Chapter XXVIII: Appendix: See p. 4 (1)

_JACQUES CARTIER'S OFFICERS AND CREW._

_Liste de l'Équipage_ de Jacques Cartier, conservée dans les archives de St. Malo, France--revue avec soin sur le _fac-similé_ par C. H. Laverdière, Ptre., Bibliothécaire de l'Université Laval, 22 novembre, 1859.

Jacques Cartier, capne. Thomas Fourmont, Me. de la nef. Guille. Le breton Bastille, capne. et pilote du Galion. Jacq. Maingar, me. du Galion. Marc Jalobert, capne. et pilote du Courlieu. Guille. de Marié, me. de Courlieu. Laurent Boulain. Estienne Nouel. Pierre Esmery dict Talbot. Michel Herué. Estienne Reumevel. Michel Audiepore. Bertrande Samboste. Richard Lebay, Faucamps. Lucas père Sr., ou Lucas Jacq, Sr., Fammys. François Guiteault, Apoticaire. Georges Mabille. Guillme. Sequart, charpentier. Robin Le Fort. Samson Ripault, barbier. Françoys Guillet. Guillme. Esnault, charpentier. Jehan Dabin, charpentier. Jehan Duuert. Julien Golet. Thomas Boulain. Michel Philipot. Jehan Hamel. Jehan Fleury. Guille. Guilbert. Colas Barbe. Laurens Gaillot. Guille. Bochier. Michel Eon. Jean Anthoine. Michel Maingard. Jehan Margen. Bertrand Apuril. Giles Staffin. Geoffrey Olliuier. Guille. de Guernezé Eustache Grossin. Guillme. Allierte. Jehan Ravy. Pierres Marquier, trompet. Guille. Legentilhomme. Raoullet Maingard. Françoys Duault. Herué Henry. Yvon Legal. Anthoine Alierte. Jehan Colas. Jacq Poinsault. Dom Guille. Le Breton. Dom Antoine. Philipe Thomas, charpentier. Jacq. Duboys. Julien Plantiruet. Jehan Go. Jehan Legentilhomme. Michel Douquais, charpentier. Jehan Aismery, charpentier. Pierre Maingart. Lucas Clauier. Goulset Riou. Jehan Jacq. de Morbihan. Pierre Nyel. Legendre Estienne Leblanc. Jehan Pierres. Jehan Commuyres. Anthoine Desgranches. Louys Donayrer. Pierre Coupeaulx. Pierres Jonchée.

_74 signatures; the subsequent seven signatures were added in the answer to the Quebec Prize Historical Questions, submitted in_ 1879.

Jean Gouyon. Charles Gaillot. Claude de Pontbrians. Charles de la Pommeraye. Jean Poullet. Philippe Rougemont. De Goyelle.

"_JACQUES QUARTIER, THE PILOT._"

"Gerald, eleventh Earl of Kildare, was born on the 26th of February, 1525. He was ten years of age at the time of his brother's arrest, and then lying ill with the small-pox at Donore in the County Kildare. He was committed to the care of his tutor, Thomas Leverous, who conveyed him in a large basket into Offaly to his sister, Lady Mary O'Connor. There he remained until he perfectly recovered. The misfortunes of his family had excited great sympathy for the boy over the whole of Ireland. This made the government anxious to have him in their power; and they endeavored accordingly to induce O'Brien to surrender him to them. About the 5th of March, 1540, Lady Eleanor O'Donnel, suspecting that it was the intention of her husband to surrender Gerald to the English Government, resolved to send him away. She engaged a merchant vessel of St. Malo which happened to be in Donegal Bay, to convey a small party to the coast of Brittany.

"Bartholomew Warner, an agent of the English Government, sends the following account of this transaction to Sir John Wallop, the English Ambassador in France:

"'After ther departing from Yrlande they arryved at Murles (Morlaix) wher, as he was well receyvyd of the Captayne, whiche leadde him throughe the towne by the hande, wher he tarryed 3 or 4 days, and strayghtwayes, the captayne sent word to Monsieur de Chattebriande off ther arrivying ther. * * * * And from thens they came in the sayde shippe to Saynt Malo, where he was also well receyvyd of them of the Town, and specially of Jacques Quartier, the pilot, which your Lordship spake off at my being at Rouene.'"--_The Earls of Kildare and their Ancestors, from_ 1057 _to_ 1773, by the Marquis of Kildare. 3rd edition, pp. 179, 196.

_DISCOVERY OF THE REMAINS OF JACQUES CARTIER'S VESSEL, THE "PETITE HERMINE."_

(_Note for pages 429-431-455._)

On the 25th of August, 1843, there was much commotion among the antiquarians of our old city. Mr. Jos. Hamel, the city surveyor, had thought it proper to call the attention of the Literary and Historical Society to the remains of a vessel lying at the brook St. Michel, which falls into the River St. Charles on the north bank about half way between the General Hospital and old Dorchester Bridge. This vessel was supposed to be the _Petite Hermine_, one of Jacques Cartier's vessels left by him at the place where he wintered in 1535-6.

"The existence of this vessel had been known to persons frequenting the place for a great many years. Part of it, the farthest out in the stream, had been carried away for firewood or otherwise, and the forepart of the vessel was covered with clay and earth from the adjoining bank to the depth of six or seven feet. This was in great part removed, leaving the keel and part of the planking and ribs visible. The vessel had been built of large-grained oak, which was mostly in a good state of preservation, although discolored, and the iron spikes and bolts were still strong. The bolts in the keel, contrary to the usual practice, had been placed in from below. This is the spot where Jacques Cartier, is supposed to have wintered. The tide rises in the entrance of the brook, where the vessel lies, about six or seven feet. This entrance forms a semi-circular cove, on each side of which towards the St. Charles, the earth is elevated so as to have the appearance of a breastwork; the bank to the west of the cove is about eighteen feet high, and it was then covered with thick brush which prevented its being fully examined. The distance of the place from town is about one mile; the road is over the Dorchester Bridge and along the north bank of the St. Charles."--(_Quebec Gazette_, August 30, 1843).

(_From the Quebec Gazette, 30th August_, 1843.)

"In the last number (August 25th, inst.,) of _Le Canadien_ there is an article of deep interest to the Canadian antiquarian: The long agitated question as to the _where_ or _whereabouts_ Jacques Cartier, on his second voyage from France to this continent spent the winter of 1535-6; whether at the embouchure of the river bearing his name emptying into the St. Lawrence some ten or eleven leagues above Quebec, or in the little river St. Charles to the north of and at the foot of the promontory on which Quebec is built, is now, it would seem, about to be solved and satisfactorily set at rest by the recent discovery of the remains of a vessel, doubtless of European construction, supposed to be those of _La Petite Hermine_, of about 60 tons burthen, one of the three (_La Grande Hermine_, _La Petite Hermine_, and _L'Emerillon_), with which on the 19th of May, 1535, that intrepid navigator left St. Malo.

The article alluded to, which we believe to be the work of the editor himself (Mr. McDonald) of _Le Canadien_, logically establishes from Jacques Cartier's narrative that the place of his wintering, or Sainte Croix, as he named it, can be none other than the little river St. Charles, as we now call it. "Coasting," says he, "the said island (Orleans) we found at the upper end of it an expanse of water very beautiful and pleasant, at which place there is a little river and bar harbor with two or three fathoms of water, which we found to be a place suitable for putting our vessels in safety. We called it _Ste. Croix_, because on that day, (14th September) we arrived there. Near this place there are natives, whose chief is Donnacona and who lives there, which place is called Stadaconé," (now Quebec). Cartier observes in another part of his narrative that _Sainte Croix_ was situate half a league from _and to the north_ of Quebec. Again, speaking of the residence (Stadacone) of Donnacona, he says, "_under which high land towards the north_ is the river and harbour Sainte Croix, at which place we remained from the 15th of September, to the 16th of May, 1536, where the vessels remained dry."

* * * * *

"We now translate from _Le Canadien_:--'At the invitation of Mr. Jos. Hamel, City Surveyor, Hon. Wm. Sheppard, the President, and (G. B.) Faribault, Vice-President of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, went with him on Saturday, the 19th instant, (1843) to visit the place, and according to the position of the _debris_ of the vessel, the nature of the wood it is composed of, and the character of the stones (ballast) they found at the bottom, they were satisfied that all the probabilities are in favor of Mr. Hamel's hypothesis.

"'On a report of this visit, the Council of the Literary and Historical Society assembled on Monday last, and resolved on laying open the _debris_, leaving it to Mr. Faribault, the Vice-President, to make, with Mr. Hamel, the necessary arrangements for the execution. The members of the Council having no funds at their disposal, that they can legally apply to this purpose, have so far carried it on at their own expense.

"'Some valuable evidences of the ancient existence of this vessel have been gathered. We shall speak of them in giving an account of the exhumation in progress, under the direction of Messrs. Faribault and Hamel. All those who can throw any light on the subject, either of their own knowledge or by what they may have learnt by tradition, are earnestly solicited to impart the same at the Office of _Le Canadien_.'

"Those gentlemen ought not to be allowed to carry on this work at their sole expense. The country, the world, are interested in it. This continent in 1535, from end to end one vast wilderness, the imagination can scarcely figure to itself a more awful solitude than that in which, during the winter of 1535-6 Cartier and his faithful followers, amidst savages in an unknown country, during a Canadian winter, at a thousand leagues from their native land, were buried in the dreary swamp (for it then must have been little better) of _Sainte Croix_ now the beautiful valley of the St. Charles, covered with cheerful cottages and a redundant population. Look to-day from the Citadel of _Stadaconé_ in all directions north, south, east, west, than which under heaven, there is not a more splendid panorama, and think of what it was when Cartier and his comrades first looked upon it. Contrast his landing on the flinty rock at the base of Cape Diamond, the 14th September, 1535, and reception by a few gaping savages, with that of the present Governor-General, Sir Charles Metcalfe; amidst acclaiming thousands, on the 25th (Aug. 1843)--the manner of passing a winter at Stadaconé in 1535-6 and at the same place in 1842-3. What changes have the three centuries wrought! What recollections have they left! And what changes will not the next three hundred years bring about? More wonderful probably than those we admire to-day. But come what may of that which men sometimes call great and glorious, nothing can obliterate or eclipse the honors justly due to the memory of the celebrated navigator and his comrades, who first "coasting the said island (now Orleans) found at the end of it an expanse of water very beautiful and pleasant, and a little bar harbour," ('hable,' as he calls it,) and wintered there at about half a league northward of and under the highland of Stadaconé."

"During the dismal winter Jacques Cartier must have passed in his new quarters at _Ste. Croix_, he lost, by sickness contracted, it is said, from the natives, but more probably from scurvy, twenty-five of his men. This obliged him to abandon one of his three vessels (_La Petite Hermine_ it is believed) which he left in her winter quarters, returning with the two others to France. The _locale_ of the _débris_ or remains, not only corresponds with the description given by Jacques Cartier of Ste. Croix, but also with the attention and particular care that might be expected from a skilful commander, in the selection of a safe spot in an unknown region where never an European had been before him, for wintering his vessels. They lie in the bottom of a small creek or gulley, known as the _ruisseau St. Michel_, into which the tides regularly flow, on the property of Charles Smith, Esq., on the north side of the St. Charles and at about half a mile following the bends of the river above the site of the old Dorchester Bridge.--They are a little up the creek at about an acre from its mouth, and their position (where a sudden or short turn of the creek renders it next to impossible that she should be forced out of it by any rush of water in the spring or efforts of the ice,) evinces at once the precaution and the judgment of the commander in his choice of the spot. But small portions of her remaining timber (oak) are visible through the mud, but they are bitumanised and black as ebony, and after reposing in that spot 307 years, seem, as far as by chopping them with axes or spades, and probing by iron rods or picks, can be ascertained, sound as the day they were brought thither. The merit of the discovery belongs to our fellow townsman, Mr. Joseph Hamel, the City Surveyor."

Quebec, 28th August, 1843.

_"LE CANON DE BRONZE."--THE BRONZE CANNON._

"A few years ago an ancient cannon of peculiar make, and supposed to have been of Spanish construction, was found in the river St. Lawrence, opposite the Parish of Champlain, in the District of Three Rivers. It is now in the Museum of Mr. Chasseur, and will repay the visit of the curious stranger. The ingenious writer of the Treatise upon this piece of ordnance, published in the second volume of the TRANSACTIONS of the Literary and Historical Society of Quebec, has endeavoured to show that it belonged to Verazzani,--that the latter perished before the second voyage of Jacques Cartier, either by scurvy or shipwreck, on his way up the river towards Hochelaga. He also endeavors, with great stretch of fancy, to explain and account for the pantomime enacted by the Indians in the presence of Jacques Cartier, in order to dissuade him from proceeding to Hochelaga so late in the season, by their recollection and allusion to the death of Verazzani, some nine or ten years before. But if they had really known anything respecting the fate of this navigator--and it must have been fresh in their memory, if we recall to mind how comparatively short a period had elapsed--is it not most likely that they would have found means, through the two interpreters to communicate it to Cartier? Yet it appears that the latter never so much as heard of it, either at Hochelai, now the Richelieu, where he was on friendly terms with the chief of the village--or at Hochelaga, where it must have been known--or when he wintered at Ste. Croix, in the little river St. Charles--nor yet when he passed a second winter at Carouge! The best evidence, however, that the Indian pantomime had no reference to Verazzani, and to disprove at once the truth of the tradition respecting his death in any part of the St. Lawrence, is to show, which we shall do on good authority, that at the very time when Cartier was passing the winter at Ste. Croix, Verazzani was actually alive in Italy. From a letter of Annibal Caro, quoted by Tiraboschi, an author of undoubted reputation, in the Storie della Literature Italiana, Vol. VII. part I. pp. 261, 462, it is proved that Verazzani was living in 1537, a year after the pantomime at Ste. Croix!

While on the subject of the Canon de Bronze it may be noted that Charlevoix mentions also a tradition, that Jacques Cartier himself was shipwrecked at the mouth of the river called by his name, with the loss of one of his vessels. From this it has been supposed that the Canon de Bronze was lost on that occasion; and an erroneous inscription to that effect has been engraved upon it. In the first place the cannon was not found at the mouth of the River Jacques Cartier, but opposite the Parish of Champlain; in the next, no shipwreck was ever suffered by Jacques Cartier, who wintered in fact at the mouth of the little river St. Charles. The tradition as to his shipwreck, and to the loss of one of his vessels, most probably arose from the well known circumstance of his having returned to France with two ships, instead of three, with which he left St. Malo. Having lost so many men by scurvy during his first winter in Canada, he was under the necessity of abandoning one of them, which lay in the harbour of Ste. Croix. The people of Champlain having possessed themselves of the old iron to be found on the vessel, it of course soon fell to pieces, and in process of time arose the tradition that Jacques Cartier had been shipwrecked. The removal of the scene of his supposed disaster from the St. Charles to the River Jacques Cartier. was an error of Charlevoix.

Before we conclude this notice of Verazzani: it may be mentioned, that in the Strozzi Library at Florence, is preserved a manuscript, in which he is said to have given with great minuteness, a description of all the countries which he had visited during his voyage, and from which, says Tiraboschi, we derive the intelligence, that he had formed the design, in common with the other navigators of that era, of attempting a passage through those seas to the East Indies. It is much to be desired, that some Italian Scholar would favor the world with the publication of this manuscript of Verazzani."

[_See pages_ 71-72.]

_THE FRENCH WHO REMAINED IN QUEBEC AFTER ITS CAPITULATION TO THE BRITISH IN 1629._

(_From the Canadian Antiquarian_)

In Canadian annals there is no period veiled deeper in Cimmerian darkness, than the short era of the occupation of Quebec by the English under Louis Kirke, extending from the 14th July 1629, to 13th July, 1632. The absence of diaries, of regular histories, no doubt makes it difficult to reconstruct, in minute details, the nascent city of 1629. Deep researches, however, in the English and French archives have recently brought to the surface many curious incidents. To the Abbé Faillon, who, in addition to the usual sources of information had access to the archives of the Propaganda at Rome, the cause of history is deeply indebted, though one must occasionally regret his partiality towards Montreal which so often obscures his judgment. Another useful source to draw from for our historians, will be found in a very recent work on the conquest of Canada in 1629 by a descendant of Louis Kirke, an Oxford graduate, it is published in England.

Those who fancy reading the present to the past, will be pleased to meet in those two last writers a quaint account of the theological feud agitating the Rock in 1629. Religious controversies were then, as now, the order of the day. But bluff Commander Kirke had a happy way of getting rid of bad theology. His Excellency, whose ancestors hailed from France, was a Huguenot, a staunch believer in John Calvin. Of his trusty garrison of 90 men a goodly portion were calvinists, the rest, however, with the chaplain of the forces, were disciples of Luther. The squabble, from theology, degenerated into disloyalty to the constituted authorities, a conspiracy was hatched to overthrow the Governor's rule and murder Kirke. His Reverence the Lutheran minister was supposed to be in some way accessory to the plot, which Kirke found means to suppress with a high hand, and His Reverence, without the slightest regard to the cut of his coat, was arrested and detained a prisoner for six months in the Jesuit's residence on the banks of the St. Charles, near Hare Point, from which he emerged, let us hope, a wiser, if not a better man. History has failed to disclose the name of the Lutheran minister.

Elsewhere [332] we have furnished a summary of the French families who remained in Quebec in 1629, after the departure of Champlain and capitulation of the place to the British. Students of Canadian history are indebted to Mr. Stanislas Drapeau, of Ottawa, for a still fuller account, which we shall take the liberty to translate.

"Over and above the English garrison of Quebec, numbering 90 men, we can make out that twenty-eight French remained. The inmates of Quebec that winter amounted to 118 persons, as follows:

1. GUILLAUME HOBOU--Marie Rollet, his wife, widow of the late Louis Hébert, Guillaume Hébert son of Louis Hébert.

2. GUILLAUME COUILLARD, son-in-law of the late Louis Hébert.--Guillemette Hébert, his wife, Louise, aged four years, Marguerite, aged three years, Louis, aged two years, their children.

3. ABRAHAM MARTIN.--Marguerite Langlois, his wife; Anne, aged twenty-five years; Marguerite, aged five years; Hélène, aged two years, their children.

4. PIERRE DESPORTES.--Francois Langlois, his wife; Hélène Langlois.

5. NICHOLAS PIVERT.--Marguerite Lesage, his wife; Marguerite Lesage, his little neice; Adrien du Chesne, Surgeon.

NICOLET; FROIDEMOUCHE; LE COQ., carpenter; PIERRE ROY, of Paris, coach- builder; ETIENNE BRUSLÉ, of Champigny, interpreter of the Hurons; NICOLAS MARSOLAIS, of Rouen, interpreter of the Montagnais; GROS JEAN, of Dieppe, interpreter of the Algonquins.

ENGLISH GARRISON.--Louis Kirke, Commandant and Governor;... Minister of Religion; Le Baillif, of Amiens, clerk to Kirke; 88 men, officers, and soldiers."

_THE ARMS OF THE DOMINION._

THE SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE COLONIES TO THE GOVERNOR GENERAL.

DOWNING STREET, October 14, 1868.

My Lord,--I have the honour to enclose a certified copy of 26th May, Her Majesty's Warrant of Assignment of 1868, Armorial Bearings for the Dominion and Provinces of Canada, which has been duly enrolled in Her Majesty's College of Arms, and I have to request that your Lordship will take such steps as may be necessary for carrying Her Majesty's gracious intentions into effect.

I have, &c,

(Signed) BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS.

TO THE GOVERNOR, THE RIGHT HON. VISC. MONK, &c., &c.

VICTORIA R.

VICTORIA, by the grace of God, of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith, &c.

To our right trusty and well-beloved councillor Edward George Fitzalan Howard, (commonly called Lord Edward George Fitzalan Howard), deputy to our right trusty and right entirely beloved cousin, Henry, Duke of Norfolk, Earl Marshal, and our Hereditary Marshal of England--Greeting:

Whereas, etc,... We were empowered to declare after a certain day therein appointed, that the Provinces of Nova Scotia, and New Brunswick should form one Dominion under the name of Canada, etc.,... and after the first day of July, 1867, the said Provinces should form and be one Dominion under the name of Canada accordingly.

And forasmuch as it is Our Royal will and pleasure that for the greater honour and distinction of the said Provinces, certain Armorial Ensigns should be assigned to them;

Know Ye, therefore, that We, of Our Princely Grace and special favour have granted and assigned, and by these presents do grant and assign the Armorial Ensigns following, that is to say:

FOR THE PROVINCE OF ONTARIO

Vert a sprig of three Leaves of Maple slipped, or on a chief Argent the Cross of St. George.

FOR THE PROVINCE OF QUEBEC

Or on a Fess Gules between two Fluer de Lis in chief Azure, and a sprig of three Leaves of Maple slipped vert in base, a Lion passant guardant or

FOR THE PROVINCE OF NOVA SCOTIA

Or on a Fess Wavy Azure between three Thistles proper, a Salmon Naiant Argent

FOR THE PROVINCE OF NEW BRUNSWICK

Or on Waves a Lymphad, or Ancient Galley, with Oars in action, proper on a chief Gules a Lion passant guardant or, as the same are severally depicted in the margin hereof, to be borne for the said respective Provinces on Seals, Shields, Banners, Flags or otherwise, according to the Laws of Arms

And we are further pleased to declare that the said United Province of Canada, being one Dominion under the name of Canada, shall, upon all occasions that may be required, use a common Seal, to be called the "Great Seal of Canada," which said seal shall be composed of the Arms of the said four Provinces quarterly, all of which armorial bearings are set forth in our Royal Warrant

Our Will and Pleasure is that you, Edward George Fitzalan Howard, (commonly called Lord Edward George Fitzalan Howard) Deputy to our said Earl Marshal, to whom the cognizance of matters of this nature doth properly belong, do require and command that this Our Concession and Declaration be recorded in our college of arms, in order that Our Officers of Arms and all other Public Functionaries whom it may concern may take full notice and knowledge thereof in their several and respective departments. And for so doing this shall be your Warrant, given at our Court at St James, this twenty-sixth day of May, in the thirty-first year of Our Reign

By Her Majesty's command,

(Signed) BUCKINGHAM AND CHANDOS

"SEAL OF THE DOMINION OF CANADA--Messrs J. G. and A. B. Wyon have now on view, at 287 Regent Street, impressions from the seals of the four provinces of Canada and the Great Seal of the Dominion, just completed, with the gold medal that has been struck in commemoration of the union of the provinces. They are all designed and executed in a very high style of art. Of the seals, that for the Dominion is, of coarse, the largest. It represents the Queen seated under a Gothic canopy and holding the ball and sceptre, while the wings of the canopy contain the shields of the Provinces--two on either side--hanging on the stem of an oak. These Gothic canopies occupy nearly the whole of the middle space of the seal, the ground between them and the border is covered with a rich diaper, and a shield bearing the Royal Arms of England fills the space beneath the centre canopy. The border of the seal bears the inscription, "Victoria, Dei Gratia, Britanniae Regina, F. D. In Canada Sigillum." This work would add to the reputation of any other seal engraver, though it can hardly do so to that of the Messrs Wyon, whose productions have long enjoyed a high and deserved celebrity. The seal is well filled, as it should be in a Gothic design, but it is not crowded, the ornaments are all very pure in style, and the whole is in the most perfect keeping. The execution is not less remarkable, the relief is extremely high in parts (although it does not at first appear to be so, owing to the breadth of the composition), but, in spite of this difficulty, the truth, sharpness, and finish of every part have been preserved as well as they could possibly be on a medal, or even on a coin. The smaller seals for the provinces are engraved on one general design. The crown surmounts a central shield bearing the Royal Arms, below which is a smaller shield bearing the arms of the particular province--New Brunswick, Ontario, Quebec, or Nova Scotia. The Royal motto on a flowing ribbon fills up the space at the sides; a border adapted to the outline of the design runs outside this, and touches the circular border of the seal containing the legend. These seals are no less remarkable for carefulness of execution than the one to which we have referred. The medal which has been struck to commemorate the confederation of the provinces is in solid gold, and is so large and massive that its value in metal alone is £50. On the obverse there is a head of the Queen, for which Her Majesty recently gave Mr. Wyon sittings; the reverse bears an allegorical design--Britannia seated and holding the scroll of confederation, with figures representing the four provinces grouped around her. Ontario holds the sheaf and sickle; Quebec, the paddle; Nova Scotia, the mining spade; and New Brunswick the forest axe. Britannia carries her trident and the lion crouches by her side. The following inscription runs round a raised border: "Juventas et Patrius Vigor Canada Instaurata 1867." The relief on this side is extremely bold, and the composition, modelling and finish are such as to leave little to be desired. The treatment of the head on the obverse is broad and simple; the hair is hidden by a sort of hood of flowing drapery confined by a plain coronet, and the surface is but little broken anywhere. The ornaments are massive rather than rich; there is a plain pendant in the ear, and a miniature of the Prince Consort is attached to a necklace of very chaste design."--_Morning Chronicle, Quebec._

[_See page_ 148.]

_MILITIA UNIFORMS._

Canadian militiamen will be interested in the following letter which appeared in the Toronto _Globe_.

SIR,--I observe in your "Notes from the Capital" a paragraph to the effect that Major-General Luard has taken exception to the gold lace worn by certain arms of the active militia. I am aware that this point has been raised before, and perhaps it is not a very material issue; but there is a feature--an historical one--in connection with the subject that deserves attention, and I remember when the militia was more active than now, in the face of danger to the peace of the country, this historical point was brought into prominence. I simply suggest that a certain warrant signed by the King after the war of 1812 be unearthed. I believe it lies somewhere in the militia archives, having been transferred from the Public Record Office. According to an old officer, now dead, who was familiar with it, this warrant authorises the Canadian militia--a royal force, by the way-- to wear the same uniform as His Majesty's "Royal Regiments." Hence it is that the characteristic features of the royal livery has been assumed by the artillery and the other arms of the service. My informant, who had served in 1812, also stated that it was owing to an accident that silver was assumed in 1862, the contractor in London, who supplied, in great haste, uniforms for the militia at the time of the Trent affair, assuming that "militia" uniforms must be after the style of the English force, which bears silver ornaments. The Canadian militia is, of course, on a different footing, and takes precedence after the regular army. I think, therefore, that for the sake of history and the prominent position of the Canadian militia in a warlike sense, and in view of services rendered, such as no other militia in the British service ever rendered, this point is worthy of revival and investigation. Apart from this there is the fact that a change of dress is a source of expense and embarrassment to officers. I have served in various corps for seventeen years, and I know. L. A. M. L.

[_See page_ 24.]

_HORSES._

"L'un des premiers soins du Monarque fut d'y faire passer (au Canada), à ses frais, des chevaux, tant pour faciliter aux colons les travaux de l'agriculture, que pour leur procurer leur commodité particulière, attendu que jusque-là ils n'avaient pu marcher qu'à l'aide de raquettes pendant l'hiver. Le 16 juillet 1665 on débarqua à Québec douze chevaux, les premiers envoyés de France par le Roi. Il était naturel que les sauvages, à qui ces animaux étaient entièrement inconnus, témoignassent une grande surprise en voyant ces _orignaux de France_: c'est ainsi qu'ils les appelaient, par comparaison avec ces animaux du pays, n'ayant pas de mots dans leur langue pour les désigner. Ce qu'ils admiraient surtout, c'étaient qu'ils fussent si traitables et si dociles sons la main de leurs cavaliers, qui les faisaient marcher à leur fantaisie. [333] Sa Majesté a encore envoyé des chevaux, écrivait en 1667 la mère Marie de l'Incarnation, et on nous a donné pour notre part deux belles juments et un cheval, tant pour la charrue que pour le charroi. [334] "L'année 1670, le Roi envoya pareillement un étalon et douze juments, et les fit distribuer aux gentilshommes du pays, les plus zélés pour la culture des terres: une jument à M. Talon, deux juments à M. de Chambly avec un étalon, une à M. de Sorel, une à M. de Contrecoeur, une à M. de Saint- Ours, une à M. de Varenne, deux juments à M. de Lachesnaye, une à M. de Latouche, une à M. de Repentigny, enfin la douzième à M. Le Ber. Voici les conditions auxquelles le Roi faisaient ces sortes de dons aux particuliers, ils devaient les nourrir pendant trois ans: et si par leur faute, quelqu'un de ces animaux venaient à mourir, celui à qui il avait été donné était obligé de donner au receveur du Roi la somme de deux cents livres. Dans l'autre cas, il pouvait le vendre après les trois ans expirés, ainsi que les poulains qu'il aurait pu avoir; mais avec charge au bout de trois ans, de donner au receveur de Sa Majesté un poulain d'un an pour chaque cheval, ou la somme de cent livres. Il était pareillement ordonné que, lorsque ces poulains que le Roi faisait élever et nourrir seraient parvenus à leur troisième année, on les distribuer ait à d'autres particuliers, et toujours aux mêmes conditions. [335] Comme on le voit, ces conditions ne pouvaient être plus avantageuses aux particuliers, ni au pays en général; aussi Colbert, qui avait tant à coeur de voir fleurir la colonie, écrivait à M. Talon, le 11 février 1671. "Je tiendrai la main à ce qu'il soit envoyé en Canada des cavales et des ânesses, afin de multiplier ces espèces si nécessaires à la commodité des habitants." [336] De tous les animaux domestiques envoyés par le Roi dans la Nouvelle- France, les chevaux furent, en effet, ceux qui s'y multiplièrent le plus, quoique le nombre des autres y augmentât d'une manière étonnante. [337]-- (_L'Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_, Faillon, Vol. III, p. 222.)

_EXPORTATION OF CANADIAN CATTLE TO EUROPE._

According to the statistics furnished by Mr. McEachran, V.S., and Government Inspector of live stock, the total shipments for 1879 from Montreal and Quebec from toe opening to the close of navigation, as compared with the two previous years, are as follows:--

1879 1878 1877
Cattle... 24,823 18,665 6,940
Sheep.... 78,792 41,250 9,500
Hogs..... 4,745 2,078 430

The great majority of animals shipped from Quebec were forwarded by sail from Montreal, and large as the increased shipments of cattle, sheep and hogs this year are over 1878 and 1877, the exports next year will doubtless show a still large increase as compared with those of 1879-- [Quebec _Mercury_, 18th Nov., 1879.]

Mr. J. A. Couture, veterinary surgeon, the officer in charge of the Point Levi cattle quarantine, furnishes the following figures regarding the Canadian Cattle Trade during the season of 1879. The total number of live stock shipped at Montreal was 17,101 head of cattle, 59,907 sheep, and 3,468 hogs. From this port the shipments were 4,000 head of cattle, 17,274 sheep, and 188 hogs; or a grand total from the two shipping ports of 21,112 head of cattle; 77,181 sheep and 3,656 hogs. The estimated value of this live stock is--cattle, $1,111,200; sheep, $771,810; and hogs, $52,720; or a grand total of $2,935,730. The value of the forage exported with this stock for food, averaging the trip of each steamship at ten days, is placed at $92,690; and the estimated sums paid to the various steamship lines for freight is $583,900.--[Quebec _Mercury_, 24th Nov., 1879.]

[_See page_ 200.]

_SHIP-BUILDING AT QUEBEC UNDER FRENCH DOMINATION._

"La construction des vaisseaux était une autre branche d'industrie que Louis XIV avait à coeur d'introduire en Canada; et dans ce dessin, il eut soin d'y faire passer tous les ouvriers nécessaires, ainsi que d'autres, pour préparer des bois propres à cette construction et les transporter en France. Peu après son arrivée en Canada, M. Talon donna tous ses soins à un objet de si grande importance. "Il faut couper des bois de toute sorte, lit-on dans la Relation de 1667, qui se trouvent par tout le Canada, et qui donnent facilité aux Français et aux autres, qui viennent s'y habituer, de s'y loger dès leur arrivée. Il fait faire des matures, dont il envoie cette année des essais à la Rochelle pour servir à la marine. Il s'est appliqué, de plus, aux bois propres à la construction des vaisseaux, dont l'épreuve a été faite en ce pays par la bâtisse d'une barque, qui se trouve de bon service, et d'un gros vaisseau tout prêt à être mis à l'eau." [338] Dans l'état de la dépense du Roi pour l'année 1671, nous lisons cet article remarquable: "Quarante-mille livres pour être employées à la construction des vaisseaux qui se font en Canada, comme aussi à la coupe et à la façon des bois envoyés de ce pays pour les constructions qui se font dans les ports du royaume." [339] Le premier de ces vaisseaux, auxquels on travaillait l'année 1672, devait être du poids de quatre a cinq cents tonneaux; et, dans le même temps, on se disposait à en construire un autre plus considérable encore, dont tous les matériaux étaient déjà prêts. [340] L'un de ces bâtiments étant enfin achevé, on demanda au Roi qu'il voulût bien le laisser dans la colonie, ce qui pourtant n'eut pas lieu." [341]--_Histoire de la Colonie Française en Canada_, Faillon, Vol. III, p. 256.

Extract from "_Mémoires et Relations sur l'Histoire Ancienne du Canada_ d'après des Manuscrits récemment obtenus des Archives et Bureaux Publics, en France."

(Publiés sous la direction de la Société Littéraire et Historique de Québec, 1840. (1748.))--"Il y a une Construction royale établie à Québec; le Roy y entretient un Constructeur-en-chef, et tous les ouvriers nécessaires; mais cette construction est aujourd'hui décriée, et l'on dit que le Roy va la faire cesser pour les raisons suivantes:

En premier lieu, on prétend que les vaisseaux bâtis à Québec coûtent beaucoup plus que ceux bâtis dans les ports de France; mais on n'ajoute pas que ce n'est qu'en apparence, attendu qu'il passe sur le compte de la construction beaucoup de dépenses qui n'y ont aucun rapport.

En second lieu, que ces vaisseaux jusqu'a présent ont été de très-peu de durée; d'où l'on conclut que les bois du Canada ne valent rien.

Pour juger sainement de la qualité de ces bois, il faut entrer dans le détail de ce qui en regarde la coupe, le transport à Québec, et l'employ à la construction.

Premièrement: Ces bois du Canada sont extrêmement droits, ce n'est qu'avec beaucoup de peine qu'on trouve dans leurs racines des bois tords, propres à la construction.

Deuxièmement: Jusqu'à présent on n'a exploité que les Chênières les plus voisines des rivières, et conséquemment situées dans les lieux bas, a cause de la facilité de transport.

Troisièmement: Les bois sont coupés en hiver; on les traîne sur la neige jusques au bord des rivières et des lacs; lorsque la fonte des neiges et des glaces a rendu la navigation libre, on les met en radeaux pour les descendre à Québec, où ils restent longtems dans l'eau, avant d'être tirés à terre, et où ils en contractent une mousse qui les échauffe; encore imbibés d'eau, ils sont exposés dans un chantier à toute l'ardeur du soleil de l'été; l'hiver qui succède les couvre une seconde fois de neige, que le printems fait fondre, et ainsi successivement jusqu'a ce qu'ils soient employés; enfin, ils restent deux ans sur les chantiers, où de nouveau ils essuyent deux fois l'extrémité du froid et du chaud qu'on sent dans ce climat.

Voilà les causes du peu de durée de ces vaisseaux:

Si on coupoit les bois sur les hauteurs; s'ils étoient transportés à Québec dans des barques; si on les garantissoit des injures du tems dans des hangars, et si les vaisseaux ne restoient qu'une année sur les chantiers il est évident qu'ils dureroient plus longtems. Dans la démolition de ceux qui ont été condamnés en France, on a reconnu que les bordages s'etoient bien conservés, et qu'ils étoient aussi bons que ceux qu'on tire de Sède; mais que les membres en étoient pourris. Est-il étonnant que les bois tords pris à la racine d'arbres qui avoient le pied dans l'eau qu'on n'a pas eu attention de faire sécher à couvert, s'échauffent quand ils se trouvent enfermés entre deux bordages?

Je ne vois donc pas que les raisons alléguées centre les vaisseaux de Québec soient suffisantes pour en faire cesser la construction. Je dis plus, que le Roy fait en Canada, celle de la construction me paroit la plus nécessaire, et celle qui peut devenir la plus utile. Tout esprit non prévenu sera forcé de convenir qu'on y fera construire des vaisseaux avec plus d'économie que dans les ports de France, toutes les fois qu'on ne confondra pas d'autres dépenses avec celles de la construction. D'ailleurs, il est important qu'il y ait à Québec un certain nombre de charpentiers et de calfats; il en manque aujourd'hui, malgré ceux que le Roy entretient; et lorsque les particuliers en ont besoin au printems, ils n'en trouvent point; un calfat se paye six francs pour une marée. J'avoue qu'alors tous les travaux de cette espèce sont pressés; mais ordinairement un charpentier gagne trois à quatre francs par jour avec les particuliers. Indépendamment de l'intérêt des particuliers, les vaisseaux qui viennent à Québec, ont quelques fois besoin d'un radoub, et dans le nombre des navires marchands, il y en a toujours quelqu'un qu'il est nécessaire de radouber par des accidents arrivés dans la traversée. Si le Roy faisoit cesser ici la construction de ses vaisseaux, tous les ouvriers qui y sont employés seroient forcés d'aller chercher du travail ailleurs.

Enfin, on a besoin en Canada de petits bâtiments pour les postes de la pêche, pour le commerce de Québec, à Montréal, pour le cabotage de la rivière, pour la traite à Gaspé et à Louisbourg; et cette partie de la construction est si fort négligée ici, que les Anglois de ce continent fournissent une partie des bâtimens pour la navigation dans l'intérieur de notre Colonie. Ce n'est pas que leurs bois sont meilleurs, ou leurs bâtimens mieux construits que les nôtres, mais ils les donnent à meilleur marche. Aussi voyons-nous dans toutes nos places maritimes des navires marchands construits dans la Nouvelle-Angleterre.

Loin donc de prendre le parti d'abandonner la Construction royale, parti préjudiciable à la Colonie, et j'ose dire à l'État, il seroit nécessaire non-seulement que le Roy continuât à faire construire des vaisseaux en Canada, mais encore qu'il encourageât des entrepreneurs pour la construction de bâtimens marchands. La gratification de vingt francs par tonneau, accordée aux particuliers qui feroient passer en France des bâtimens construits en Canada, ne suffroit pas aujourd'huy pour les engager à cet égard dans des entreprises d'un certaine considération; la main d'oeuvre est hors de prix, et les entrepreneurs seraient forcés de faire venir de France les voiles, cordages et autres agrès.

Il faudroit, indépendamment de la gratification, que le Roy fît passer à Québec une partie de ses agrès, et qu'il les donnât aux entrepreneurs à un prix raisonnable: il faudroit en outre qu'il leur procureroit un frêt pour les bâtimens qu'ils envoyeroient en France, et il le leur procureroit en ordonnant qu'on reçut dans ses ports les planches, bordages, merrains, plançons de chêne, mâtures et autres articles de cette espèce, dont ces bâtimens seroient chargés, au même prix qu'il les paye aux fournisseurs qui tirent tous ces articles de l'étranger; en prenant ces mesures, le Canada fourniroit les bâtimens nécessaires pour le commerce intérieur de la Colonie, dispenseroit la France d'avoir recours aux Anglois pour les navires qui manquent à son commerce en Europe, et que les Anglois construisent dans le même continent où nous avons de si vastes possessions; les mâtures du Canada, estimées autant que celles que nous tirons du Nord à grands frais, ne seroient pas pour nous en pure perte; ces exploitations devenant considérables, faciliteroient la culture des terres, en désertant des cantons qui, peut-être, ne le seront jamais; enfin cette construction, établie sur le pied où on le propose, coûteroit sans doute, au Roy; mais cette dépense, sagement économisée, feroit partie de celles que nous avons dit être nécessaires pour la balance du commerce de cette Colonie avec la France."

I have furnished elsewhere, a sketch and a tabular statement showing the gradual progress in ship-building, under French Rule and under English Rule, from 1787 down to 1875.--_Vide_ QUEBEC PAST AND PRESENT, page 434-9.

[_See page 219._]

_THE CONQUEST OF NEW YORK._

"Louis XIV," says Parkman, "commanded that eighteen thousand unoffending persons should be stripped of all they possessed, and cast out to the mercy of the wilderness. The atrocity of the plan is matched by its folly. The King gave explicit orders, but he gave neither ships nor men enough to accomplish them; and the Dutch farmers, goaded to desperation, would have cut his sixteen hundred soldiers to pieces." [342]

"Si parmy les habitans de la Nouvelle-York il se trouve des Catholiques de la fidélité desquels il croye se pouvoir asseurer, il pourra les laisser dans leurs habitations, après leur avoir fait prester serment de fidélité à Sa Majesté.... Il pourra aussi garder, s'il le juge à propos, des artisans et autres gens de service nécessaires pour l'a culture des terres, ou pour travailler aux fortifications, en qualité de prisonniers.... Il faut retenir en prison les officiers et les principaux habitans desquels on pourrat retirer des rançons. A l'esgard de tous les autres estrangers (_ceux que ne sont pas Français_), hommes, femmes et enfans, sa Majesté trouve à propos qu'ils soient mis hors de la Colonie et envoyez a la Nouvelle Angleterre, a la Pennsylvanie ou en d'autres endroits qu il jugera à propos par mer ou par terre, ensemble ou séparément le tout suivant qu il trouvera plus seur pour les dissiper et empescher qu en se réunissant ils ne puissent donner occasion à des entreprises contre cette Colonie. Il envoyera en France les Français fugitifs qu'il y pourra trouver et particulièrement ceux de la Religion Prétendue-Reformée (_Huguenots_)--(New York Col. Docs. IX 422)

_Vide--Le Roy à Denonville, 7 juin 1689 le Ministre à Denonville, même date, le Ministre à Frontenac, même date ordre du Roy à Vaudreuil, même date le Roy au Sieur de la Coffinère; même date, Champagny au Ministre, 16 Nov. 1689_

_COPY OF THE EPITAPH PREPARED BY THE ACADÉMIE DES INSCRIPTIONS AT PARIS FOR THE MARQUIS OF MONTCALM'S TOMB._

Leave was asked by the French Government to have the marble tablet, on which this epitaph was inscribed, sent out to Quebec, and granted by the English Government (_Vide_ William Pitt's Letter, 10th April, 1761). This inscription, from some cause or other, never reached Quebec.

EPITAPH

Hic jacet
Utroque in orbe aeternum victurus,
LUDOVICUS JOSEPHUS DE MONTCALM GOZON
Marchio Sancti Verani, Baro Gabriaci,
Ordinis Sancti Ludovici Commendator,
Legatus Generalis Exercituum Gallicorum
Egregius et Civis et Miles,
Nullius rei appetens praeterquam verae laudis
Ingenio felici et literis exculto
Omnes Militiae gradus per continua decora emensus,
Omnium Belli Artium, temporum, discriminum gnarus,
In Italia, in Bohemia, in Germania
Dux industrius
Mandata sibi ita semper gerens ut majoribus par haberetur,
Jam clarus periculis
Ad tutandam Canadensem Provinciam missu
Parva militum manu Hostium copias non semel repulit,
Propugnacula cepit viris armisque instructissima
Algoris, mediae, vigiliarum, laboris patiens,
Suis ucice prospiciens immemor sui,
Hostis acer, victor mansuetus
Fortunam virtute, virium inopiam peritia et celeritate compensavit,
Imminens Coloniae fatum et consilio et manu per quadriennium sustinuit
Tandem ingentem Exercitum Duce strenuo et audaci,
Classemque omni bellorum mole gravem,
Mulitiplici prudentia diu ludificatus
Vi pertractus ad dimicandum,
In prima acie, in primo conflictu vulneratus,
Religioni quam semper coluerat innitens,
Magno suoram desiderio, nec sine hostium moerore,
Extinctus est
Die XIV. Sept, A. D. MDCCLIX. aetat. XLVIII.
Mortales optimi ducis exuvias in excavata humo,
Quam globus bellicus decidens dissiliensque defoderat,
Galli lugentes deposuerunt,
Et generosae hostium fidei commendarunt
_The Annual Register for 1762._

_THE FRENCH REFUGEES OF OXFORD, MASS._

An elegantly printed volume has just issued from the press of Noyes, Snow and Co., Worcester, Mass, from the pen of George F. Daniels, containing a succinct history of one of the earliest Massachusetts towns--the town of Oxford; we think we cannot introduce it to the reader more appropriately, than in the words of Oliver Wendell Holmes, whose graceful introduction prefaces the volume.

Oliver Wendell Holmes to George F. Daniels:--"Of all my father's historical studies," says the Autocrat of the Breakfast-table, "none ever interested me so much as his 'Memoir of the French Protestants who settled at Oxford, in 1686,'--all the circumstances connected with that second Colony of Pilgrim-Fathers, are such as to invest it with singular attraction for the student of history, the antiquary, the genealogist. It carries us back to the memories of the massacre of Saint Bartholomew, to the generous Edict of Nantes, and the gallant soldier-king, who issued it; to the days of the Grand Monarque, and the cruel act of revocation which drove into exile hundreds of thousands of the best subjects of France-- among them the little band which was planted in our Massachusetts half- tamed wilderness. It leads the explorer who loves to linger around the places consecrated by human enterprise, efforts, trials, triumphs, sufferings, to localities still marked with the fading traces of the strangers who, there found a refuge for a few brief years, and then wandered forth to know their homes no more. It tells the lovers of family history where the un-English names which he is constantly meeting with-- Bowdoin, Faneuil, Sigourney--found their origin, and under what skies were moulded the type of lineaments, unlike those of Anglo-Saxon parentage, which he finds among certain of his acquaintance, and it may be in his own family or himself. And what romance can be fuller of interest than the story of this hunted handful of Protestants leaving, some of them at an hour's warning, all that was dear to them, and voluntarily wrecking themselves, as it were, on this shore, where the savage and the wolf were waiting ready to dispute possession with the feeble intruders. They came with their untrained skill to a region where trees were to be felled, wild beasts to be slain, the soil to be subdued to furnish them bread, the whole fabric of social order to be established under new conditions. They came from the sunny skies of France to the capricious climate where the summers were fierce and the winters terrible with winds and snows. They left the polished amenities of an old civilization, for the homely ways of rude settlers of another race and language. Their lips, which had shaped themselves to the harmonies of a refined language, which had been used to speaking such names as Rochefort and Beauvoir and Angoulême, had to distort themselves into the utterances of words like Manchaug and Wabquasset and Chaubunagungamang. The short and simple annals of this heroic and gentle company of emigrants are full of trials and troubles, and ended with a bloody catastrophe.

'After Plymouth, I do not think there is any locality in New England more interesting. This little band of French families, [343 ] transported from the shore of the Bay of Biscay to the wilds of our New England interior, reminds me of the isolated group of Magnolias which we find surrounded by the ordinary forest trees of our Massachusetts town of Manchester. It is a surprise to meet with them, and we wonder how they came there, but they glorify the scenery with their tropical flowers, and sweeten it with their fragrance. Such a pleasing surprise is the effect of coming upon this small and transitory abiding-place of the men and women who left their beloved and beautiful land for the sake of their religion. The lines of their fort may become obliterated, 'the perfume of the shrubbery may no longer be perceived but the ground they hallowed by their footsteps is sacred and the air around their old Oxford home is sweet with their memory.'

This exclusiveness in the selection of settlers for Canada, ever since the days of the DeCaens, to render the population homogeneous and prevent religious discord, was extended to Frenchmen, whose only disability, was their faith, and who did not belong to the national Church, and though the colony, more than once was at its last gasp, for want of soldiers and colonists to defend it, it was forbidden ground to the 500,000 industrious Frenchman, whom the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1682, drove to England, Holland and Germany, and the English and Dutch colonies in America. This policy of exclusiveness, was vigorously denounced by the leading historian of Canada, F. X. Garneau, in 1845.