock.
83. Yellow-wolf.
84. Made-an-enemy.

The information yet obtained from the author of the pictograph concerning its details is meager, and as it will probably be procured no unimportant conjectures are now hazarded. It is presented for the ideography shown, which may in most cases be understood from the translation of the several names into English as given in the preceding list. A few remarks of explanation, occurring to the writer, may be added:

No. 34, on plate LIV, with the translation Red-earth-woman, appears from the scalp-lock and the warrior’s necklace to be a man, and Red-earth-woman to be his name.

No. 62 on Plate LVII, probably refers to an Ogalala who was called Arapaho, the interpretation, as well as the blue cloud, being in the Dakota language “Blue cloud,” a term by which the Arapaho Indians are known to the Dakotas, as several times mentioned in this paper. In No. 65, Plate LVII, the cloud is drawn in blue, the _searching_ being derived from the expression of that idea in gesture by passing the extended index of one hand (or both) forward from the eye, then from right to left, as if indicating various uncertain localities before the person, _i. e._, searching for something. The lines from the eyes are in imitation of this gesture.

In No. 77, Plate LVIII, is a reproduction of the character given in Red-Cloud’s Census, No. 133. See Plate LXVII. The figure appears, according to the explanation given by several Ogalala Dakota Indians, to signify the course of a whirlwind, with the transverse lines in imitation of the circular movement of the air, dirt, leaves, etc., observed during such aërial disturbances.

In No. 78 of the same plate the lines above the bird’s head again appear to signify _sacred_, _mystic_, usually termed “medicine” in other records. Similar lines are in No. 64, Plate LVII.

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.

The pictorial census, shown in Plates LIX to LXXIX, was prepared under the direction of Red-Cloud, chief of the Dakota at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota Territory, about two years ago. The individuals referred to and enumerated are the adherents of Red-Cloud, and do not represent all the Indians at that Agency. Owing to some disagreement the agent refused to acknowledge that chief as head of the Indians at the agency, and named another as the official chief. The Indians under Red-Cloud exhibited their allegiance to him by attaching, or having their names attached, to seven sheets of ordinary manilla paper, which were sent to Washington and, while in the custody of Dr. T. A. Bland, of that city, were kindly loaned by him to the Bureau of Ethnology to be copied by photography. The different sheets were apparently drawn by different persons, as the drawings of human heads vary enough to indicate individuality.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LIX

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LX

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXI

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIV

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXV

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVI

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-CLOUD’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-SHIRT’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXVIII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-SHIRT’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXIX

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-SHIRT’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXX

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--BLACK-DEER’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXI

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--BLACK-DEER’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--BLACK-DEER’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-HAWK’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIV

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--RED-HAWK’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXV

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--HIGH-WOLF’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVI

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--HIGH-WOLF’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--GUN’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXVIII

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--GUN’S BAND.]

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXIX

RED-CLOUD’S CENSUS.--SECOND BLACK-DEER’S BAND.]

The first sheet of the original series contains in the present series of plates Nos. 1-130; the second sheet, Nos. 131-174; third sheet, Nos. 175-210; fourth sheet, Nos. 211-235; fifth sheet, Nos. 236-253; sixth sheet, Nos. 254-277; seventh sheet, Nos. 278-289. This arrangement seems to imply seven bands or, perhaps, gentes.

Dr. V. T. McGillycuddy, Indian agent at Pine Ridge Agency, Dakota, in correspondence, gives the impression that the several pictographs, representing names, were attached as signatures by the several individuals to a subscription list for Dr. T. A. Bland, before mentioned, the editor of The Council Fire, in support of that publication, and with an agreement that each should give twenty-five cents. The subscribers were, in fact, the adherents of Red-Cloud. The motive for the collection of pictured names is of little consequence, its interest, as that of the foregoing Ogalala Roster, being in the mode of their portrayal, together with the assurance that they were the spontaneous and genuine work of the Indians concerned.

Many suggestions regarding the origin of heraldry and that of proper names can be obtained from this and the preceding series of plates.

The translation of the names corresponding with the figures is as follows:

_English names of the figures in Red-Cloud’s census._

No. 1. Chief Red-Cloud.
2. Top-Man.
3. Slow-Bear.
4. He-Dog.
5. Little Chief.
6. Red-Shirt.
7. White-Hawk.
8. Cloud Shield.
9. Good-Weasel.
10. Afraid-Eagle.
11. Bear-Brains.
12. War-Bonnet.
13. Little-Soldier.
14. Little-Dog.
15. Call-for.
16. Short-Bull.
17. White-Bird.
18. Painted-Face.
19. Iron-Beaver.
20. Big-Leggings.
21. Only-Man.
22. Mad-Hearted-Bull.
23. Running-Eagle.
24. Ring-Cloud.
25. White-Bird.
26. Arapaho.
27. Steals-Horses.
28. Kills-by-the-Camp.
29. Iron-Hawk.
30. Knock-a-hole-in-the-head.
31. Runs-around.
32. Kills-in-tight-place.
33. Scratch-the-Belly.
34. Singer.
35. Walking-Bull-Track.
36. War-Eagle.
37. Tree-in-the-Face.
38. Kills-the-Enemy-at-Night.
39. Wears-the-Bonnet.
40. War-Bonnet.
41. Shot-in-front-the-Lodge.
42. Kills-in-Lodge.
43. Kills-at-Night.
44. Tall-White-Man.
45. Strike-First.
46. Smoking-Bear.
47. Hump.
48. Shot-Close.
49. Blue-Horse.
50. Red-Elk.
51. Only-Man.
52. Bear-comes-out.
53. Poor-Elk.
54. Blue-Handle.
55. Bad-Yellow-Hair.
56. Runs-by-the-Enemy.
57. Torn-Belly.
58. Roman-Nose.
59. Old-Cloud.
60. High-Cloud.
61. Bear-Looks-Back.
62. Shield-Bear.
63. Sees-the-Enemy.
64. Biting-Bear.
65. Cut-Through.
66. Red-Owl.
67. Good-Bird.
68. Red-Fly.
69. Kills-Enemy-at-Night.
70. Flat-Iron.
71. White-Horse.
72. Cheyenne-Butcher.
73. Red-Eagle.
74. Kills-Back.
75. Red-Bear.
76. Poor-Bear.
77. Runs-off-the-Horse.
78. Bald-Eagle.
79. Shot-at.
80. Little-Ring.
81. Runs-off-the-Horses.
82. Hard-Ground.
83. Shot-at-his-horse.
84. Red-Deer.
85. Yellow-Fox.
86. Feather-on-his-head.
87. Little-Bear.
88. Spotted-Horse.
89. Takes-the-Gun.
90. Spotted-Face.
91. Got-there-first.
92. Leaves.
93. Big-Voice.
94. Poor-Dog.
95. Goes-through-the-Camp.
96. Big-Road.
97. Brings-lots-of-horses.
98. Little-Shell.
99. Gap.
100. Fills-the-Pipe.
101. Lodge-Roll.
102. Red-Bull.
103. Runs-his-Horse.
104. Licks-with-his-tongue.
105. Old-Horse.
106. Tracks.
107. Bob-tail-Horse.
108. White-Elk.
109. Little-Sun.
110. Keeps-the-Battle.
111. High-Cloud.
112. Bone-Necklace.
113. Goes-Walking.
114. Iron-Horse.
115. Blue-Hatchet.
116. Eagle-Bird.
117. Iron-Bird.
118. Long-Panther.
119. Bull-Lance.
120. Black-Horse.
121. Pook-Skunk.
122. Own-the-Arrows.
123. Shot.
124. Red-Boy.
125. Bear-Head.
126. Hard.
127. Eagle-Horse.
128. Blue-Bird.
129. Good-Bird.
130. Caught-the-Enemy.
131. Leafing.
132. Horned-Horse.
133. White-Whirlwind.
134. Wolf-Ear.
135. Afraid-of-Elk.
136. Feathers.
137. Tall-Man.
138. Elk-Head.
139. Ring-Owl.
140. Standing-Bear.
141. Small-Ring.
142. Charging-Hawk.
143. Afraid-of-Bull.
144. Medicine-Horse.
145. Two-Eagles.
146. Red-Shirt.
147. Bear-Nostrils.
148. Spotted-Horse.
149. Afraid-of-Bear.
150. Little-Bull.
151. Red-Hawk.
152. Bear-Paw.
153. Eagle-Horse.
154. Red-Beaver.
155. Spotted-Eagle.
156. Little-Crow.
157. Black-Horse.
158. Mouse.
159. Count-the-Nights.
160. White-Eagle.
161. Five-Thunders.
162. White-Horse.
163. Killed-First.
164. Scout.
165. Yellow-Horse.
166. Charge-After.
167. Black-Bear.
168. Kills-the-Enemy.
169. Wolf-stands on-a-Hill.
170. Eagle-Bear.
171. Little-Wolf.
172. Spotted-Elk.
173. Elk-walking-with-his-Voice.
174. Weasel-Bear.
175. Black-Elk.
176. Takes-Enemy.
177. Poor-Bull.
178. Eagle-Elk.
179. Thunder-Pipe.
180. Horse-comes-out.
181. Old-Mexican.
182. Shield.
183. Keeps-the-Battle.
184. Wolf-stands on-Hill.
185. Bear-Comes-Out.
186. Good-Bull.
187. Fog.
188. Bear-that-growls.
189. Drags-the-rope.
190. White-tail.
191. Feathers.
192. Fighting-Cuss.
193. Horned-Horse.
194. Enemies-hit-him.
195. Black-Bear.
196. Red-War-Bonnet.
197. Black-Weasel.
198. Smokes-at-Night.
199. Little-Cloud.
200. Good-Bull.
201. Medicine.
202. Stone-Necklace.
203. Bad-Horn.
204. High-Eagle.
205. Black-Bull.
206. Man-with-heart.
207. Little-Ring.
208. Goes-in-Front.
209. Little-Fighter.
210. Mean-Boy.
211. Red-Hawk.
212. White-Bear.
213. Many-Shells.
214. Yellow-Knife.
215. Crazy-Head.
216. Shoots-the-Animal.
217. Kills-two.
218. Fast-Horse.
219. Big-Turnip.
220. Yellow-Owl.
221. Red-Bull.
222. Garter.
223. Black-Fox.
224. Kills-two.
225. Grasp.
226. Medicine.
227. Leaves.
228. Big-Hand.
229. Gun.
230. Bad-Boy.
231. Warrior.
232. Afraid-of-Him.
233. Cloud-Ring.
234. Kills-the-Bear.
235. Comes-in-Sight.
236. Sits-like-a-Woman.
237. Surrounds-them.
238. High-Bear.
239. Don’t-turn.
240. Black-Bird.
241. Swallow.
242. Little-Elk.
243. Little-Bird.
244. Bear-Back.
245. Little-Back.
246. Buffalo-Horn.
247. Iron-Bird.
248. Bull.
249. Eagle-Track.
250. Medicine-Bird.
251. Fox.
252. White-Bear.
253. Tall-Panther.
254. Gun.
255. Ring.
256. Beads.
257. Wolf.
258. Black-Horse.
259. White-Horse.
260. Spotted-Owl.
261. Don’t-turn.
262. Red-Star.
263. Big-Voiced-Eagle.
264. White-Elk.
265. Porcupine.
266. Noon.
267. Warrior.
268. Eagle-Feather.
269. Round.
270. Big-Thunder.
271. Shot-His-Horse.
272. Red-Bear.
273. Little-Moon.
274. Feather-Necklace.
275. Fast-Elk.
276. Black-Bull.
277. Light.
278. Black-Deer.
279. White-Cow-Man.
280. Horse----the-Clothing.
281. Stabber.
282. Eagle-Swallow.
283. Afraid-of-him.
284. Red-Boy.
285. Dog-with-good-voice.
286. Tall-Pine.
287. Pipe.
288. Few-Tails.
289. Medicine-man.

The remark made above (page 176) in connection with the Ogalala Roster, acknowledging the paucity of direct information as to details while presenting the pictographs as sufficiently interpreted for the present purposes by the translation of the personal names, may be here repeated. The following notes are, however, subjoined as of some assistance to the reader:

No. 2. Top-man, or more properly “man above,” is drawn a short distance above a curved line, which represents the character for sky inverted. The gesture for sky is sometimes made by passing the hand from east to west describing an arc. The Ojibwa pictograph for the same occurs in Plate IV, No. 1, beneath which a bird appears.

No. 9. The character is represented with two waving lines passing upward from the mouth, in imitation of the gesture-sign _good talk_, _spiritual talk_, as made by passing two extended and separated fingers (or all fingers separated) upward and forward from the mouth. This gesture is made when referring either to a shaman or to a christian clergyman, or to a house of worship, and the name seems to have been translated here as “good,” without sufficient emphasis, being probably more with the idea of “mystic.”

No. 15. The gesture for _come_ or _to call to one’s self_ is shown in this figure.

No. 24. The semicircle for cloud is the reverse in conception to that shown above in No. 2.

No. 26. Arapaho, in Dakota, magpiyato--_blue cloud_--is here shown by a circular cloud, drawn in blue in the original, inclosing the head of a man.

No. 38. Night appears to be indicated by the black circle around the head, suggested by the _covering over with darkness_, as shown in the gesture for night by passing both flat hands from their respective sides inwards and downwards before the body. The sign for _kill_ is denoted here by the bow in contact with the head, a custom in practice among the Dakota of striking the dead enemy with the bow or _coup_ stick. See also Figure 130, page 211.

No. 43. Night is here shown by the curve for _sky_, and the suspension, beneath it, of a star, or more properly in Dakota signification, a _night sun_--the moon.

No. 59. Cloud is drawn in blue in the original; _old_ is signified by drawing a staff in the hand of the man. The gesture for old is made in imitation of walking with a staff.

No. 69. This drawing is similar to No. 38. The differentiation is sufficient to allow of a distinction between the two characters, each representing the same name, though two different men.

No. 131. The uppermost character is said to be drawn in imitation of a number of fallen leaves lying against one another, and has reference to the season when leaves fall--autumn.

No. 161. The thunder-bird is here drawn with five lines--voices--issuing from the mouth.

No. 201. The waving lines above the head signify _sacred_, and are made in gesture in a similar manner as that for _prayer_ and _voice_ in No. 9.

No. 236. This person is also portrayed in a recent Dakota record, where the character is represented by the “woman seated” only. The name of this man is not “Sits-like-a-Woman,” but High-Wolf--Shúnka mánita wa^ngátia. This is an instance of giving one name in a pictograph and retaining another by which the man is known in camp to his companions.

No. 250. The word medicine is in the Indian sense, before explained, and would be more correctly expressed by the word _sacred_, or _mystic_, as is also indicated by the waving lines issuing from the mouth.

No. 289. The character for _sacred_ again appears, attached to the end of the line issuing from the mouth.

PROPERTY MARKS.

The Serrano Indians in the vicinity of Los Angeles, California, formerly practiced a method of marking trees to indicate the corner boundaries of patches of land. According to Hon. A. F. Coronel, of the above-named city, the Indians owning areas of territory of whatever size would cut lines upon the bark of the tree corresponding to certain cheek lines drawn on their own faces, _i. e._, lines running outward and downward over the cheeks or perhaps over the chin only, tattooed in color. These lines were made on the trees on the side facing the property, and were understandingly recognized by all. The marks were personal and distinctive, and when adopted by land owners could not be used by any other person. This custom still prevailed when Mr. Coronel first located in Southern California, about the year 1843. So is the account, but it may be remarked that the land was probably owned or claimed by a gens rather than by individuals, the individual ownership of land not belonging to the stage of culture of any North American Indians. Perhaps some of the leading members of the gens were noted in connection with the occupancy of the land, and their tattoo marks were the same as those on the trees. The correspondence of these marks is of special importance. It is also noteworthy that the designations common to the men and the trees were understood and respected.

Among the Arikara Indians a custom prevails of drawing upon the blade of a canoe or bull-boat paddle such designs as are worn by the chief and owner to suggest his personal exploits. This has to great extent been adopted by the Hidatsa and the Mandans. The marks are chiefly horseshoes and crosses (see Figure 80), referring to the capture of the enemy’s ponies and to _coups_ in warfare or defense against enemies.

The squaws being the persons who generally use the boats during the course of their labors in collecting wood along the river banks, or in ferrying their warriors across the water, have need of this illustration of their husbands’ prowess as a matter of social status, it being also a matter of pride. The entire tribe being intimately acquainted with the courage and bravery of any individual, imposition and fraud in the delineation of any character are not attempted, as such would surely be detected and the impostor would be ridiculed if not ostracised. See in connection with the design last figured, others under the heading of Signs of Particular Achievements, page 186.

The brands upon cattle in Texas and other regions of the United States where ranches are common, illustrate the modern use of property marks. A collection of these brands made by the writer compares unfavorably for individuality and ideography with the marks of Indians for similar purposes.

The following translation from Kunst and Witz der Neger (Art and Ingenuity of the Negro) is inserted for the purpose of comparison between Africa and America. The article was published at Munich, Bavaria, in Das Ausland, 1884, No. 1, p. 12.

“Whenever a pumpkin of surprisingly fine appearance is growing, which promises to furnish a desirable water-vase, the proprietor hurries to distinguish it by cutting into it some special mark with his knife, and probably superstitious feelings may co-operate in this act. I have reproduced herewith the best types of such property marks which I have been able to discover.”

These property marks are reproduced in Figure 81.

STATUS OF THE INDIVIDUAL.

Several notices of pictographs under this head appear in other parts of this paper; among others, designations of chiefs, sub-chiefs, partisans, medicine men or shamans, horse thieves, and squaw men, are shown in the Winter Counts and in the Ogalala Roster. See also Figure 120, page 204. Captives are drawn in Figure 180, page 242. With reference to the status of women as married or single see pages 64 and 232. For widow, see page 197. Marks for higher and lower classes are mentioned on page 64.

To these may be added the following, contributed by Mr. Gatschet: Half-breed girls among the Klamaths of Oregon appear to have but one perpendicular line tattooed down over the chin, while the full-blood women have four perpendicular lines on the chin. Tattooing, when practiced at this day, is performed with needles, the color being prepared from charcoal.

SIGNS OF PARTICULAR ACHIEVEMENTS.

Eagle feathers are worn by the Hidatsa Indians to denote acts of courage or success in war. The various markings have different significations, as is shown in the following account, which, with sketches of the features made from the original objects, were obtained by Dr. Hoffman from the Hidatsa at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during 1881.

A feather, to the tip of which is attached a tuft of down or several strands of horse-hair, dyed red, denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy and that he was the first to touch or strike him with the coup stick. Figure 82.

A feather bearing one red bar, made with vermilion, signifies the wearer to have been the second person to strike the fallen enemy with the coup stick. Figure 83.

A feather bearing two red bars signifies that the wearer was the third person to strike the body. Figure 84.

A feather with three bars signifies that the wearer was the fourth to strike the fallen enemy. Figure 85. Beyond this number honors are not counted.

A red feather denotes that the wearer was wounded in an encounter with an enemy. Figure 86.

A narrow strip of rawhide or buckskin is wrapped from end to end with porcupine quills dyed red, though sometimes a few white ones are inserted to break the monotony of color; this strip is attached to the inner surface of the rib or shaft of the quill by means of very thin fibers of sinew. This signifies that the wearer killed a woman belonging to a hostile tribe. The figure so decorated is shown in Figure 87. In very fine specimens it will be found that the quills are directly applied to the shaft without resorting to the strap of leather.

The following scheme, used by the Dakotas, is taken from Dahcotah, or Life and Legends of the Sioux around Fort Snelling, by Mrs. Mary Eastman. New York, 1849. Colors are not given, but red undoubtedly predominates, as is known from personal observation.

A spot upon the larger web denotes that the wearer has killed an enemy. Figure 88.

Figure 89 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy, and taken his scalp.

Figure 90 denotes that the wearer has cut the throat of his enemy.

Figure 91 denotes that the wearer was the third that touched the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Figure 92 denotes that the wearer was the fourth that touched the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Figure 93 denotes that the wearer was the fifth that touched the body of his enemy after he was killed.

Figure 94 denotes the wearer has been wounded in many places by his enemy.

The following variations in the scheme were noticed in 1883 among the Mdewakantawan Dakotas near Fort Snelling, Minnesota.

In personal ornamentation, and for marks of distinction in war, feathers of the eagle are used as among the other bands of Dakotas.

A plain feather is used to signify that the wearer has killed an enemy, without regard to the manner in which he was slain.

When the end is clipped transversely, and the edge colored red, it signifies that the throat of the enemy was cut.

A black feather denotes that an Ojibwa woman was killed. Enemies are considered as Ojibwas, the latter being the tribe with whom the Mdewakantawan Dakotas have had most to do.

When a warrior has been wounded a red spot is painted upon the broad side of a feather. If the wearer has been shot in the body, arms, or legs, a similar spot, in red, is painted upon his clothing or blanket, immediately over the locality. These red spots are sometimes worked in porcupine quills, or in cotton fiber as obtained from the traders.

Marks denoting similar exploits are used by the Hidatsa, Mandan, and Arikara Indians. The Hidatsa claim to have been the originators of the devices, which were subsequently adopted by the Arikara with slight variation. All of the information with reference to the following figures, 95 to 103, was obtained by Dr. W. J. Hoffman, from chiefs of the several tribes at Fort Berthold, Dakota, during the summer of 1881.

The following characters are marked upon robes and blankets, usually in red or blue colors, and often upon the boat paddles. Frequently an Indian may be seen who has them even painted upon his thighs, though this is generally resorted to only on festal occasions, or for dancing:

Figure 95 denotes that the wearer successfully defended himself against the enemy by throwing up a ridge of earth or sand to protect the body.

Figure 96 signifies that the wearer has upon two different occasions defended himself by hiding his body within low earthworks. The character is merely a compound of two of the preceding marks placed together.

Figure 97 signifies that the one who carries this mark upon his blanket, leggings, boat paddle, or any other property, or his person, has distinguished himself by capturing a horse belonging to a hostile tribe.

Figure 98 signifies among the Hidatsa and Mandans that the wearer was the first person to strike a fallen enemy with a coup stick. It signifies among the Arikara simply that the wearer killed an enemy.

Figure 99 represents among the Hidatsa and Mandans the second person to strike a fallen enemy. It represents among the Arikara the first person to strike the fallen enemy.

Figure 100 denotes the third person to strike the enemy, according to the Hidatsa and Mandan; the second person to strike him, according to the Arikara.

Figure 101 shows among the Hidatsa and Mandan the fourth person to strike the fallen enemy. This is the highest and last number; the fifth person to risk the danger is considered brave for venturing so near the ground held by the enemy, but has no right to wear the mark.

The same mark among the Arikara represents the person to be the third to strike the enemy.

Figure 102, according to the Arikara, represents the fourth person to strike the enemy.

According to the Hidatsa, the wearer of the accompanying mark, Figure 103, would have figured in four encounters; in the two lateral ones, each, he was the second to strike the fallen enemy, and in the upper and lower spaces it would signify that he was the third person upon two occasions.

The mark of a black hand, sometimes made by the impress of an actually blackened palm, or drawn natural size or less, was found upon articles of Ojibwa manufacture in the possession of Hidatsa and Arikara Indians at Fort Berthold, Dakota, in 1881. These Indians say it is an old custom, and signifies that the person authorized to wear the mark has killed an enemy. The articles upon which the designs occurred came from Red Lake Reservation, Minnesota, the Indians of the latter locality frequently going west to Fort Berthold to trade bead and other work for horses.

Further signs of particular achievements are given in Figures 174, 175, 176, 177, and 179, and others may be noticed frequently in the Dakota Winter Counts.

RELIGIOUS.

Under this head pictographs already known may be divided into those relating to--

1. Mythic personages.

2. Shamanism.

3. Dances and ceremonies.

4. Mortuary practices.

5. Charms and fetiches.

MYTHIC PERSONAGES.

Reference may be made to the considerable number of pictographs of this character in Schoolcraft, more particularly in his first volume; also to the Walum-Olum or Bark-Record of the Lenni-Lenape, which was published in Beach’s “Indian Miscellany,” Albany, 1877; and since in The Lenâpé and their Legends: By Dr. D. G. Brinton. Several examples are also to be found in other parts of the present paper.

Some forms of the Thunder-Bird are here presented, as follows:

Figures 104 and 105 are forms of the thunder-bird found in 1883 among the Dakotas near Fort Snelling, drawn and interpreted by themselves. They are both winged and have waving lines extending from the mouth downward, signifying lightning. It is noticeable that Figure 105 placed vertically, then appearing roughly as an upright human figure, is almost identically the same as some of the Ojibwa meda or spirit figures represented in Schoolcraft, and also on a bark Ojibwa record in the possession of the writer.

Figure 106 is another and more cursive form of the thunder-bird obtained at the same place and time as those immediately preceding. It is wingless, and, with changed position or point of view, would suggest a headless human figure.

The blue thunder-bird, Figure 107, with red breast and tail, is a copy of one worked in beads, found at Mendota, Minnesota. At that place stories were told of several Indians who had presentiments that the thunder-bird was coming to kill them, when they would so state the case to their friends that they might retire to a place of safety, while the victim of superstition would go out to an elevated point of land or upon the prairie to await his expected doom.

Frequently, no doubt on account of the isolated and elevated position of the person in a thunder storm, accidents of this kind do occur, thus giving notoriety to the presentiment above mentioned.

A still different form of the Dakota thunder-bird is reproduced in Mrs. Eastman’s Dahcotah, _op. cit._, page 262. See also page 181 _supra_.

Figure 108 is “Skam-son,” the thunder-bird, a tattoo mark copied from the back of an Indian belonging to the Laskeek village of the Haida tribe, Queen Charlotte’s Island, by Mr. James G. Swan.

Figure 109 is a Twana thunder-bird, as reported by Rev. M. Eells in Bull. U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey, III, p. 112.

There is at Eneti, on the reservation [Washington Territory], an
irregular basaltic rock, about 3 feet by 3 feet and 4 inches, and a
foot and a half high. On one side there has been hammered a face,
said to be the representation of the face of the thunder bird, which
could also cause storms.

The two eyes are about 6 inches in diameter and 4 inches apart and
the nose about 9 inches long. It is said to have been made by some
man a long time ago, who felt very badly, and went and sat on the
rock, and with another stone hammered out the eyes and nose. For a
long time they believed that if the rock was shaken it would cause
rain, probably because the thunder bird was angry.

Graphic representations of Atotarko and of the Great Heads are shown
in Mrs. Erminnie A. Smith’s Myths of the Iroquois, in the Second
Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Mythic Personages are also
presented in aboriginal drawing by Mr. Charles G. Leland in his work,
the Algonquin Legends of New England, etc. Boston, 1884.

SHAMANISM.

The term Shamanism is a corrupted form of the Sanscrit word for
ascetic. Its original application was to the religion of certain
tribes of northern Asia, but in general it expresses the worship of
spirits with magic arts and fetich-practices. The Shaman or priest
pretends to control by incantations and ceremonies the evil spirits
to whom death, sickness, and other misfortunes are ascribed. This
form or stage of religion is so prevalent among the North American
Indians that the adoption of the term Shaman here is substantially
correct, and it avoids both the stupid expression “medicine-man” of
current literature and the indefinite title priest, the associations
with which are not appropriate to the Indian religious practitioner.
The statement that the Indians worship one “Great Spirit” or single
overruling personal god is erroneous. That philosophical conception
is beyond the stage of culture reached by them and was not found in
any tribe previous to missionary influence. Their actual philosophy
can be expressed far more objectively and therefore pictorially.

Many instances of the “Making Medicine” are shown in the Dakota
Winter Counts; also graphic expressions regarding magic. Especial
reference may be made to American-Horse’s count for the years
1824-’25 and 1843-’44, in the Corbusier Winter Counts.

Figure 110 was copied from a piece of walrus ivory in the museum of
the Alaska Commercial Company, of San Francisco, California, by Dr.
Hoffman, and the interpretation is as obtained from an Alaskan native.

1, 2. The Shaman’s summer habitations, trees growing in the vicinity.

3. The Shaman, who is represented in the act of holding one of his
“demons.” These “evil spirits” are considered as under the control of
the Shaman, who employs them to drive other “evil beings” out of the
bodies of sick men.

4. The demon or aid.

5. The same Shaman exorcising the demons causing the sickness.

6, 7. Sick men, who have been under treatment, and from whose bodies
the “evil beings” or sickness has been expelled.

8. Two “evil spirits” which have left the bodies of Nos. 6 and 7.

Fig. 111 represents a record of a Shamanistic nature, and was
copied by Dr. Hoffman from an ivory bow in the museum of the Alaska
Commercial Company in 1882. The interpretation was also obtained at
the same time from an Alaskan native, with text in the Kiatexamut
dialect of the Innuit language.

The rod of the bow upon which the characters occur is here
represented in three sections, A, B, and C. A bears the beginning of
the narrative, extending over only one-half of the length of the rod.
The course of the inscription is then continued on the adjacent side
of the rod at the middle, and reading in both directions (section B
and C), towards the two files of approaching animals. B and C occupy
the whole of one side.

The following is the explanation of the characters.

A. No. 1. Baidarka or skin boat resting on poles.
2. Winter habitation.
3. Tree.
4. Winter habitations.
5. Store-house.
6. Tree. Between this and the store-house is placed a piece of
timber, from which are suspended fish for drying.
7. Store-house. From 1 to 7 represents an accumulation of
dwellings, which signifies a settlement, the home of the
person to whom the history relates.
8. The hunter sitting on the ground, asking for aid, and making
the gesture for supplication.
9. The Shaman to whom application is made by the hunter
desiring success in the chase. The Shaman has just finished
his incantations, and while still retaining his left
arm in the position for that ceremony, holds the right
toward the hunter, giving him the success requested.
10. The Shaman’s winter lodge.
11. Trees.
12. Summer habitation of the Shaman.
13. Trees in vicinity of the Shaman’s residence.
B. No. 14. Tree.
15. A Shaman standing upon his lodge, driving back game
which had approached a dangerous locality. To this
Shaman the hunter had also made application for success
in the chase, but was denied, hence the act of the Shaman.
16. Deer leaving at the Shaman’s order.
17. Horns of a deer swimming a river.
18. Young deer, apparently, from the smaller size of the body
and unusually long legs.
C. No. 19. A tree.
20. The lodge of the hunter (A. 8), who, after having been
granted the request for success, placed his totem upon the
lodge as a mark of gratification and to insure greater luck
in his undertaking.
21. The hunter in the act of shooting.
22-23. The game killed, consisting of five deer.
24. The demon sent out by the Shaman (A. 9) to drive the game
in the way of the hunter.
25-28. The demon’s assistants.

The original text above mentioned with interlinear translation, is as
follows:

Nu-nŭm´-cu-a u-xlá-qa, pi-cú-qi-a kú da ku-lú-ni, ka-xá-qa-lŭk´.
Settlement man came, hunting go wanted (to), (and) Shaman (he) asked.

Ká-xa-qlŭm´ mi-ná-qa lu-qú ta-xlí-mu-nŭk tu-dú-ia-nŭk. Ká-xlá-lŭk
Shaman gave to him five deer. Shaman

ú-qli-ni u[n]-i-lum´ kaí-na-nŭn´ ka-xá-hu pi-gú, í-u-nĭ
went to lodge (where), standing spirits [incantations] devil
the top (winter habitation) on top made he,
of

aú-qkua-glu-hu té-itc-lu-gĭ´ té xle-mĕn´ tun dú-ia-gūt, taú-na-cŭk
sent to him brought to him five deer, same man
[the hunter] (and)

pi-xlu-nĭ´ ta-xlí-mu-nŭk tun-duĭ´-a-xa-nŭk´ tú-gu-xlí-u-qi. A-xlí-lum
he caught five deer killed. Another
[secured]

Ká-xla-qlŭm´ tu-mú-qtcu-gí.
Shaman not gave them.
(To whom application had been made previously.)

DANCES AND CEREMONIES.

Plate LXXXI exhibits drawings of various masks used in dancing, the
characters of which were obtained by Mr. G. K. Gilbert from rocks at
Oakley Springs, and were explained to him by Tubi, the chief of the
Oraibi Pueblos. They probably are in imitation of masks, as used by
the Moki, Zuñi, and Rio Grande Pueblos.

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXI

MOKI MASKS ETCHED ON ROCKS. ARIZONA.]

Many examples of masks, dance ornaments, and fetiches used in
ceremonies are reported and illustrated in the several papers of
Messrs. Cushing, Holmes, and Stevenson in the Second Annual Report of
the Bureau of Ethnology. Paintings or drawings of many of them have
been found on pottery, on shells, and on rocks.

In this connection the following extract from a letter dated Port
Townsend, Washington, June 1, 1883, from Mr. James G. Swan, will
be acceptable: “You may remember my calling your attention about a
year since to the fact that a gentleman who had been employed on a
preliminary survey for the Mexican National Construction Company had
called on me and was astonished at the striking similarity between
the wooden-carved images of the Haida Indians and the terra-cotta
images he had found in the railroad excavations in Mexico.

“I have long entertained the belief that the coast tribes originated
among the Aztecs, and have made it a subject of careful study for
many years. I received unexpected aid by the plates in Habel’s
Investigations in Central and South America. I have shown them to
Indians of various coast tribes at various times, and they all
recognize certain of those pictures. No. 1, Plate 1, represents a
priest cutting off the head of his victim with his stone knife.
They recognize this, because they always cut off the heads of their
enemies slain in battle; they never scalp. The bird of the sun is
recognized by all who have seen the picture as the thunder bird of
the coast tribes. But the most singular evidence I have seen is
in Cushing’s description of the Zuñi Indian, as published in the
Century Magazine. The Haidas recognize the scenes, particularly the
masquerade scenes in the February [1883] number, as similar to their
own tomanawos ceremonies. I have had at least a dozen Haida men
and women at one time looking at those pictures and talk and explain
to each other their meaning. One chief who speaks English said to
me after he had for a long time examined the pictures, ‘Those are
our people; they do as we do. If you wish, I will make you just such
masks as those in the pictures.’

“These Indians know nothing, and recognize nothing in the Hebrew or
Egyptian, the Chinese or Japanese pictures, but when I show them any
Central or South American scenes, if they do not understand them they
recognize that they are ‘their people.’”

According to Stephen Powers (in Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol. III, p.
140), there is at the head of Potter Valley, California, “a singular
knoll of red earth which the Tátu or Hūchnom believe to have
furnished the material for the creation of the original coyote-man.
They mix this red earth into their acorn bread, and employ it for
painting their bodies on divers mystic occasions.” Mr. Powers
supposed this to be a ceremonial performance, but having found the
custom to extend to other tribes he was induced to believe the
statements of the Indians “that it made the bread sweeter and go
further.”

See also the mnemonic devices relative to Songs, page 82, and to
Traditions, page 84; also page 237.

Plate LXXXII represents stone heaps surmounted by buffalo skulls
found near the junction of the Yellowstone and Missouri Rivers
by Prince Maximilian zu Wied, and described in his Reise in das
Innere Nord-America. Coblenz, 1841, II, p. 435. Atlas plate 29.
The description by him, as translated in the London edition, is as
follows: “From the highest points of this ridge of hills, curious
signals are perceived at certain distances from one another,
consisting of large stones and granite blocks, piled up by the
Assiniboins, on the summits of each of which are placed Buffalo
skulls, and which were erected by the Indians, as alleged, for the
purpose of attracting the Bison herds, and to have a successful hunt.”

BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. LXXXII

BUFFALO-HEAD MONUMENT.]

This objective monument is to be compared with the pictographs above,
“making buffalo medicine,” frequent in the Dakota Winter Counts.

Descriptions of ceremonies in medicine lodges and in the initiation
of candidates to secret associations have been published with and
without illustrations. The most striking of these are graphic
ceremonial charts made by the Indians themselves. Figure 38, on
page 86, is connected with this subject, as is also No. 7 of Figure
122, page 205. A good illustration is to be found in Mrs. Eastman’s
Dahcotah, or Life and Legends of the Sioux, page 206. Sketches,
with descriptions of drawings used in the ceremonials of the Zuñi
and Navajo, have been made by Messrs. Cushing and Stevenson and Dr.
Matthews, but cannot be published here.

Figure 111_a_ was drawn and interpreted by Naumoff, a Kadiak native,
in San Francisco, California, in 1882.

It represents the ground plan of a Shaman’s lodge with the Shaman
curing a sick man.

The following is the explanation:

No. 1. The entrance to the lodge.

No. 2. The fire place.

No. 3. A. vertical piece of wood upon which is placed a cross-piece,
upon each end of which is a lamp.

No. 4. The musicians seated upon the raised seats furnishing drumming
and music to the movements of the Shaman during his incantations
in exorcising the “evil spirit” supposed to have possession of the
patient.

No. 5. Visitors and friends of the afflicted seated around the walls
of the lodge.

No. 6. The Shaman represented in making his incantations.

No. 7. The patient seated upon the floor of the lodge.

No. 8. Represents the Shaman in another stage of the ceremonies,
driving out of the patient the “evil being.”

No. 9. Another figure of the patient; from his head is seen to issue
a line connecting it with No. 10.

No. 10. The “evil spirit” causing the sickness.

No. 11. The Shaman in the act of driving the “evil being” out of the
room. In his hands are sacred objects, his personal fetish, in which
the power lies.

No. 12. The flying “evil one.”

Nos. 13, 14. Are assistants to the Shaman, stationed at the entrance
to hit and hasten the departure of the evil being.

A chart of this character appears to have been seen among the
natives of New Holland by Mr. James Manning, but not copied or fully
described in his Notes on the Aborigines of New Holland (Jour. of
Royal Society, New South Wales, Vol. XVI, p. 167). He mentions it
in connection with a corrobery or solemn religious ceremony among
adults, as follows: “It has for its form the most curious painting
upon a sheet of bark, done in various colors of red, yellow, and
white ochre, which is exhibited by the priest.” Such objects would be
highly important for comparison, and their existence being known they
should be sought for.

MORTUARY PRACTICES.

Several devices indicating death are presented under other headings
of this paper. See, for example, page 103 and the illustrations in
connection with the text.

According to Powers, “A Yokaia widow’s style of mourning is peculiar.
In addition to the usual evidences of grief she mingles the ashes
of her dead husband with pitch, making a white tar or unguent, with
which she smears a band about 2 inches wide all around the edge of
the hair (which is previously cut off close to the head), so that
at a little distance she appears to be wearing a white chaplet.”
(See Contrib. to N. A. Ethnol., III, p. 166.) Mr. Dorsey reports
that mud is used by a mourner in the sacred-bag war party among the
Osages. Many objective modes of showing mourning by styles of paint
and markings are known, the significance of which are apparent when
discovered in pictographs.

Figure 112 is copied from a piece of ivory in the museum of the
Alaska Commercial Company, San Francisco, California, and was
interpreted by an Alaskan native in San Francisco in 1882.

No. 1. Is a votive offering or “Shaman stick,” erected to the memory
of one departed. The “bird” carvings are considered typical of
“good spirits,” and the above was erected by the remorse-stricken
individual, No. 3, who had killed the person shown in No. 2.

No. 2. The headless body represents the man who was killed. In this
respect the Ojibwa manner of drawing a person “killed” is similar.

No. 3. The individual who killed No. 2, and who erected the
“grave-post” or “sacred stick.” The arm is thrown earthward,
resembling the Blackfeet and Dakota gesture for “kill.”

The following is the text in Aígalúxamut:

Nu-ná-mu-quk´ á-x’l-xik´ aí-ba-li to-qgú-qlu gú nú-hu tcuk nac-quí
Place two quarrel(with) one another, (one) killed large knife took head
him (the other)
(with a)

qlu-gú, i-nó-qtclu-gu; Ka-sá-ha-lik´ na-bŏn´ ca-gú-lŭk a-gú-nŭ-qua-qlu-hŭ’.
off, laid him down; Shaman stick bird to set (or place)
(buried) (offering) (wooden) on the top of
(over).

That portion of the Kauvuya tribe of Indians in Southern California
known as the Playsanos, or _lowlanders_, formerly inscribed
characters upon the gravestones of their dead, relating to the
pursuits or good qualities of the deceased. Dr. W. J. Hoffman
obtained several pieces or slabs of finely-grained sandstone near
Los Angeles, California, during the summer of 1884, which had been
used for this purpose. Upon these were the drawings, in incised
lines, of the Fin-back whale, with figures of men pursuing them with
harpoons. Around the etchings were close parallel lines with cross
lines similar to the drawings made on ivory by the southern Innuit of
Alaska.

GRAVE-POSTS.

Figures 113 and 114 were procured from a native Alaskan, by Dr.
Hoffman in 1882, and explained to him to be drawings made upon
grave-posts.

Drawings similar to these are made on slabs of wood by devoted
friends, or relatives, to present and perpetuate the good qualities
of a deceased native. The occupation is usually referred to, as
well as articles of importance of which the departed one was the
possessor.

Figure 113 refers to a hunter, as land animals are shown as the chief
pursuit. The following is the explanation of the characters:

1. The baidarka, or boat, holding two persons; the occupants are
shown, as are also the paddles, which project below the horizontal
body of the vessel.

2. A rack for drying skins and fish. A pole is added above it, from
which are seen floating streamers of calico or cloth.

3. A fox.

4. A land otter.

5. The hunter’s summer habitations. These are temporary dwellings
and usually constructed at a distance from home. This also indicates
the profession of a skin-hunter, as the permanent lodges, indicated
as winter houses, _i. e._, with round or dome-like roof, are located
near the sea-shore, and summer houses are only needed when at some
distance from home, where a considerable length of time is spent.

The following is the explanation of Figure 114. It is another design
for a grave-post, but refers to a fisherman:

1. The double-seated baidarka, or skin canoe.

2. A bow used in shooting seal and other marine animals.

3. A seal.

4. A whale.

The summer lodge is absent in this, as the fisherman did not leave
the sea-shore in the pursuit of game on land.