Chapter III: The Anasazi Culture (2)

In the second part of the period the culture was more widespread and developed, and was modified in various ways. Several types of corn were grown, and beans were added to the list of cultivated foods. Pit houses were the usual form of dwelling, and village life began. Baskets were still widely made. Sandals reached their highest point of development, but twined-woven bags degenerated. Cord used in the making of blankets came to be more commonly wrapped with feathers. Fired pottery was manufactured, and the bow and arrow came into use. This was a most important period, for it provided the foundation for the later culture which, some centuries later, achieved a golden age that marked one of the high points of aboriginal development in North America.

THE DEVELOPMENTAL-PUEBLO PERIOD

Following the Basketmaker era comes the Pueblo horizon, the second major subdivision of the Anasazi culture. The name comes from that given to the village Indians by the Spaniards. “Pueblo” is simply the Spanish word for a community of people, but in the Southwest it has come to have a definite connotation and is used to refer to communal houses and towns and to the inhabitants, both prehistoric and modern.

The Pueblo period, like the Basketmaker, is divided into various phases. Under the classification decided on by archaeologists, meeting at the conference at Pecos in 1927, five phases were recognized. The earliest was called _Pueblo I_ and was defined as “the first stage during which cranial deformation was practiced, vessel neck corrugation was introduced, and villages composed of rectangular living-rooms of true masonry were developed.” The next was named _Pueblo II_ and was characterized as “the stage marked by widespread geographical extension of life in small villages; corrugation, often of elaborate technique, extended over the whole surface of cooking vessels.”[74]

At the present time many archaeologists group both phases under the name _Developmental Pueblo_.[110] This term, which is used in this book, seems apt, for this was a period of transition which led to the classic Pueblo era. In many ways the culture was still a generalized one, as was the one which preceded it, but specialization, which was to become so marked later, was already beginning. Sites belonging to this phase are found throughout the Plateau area.

Assigning dates to this period is rather complicated. It might be thought that in dealing with somewhat more recent sites, where tree-ring dates are more commonly available, it would be easy to say that a specific period began at a definite time and ended at another. Actually, such is not the case, for development was far from uniform in all places. In some sections the period which we define as Developmental Pueblo began toward the end of the seventh century; in other areas the earliest date which can be given is in the middle of the ninth century. Terminal dates are equally variable. In some regions this period had ended and the next phase of development had begun by the middle of the tenth century, and in others this change did not take place until the twelfth century. In general, the dates 700 to 1100 A. D. may be assigned to the Developmental Pueblo phase, but this represents a simplification of a very complex situation.

For many years it had been thought that the people of Basketmaker and those of Pueblo times were of entirely different physical types. The Basketmakers were considered dolichocephalic, or long-headed, and the Pueblos were believed to be brachycephalic, or broad-headed. The first appearance of the latter was thought to mark the advent of an entirely different racial group which became dominant and caused the disappearance of the earlier inhabitants of the region. It was not believed that the Basketmakers were entirely exterminated, but rather that many were assimilated and absorbed by the new group while some were killed and others driven into peripheral areas. Some archaeologists and anthropologists still hold this theory.

Recently, however, a long and detailed study of fairly large groups of crania of both people has been made.[119] The results of this investigation suggest that, while there are some differences between the two series, they are not of great significance and that, therefore, the Basketmakers and the Pueblos were basically the same people. This is confirmed by cultural evidence, for, although changes occurred, there is a strong continuity of development from Basketmaker to early Pueblo times. Possibly there was some coming in of new people, who introduced new ideas which gave impetus to the cultural development; but it is now difficult to accept the theory of a mass invasion by a racially different group and of a radical change in physical type. In the light of this new evidence some archaeologists feel that the term “Anasazi” should be dropped, and the entire culture, including the Basketmaker and Pueblo phases, should be called “Pueblo” or “Puebloan.”[7]

One factor which tended to make the Pueblo people seem extremely broad-headed was the habit of deforming the skull posteriorly, a practice which became almost universal in Pueblo times. A skull markedly flattened in back inevitably appears broader than one which is undeformed. This effect is believed to have been produced by strapping babies against hard cradle-boards or by using a hard head-rest. The soft skull of the infant was flattened by pressure in the back and, as the bones grew and hardened, this deformity became permanent.

The question naturally arises: Why did people wish to have deformed skulls? We cannot be sure of the answer, of course, but it seems possible that it represents nothing more than a matter of fashion and a change in ideals of beauty. Even in our own society there are fashions in physical appearance as well as in clothing and adornment. One need only compare the corn-fed curves of the Floradora sextette with the emaciated lines of “flappers” of the 1920’s to realize that we have little eccentricities of our own which might seem incomprehensible to a prehistoric Indian.

Important changes which mark the transition between the Basketmaker era and Pueblo times occurred in the realm of architecture. There are also differences between the first half of the Developmental Pueblo period, sometimes known as “Pueblo I,” and the second half which is sometimes called “Pueblo II.” In a general way we can trace the evolutionary development from pit houses, with associated granaries, to the fairly complex surface domiciles and subterranean ceremonial chambers of the final phase of the period.[113] Progress did not follow the same pattern in all places, however, nor did all similar changes occur at the same time.

As was noted in the preceding section, a few surface houses were built in the Modified-Basketmaker period, but this type of architecture did not become well established until Developmental-Pueblo times. In the beginning of the period, in most areas, pit houses were still the usual form of dwelling. To the west and north of these houses, granaries were built with superstructures in the form of truncated pyramids. Sometimes stone slabs and sometimes crude masonry were used in their construction.

Later, jacal structures as well as pit houses served as dwellings. The name _jacal_ is applied to a type of construction in which walls are made of poles set at short intervals and heavily plastered with adobe. At first, walls sloped inward, as they had in the superstructures of the earlier granaries from which it is believed that this type of house was derived. Later, walls were perpendicular and the jacal construction was sometimes combined with masonry. Still later, masonry was used almost exclusively. As time went by, floors became progressively less depressed. In early forms, rooms were not connected, but eventually contiguous rooms became the rule, and, in the course of time, there arose multiroomed structures, sometimes called _unit houses_. Associated with these were highly specialized subterranean structures, used for religious purposes, but apparently derived from the old domiciliary pit house.

It cannot be stressed too strongly that these are all general statements, designed solely to show evolutionary trends during this period. Actually the situation is far more complex than this would indicate. In some sections, big pueblos were built very early in the period.[7] In peripheral regions, pit houses continued to be used as dwellings long after they had ceased to serve such a purpose in the main area, and, even in the nuclear portion, the rate of progress was by no means constant, nor was it always in the same direction. For a somewhat clearer picture, it is best to consider some of the different places where excavation of Developmental-Pueblo sites has been undertaken.

At Kiatuthlana, Arizona,[107] forty miles southwest of Zuñi, pit houses and jacal structures were contemporaneous during early Pueblo times. The latter were flat-roofed, four-sided buildings, trapezoidal, rather than rectangular, in outline. Some were single rooms, and others had three or four chambers.

In the Piedra district of southwestern Colorado[106] are found jacal buildings in clusters of from three to fifteen. The different structures were often close, but did not touch. A number of clusters, laid in a crescent shape around a circular depression, comprised a village. These depressions are thought by some to have served as reservoirs, or possibly sometimes as plazas or dance courts. Others hold the opinion, based on the results of more recent excavations in other areas, that they may contain pit houses.[41] The earliest houses were pits with sloping jacal walls. Later the floors were merely depressed, and walls were perpendicular. This type was eventually combined with two-room storage buildings of crude masonry. Next, the jacal construction disappeared and the rooms made of masonry were enlarged and became dwellings instead of storerooms.

In the nearby region of the La Plata drainage,[95] houses in the beginning of the period differed little from those of Basketmaker times, except that they were somewhat more massive and more masonry was used. There was some jacal construction, but usually a variant form was employed in which only a few widely spaced wooden supports were used. Sometimes the entire wall consisted of clay pressed into position with the hands, and the posts were absent. Stones were sometimes added to the clay, and some crude coursed masonry has been found. Stone slabs commonly formed the wainscoting. Houses were usually grouped in a crescentic form along the north and west sides of a depression containing a subterranean chamber. No dance courts or plazas have been found.

During the latter part of Developmental-Pueblo times in the La Plata area, jacal and slab construction were replaced by stone and adobe, and walls became more massive. At first the adobe was considered the important mass and only a few stones were incorporated, but, as time went by, the ratio changed and stone predominated with mud serving only as a mortar. Crescent-shaped room-placement changed to a rectangular structure.

In the Ackmen-Lowry region[82] of southwestern Colorado most early Developmental-Pueblo sites consisted of one or two above-ground rooms associated with a pit house which may have served as a domicile as well as provided a place for the celebration of ceremonies. The surface structures were of slabs topped by masonry, or were of jacal construction. Later houses were built of coursed masonry and usually contained from four to six rooms. The associated pit houses seem to have been used exclusively as ceremonial chambers. Also found in this area was a good-sized Pueblo, known as Lowry Ruin, which was occupied late in Developmental-Pueblo times as well as during the succeeding period. Thirty-five rooms have been uncovered, but there is evidence that the pueblo was modified six or seven times, and it is estimated that probably no more than fifteen or eighteen rooms were occupied at any one time.

At Alkali Ridge in southeastern Utah,[7] thirteen sites have been excavated which have yielded valuable information about architectural development. Ten of these contained Developmental-Pueblo structures. In this area, even as early as the eighth century, pueblos with as many as three hundred above-ground storage and living rooms were being built in association with large and small pit houses. These pueblos consisted of long curving rows of contiguous rooms with the larger dwelling units in front of the small chambers used for storage. A variety of wall types was used, often in combination. They include upright stone slabs, jacal, and some coursed masonry.

During the latter half of Developmental-Pueblo times in this area there were buildings made of jacal with stones imbedded in the adobe. Those found range in size from one to twelve rooms, and some may have been larger. There were also structures of coursed masonry. Some of these contained only one or two rooms but others may have been fairly large.

In excavations near Allantown, in eastern Arizona,[112] the evolution from simple masonry granaries to multi-roomed houses, and the development from simple, partially subterranean houses to highly specialized kivas, or ceremonial buildings, is clearly shown. There the change from domiciliary pit house to unit house seems to have occurred in the period between 814 and about 1014 A. D. This, however, was a slower development than in other areas. In the Chaco Canyon area of New Mexico, for example, great communal houses, with several stories and hundreds of rooms, of which the unit-type house seems to have been the forerunner, apparently were started by 1014.

Unit houses, which were commonly built in the second part of Developmental-Pueblo times and in the following period, were above-ground structures built of stone and adobe. They were one story in height and usually contained from six to fourteen rooms. These rooms were sometimes placed in a long row, sometimes in a double tier, and, in other cases, were arranged in the shape of an “L” or rectangular “U”.

Unit houses are occasionally referred to as _clan houses_, for some archaeologists believe that they may have been occupied by single family groups. Present day social organization in the western pueblos is based on clans, and it is believed that this is of long standing and probably extends far back into prehistoric times. Descent is traced in these pueblos in the maternal line. In such villages a clan is a group made up of individuals descended from the same female ancestor. Houses belong to the women, and a family group which lives together usually consists of a woman and her daughters and their families. The husbands belong to other clans. They live with their wives’ groups, but their religious affiliations are with their own clans. The kivas, or ceremonial chambers, belong to the men of the clan and serve as club rooms as well as providing a place where secret religious rites may be performed.

In Developmental-Pueblo times, kivas were very similar in form to those used at the present time in the eastern pueblos. They were circular, subterranean structures which lay to the south or southeast of houses. Walls were of masonry, and there were encircling benches in which pilasters were often incorporated. Roofs were normally cribbed, and entrance was usually through the smoke-hole in the center; although, in some unit-type sites in southwestern Colorado, stone towers are found containing manholes which led into tunnels connecting with kivas.[83]

It is interesting to note the apparent derivation of kivas from the old domiciliary pit houses which had, at least in a rudimentary form, all of the features of the later religious structures and which also lay in the same position in relation to the surface masonry structures. It is believed that originally each house had its own shrine. When special structures came to be built exclusively for the performance of religious rites, the people clung to the old form of building, although their dwellings were developing in a different direction. There is an innate conservatism and traditionalism in religion which is well represented in architecture. In our own cities, where we erect medieval cathedrals and sky scrapers, we can see a lag of from four to seven centuries between religious and secular architecture.

In some parts of the Southwest, kivas were not the only places available for the performance of religious rites. At Allantown[112] was found a great circular area, paved with adobe and enclosed on three sides by upright stone slabs, which is believed to have been a dance court. On the north side is a platform or dais. Probably in that long ago time there were many days and nights when moving feet beat out the intricate rhythms of the dance against the hard packed adobe, as the gods were importuned to bring life-giving rain for the crops.

In addition to the houses, kivas, and dance courts, there were also brush shelters with firepits, ovens and storage places. These probably provided outdoor cooking facilities during the summer.

In the field of pottery, important changes were taking place, and specialization was increasing all through the Anasazi area. Developmental-Pueblo pottery had a finer paste and was better made than that of Modified-Basketmaker times. Some tempering was done with pulverized potsherds. More different types were represented. Plain gray ware was still made. Pottery with black designs on a white background was very common, except in the Alkali Ridge[7] area of southeastern Utah where early Developmental-Pueblo painted pottery had a pinkish-orange ground color with designs in red paint. In referring to painted pottery it is customary to mention first the color of the design and then the color of the background, as, for example, _black-on-white_ or _red-on-orange_ ware. Minor types of Developmental-Pueblo times included a lustrous black-on-red ware and bowls with more or less polished black interiors and brownish or reddish exteriors. The differentiation between culinary and non-culinary pottery became more marked. The former came to be characterized by corrugations in the clay, and the latter chiefly by painted designs.

Specialization in particular areas is best shown in the black-on-white wares. There are two main groups—an eastern one which centered around the Chaco Canyon area of New Mexico, and a western one which centered around the Kayenta region of Arizona.[110] Both extended far beyond these nuclear areas. The former was characterized by a wide use of mineral paint. Designs stand out from the background. Possibly they were applied after the vessel had been polished. In the western form, designs were usually applied with a paint made from plant juices and they seem to fade into the surface of the vessel. This may be due in part to the application of paint before the polishing of the vessel had been completed.

In all sections there was a greater variety of forms and designs than in the preceding period. Designs were no longer confined to the interiors of bowls and ladles but were placed on all kinds of vessels. Basketry patterns were still used, but others were taken from textiles, and still others seem to have been developed only for the medium of pottery. Designs show a certain lack of skill in execution, but they were elaborate and boldly conceived. There is every evidence of people still experimenting with a new medium. The principal elements were parallel lines, sometimes straight and in other cases stepped or wavy; zig-zags, triangles, checkerboards, and interlocking frets. Both curvilinear and rectilinear designs were used. In the latter part of the period parallel lines were scarce, and elements became broader and heavier.

Techniques of production and finishing differed from those of Modified-Basketmaker times. The practice of using slips developed. A slip is a coating of very fine, almost liquid, clay which is smeared on a finished vessel before firing to give a smooth even finish. In the second part of the period, spiral coiling began. In the earlier forms, short clay fillets, which made only one turn around the vessel, were used. With the spiral technique, longer rolls of clay were used and each made several circuits around the vessel. During the first half of the period, vessels were either entirely smoothed or, in the case of many culinary vessels, the bottom was smoothed while the neck portion was characterized by flat, relatively broad, concentric clay bands. These neck-banded jars are quite characteristic of early Developmental Pueblo. During the second part of the period corrugated ware appeared. This is pottery in which the alternate ridges and depressions resulting from a coiling and pinching technique of manufacture have not been obliterated. Sometimes the corrugations were embellished by indentations produced by pinching the clay between the fingers or by incising them with the fingernail or some small implement. In this way simple patterns were formed. The use of this type of pottery for cooking may stem from the fact that this is the only type of decoration which would not soon be obliterated by soot. Objects made of clay also included tubular pipes or cloud-blowers. Stone and wood were also sometimes used in making these objects.

Baskets continued to be made, although pottery vessels were used for many purposes for which baskets had formerly been employed. The number of baskets made undoubtedly diminished, and the large flat trays so characteristic of Basketmaker times seem to have almost entirely disappeared. The great decrease in number of baskets made, however, may be more apparent than real, for most Developmental-Pueblo sites are in the open and little perishable material remains. Examples which have been found indicate that the coiling technique continued and designs became more elaborate. Twilled baskets were also manufactured.

Sandals of fine string, with coarse patterns on the under side, were still being woven. They had rounded toes. A new material and new techniques in weaving appeared with the introduction of cotton at this time. Cotton was grown and used to produce thread which was woven into fabrics with looms. Fur and feather blankets, primarily the latter, were still being made, but light cotton blankets were probably also worn. It is thought that kilts and breech cloths were made of the same material. Various ornaments, including beads, pendants, and bracelets, were worn. The former were largely of colored shales, turquoise, and alabaster. Some bracelets were of glycymeris, a shell which must have been imported from the Gulf of California.

Cotton was the only addition to the list of cultivated plants, but squash and beans continued to be grown. Corn was still the staple food. It was ground on scoop-shaped trough metates. In one case three graded manos, of varying degrees of roughness, were found with one metate. This foreshadowed the later Pueblo practice of having mealing bins with series of metates ranging in texture from relatively coarse to very fine. Corn was first coarsely ground on the roughest metate, or with the roughest mano, and then worked over with progressively smoother stones until a very fine meal resulted. Crudely flaked hoes began to be used in cultivating the crops. Some were hafted, but many were not.

Meat continued to be included in the diet. Bear, elk, buffalo, wolf, mountain sheep, deer, and rabbits were among the animals hunted. The bow and arrow were almost universally used. Arrowheads were well flaked, usually long and narrow, with long, sharp barbs. Late in the period a new type appeared which became increasingly numerous later. These points were short, broad, and notched at right angles.

Dogs and turkeys were the only domesticated animals. One reason for the belief that they were not kept to provide food is that they have been found buried with mortuary offerings. Corn was provided for the turkeys and bones for the dogs which were buried. There was also pottery, sometimes miniature vessels, sometimes sherds rubbed down to form shallow vessels.

Axes are relatively scarce, but are found in this period. Edges were smoothed by grinding. On the whole these were not very efficient cutting implements, for the edges were quite dull.

Human burials varied widely according to locality. For the most part they are found in refuse heaps. These characteristic mounds, as the name indicates, were formed of the refuse thrown away by the inhabitants of a village and are composed of ashes, dirt, broken pottery, and general debris. There was no disrespect for the dead in burying them in such a place; it was simply that, with the primitive implements available, it was desirable to make interments where digging was easiest. The difficulties of excavation also led to the placing of bodies, in some cases, in abandoned storage pits or houses. Children are often found buried under floors near firepits, possibly because mothers felt that the dependence of an infant extended to the soul and they wished to keep it near.

Bodies were inhumed in a more or less flexed position. There was no fixed orientation, as there was in later periods. Undoubtedly there were some mortuary offerings of a perishable nature, but these have not survived. Pottery was placed in graves in many cases. At Kiatuthlana[107] there was a strong degree of consistency in the offerings. Each grave contained a culinary jar covered by a bowl with a blackened interior, and a black-on-white bowl. Certain graves contained more than three pieces of pottery, but they were in multiples of three, with an equal number of each type.

There are some very puzzling features about the disposal of the dead in Developmental-Pueblo times. In most of the San Juan area and in the Kiatuthlana region the number of graves found is about what would be expected on the basis of the population indicated by habitations. In other places, however, and particularly in the La Plata region,[95] only a very few burials have been found and they undoubtedly represent only a fraction of the deaths which must have occurred. What happened to the remaining bodies is a question which has not been answered. Some particularly baffling finds are: skulls buried without bodies, and bodies buried without heads. In the case of skull burials it has been suggested that warriors may have been killed some distance from home. Bringing the entire body back would have been impracticable, and only the heads were returned to be given suitable burial among the kinsmen of the dead individual. This, however, does not explain the headless skeletons which are also found, for it seems unlikely that the body of an enemy which had been left behind, after the head had been removed, would be given burial.

At Alkali Ridge[7] there was the usual baffling scarcity of burials in early Developmental-Pueblo times, and no evidence of cremation. A number of burials were found in the later horizon, however, and they provide an interesting example of how much we can learn of how people lived from a study of their physical remains. Evidence of various bone diseases indicates that the Alkali Ridge people suffered from malnutrition and vitamin deficiencies. The fact that one individual, so badly crippled that she could not have been a productive member of the community, lived to be sixty years old or more, tells us that these people were willing to care for handicapped members of their group. The communities must have been subject to hostile attack. Two individuals appear to have died from blows on the head. One of these men had also been shot by an arrow, and scratches on his head indicate that he had been scalped. Evidence of local inbreeding is provided by the finding of three people with fused ribs, a very rare abnormality not likely to appear so frequently except in a highly inbred group.

Peripheral Areas

Outside of the central area of the Anasazi region there were other developments during this period. In marginal areas, certain phenomena are almost invariably present. There will be some lag in the diffusion of new traits, and in some ways the culture of the marginal section will be less advanced. Early elements may survive for a long time. Traits which are chronologically distinct in the main area may arrive together in the outlying sections. Other features may not spread or may be rejected by the people of the peripheral area. In general, there is a progressive fading of the basic pattern as one goes farther away from the nucleus. Certain traits may have been acquired from other cultures, and there is usually also a tendency to develop new traits and to modify and adapt those which have been imported, in accordance with local needs.

All of these characteristics are to be found in the region north and northwest of the Colorado River which is known as the _Northern Periphery_ of the Southwest. During Developmental-Pueblo times a number of early traits persisted in the Northern Periphery after they had disappeared in the San Juan country. People continued to live in earth-covered pit houses and lodges after these had been replaced by surface masonry structures farther south. In some cases the side passage still served as an entrance instead of being reduced in size for use as a ventilator. Slab cists, identical with Basketmaker structures, were quite common. In the south and east of the periphery some unit houses were built during late Developmental-Pueblo times, but they were far inferior to those of the main district. Much crude, gray pottery was produced, and fugitive-red paint was widely used. Clay figurines and nipple-shaped objects, characteristic of the Basketmaker culture, continued to be widely made in the north long after they had disappeared in the nuclear area. Gaming bones are among the most common artifacts. Throughout, there is an amalgamation of traits which were separate elsewhere. In some cases early pottery types are found associated with houses of a later type; in others it is the pottery which is more advanced than the houses.

Certain features characteristic of the main Pueblo culture either did not reach the Northern Periphery, or were not accepted by the inhabitants. North of the San Juan drainage, sandals and cotton cloth were not produced. The turkey was not domesticated. There were no grooved axes and mauls. True kivas have not been found, although there are some structures which are believed to have been used for ceremonial purposes.

Other features, which are characteristic of the Northern Periphery, are not found farther south. Many of these are clearly shown in sites found in the drainage of the Fremont River of Utah.[97] Here leather moccasins replaced sandals. These were made of mountain sheep hide with the hair left on. The portion of the hide containing the dewclaws of the sheep was attached to the sole in such a way that the dewclaws served as hobnails. Clay figurines, most of which depicted human females, were quite elaborate. Also characteristic of the culture, were remarkably fine rock paintings and pecked drawings of Katchinas or supernatural beings. In the field of pottery, traits which characterize northern peripheral wares include raised or appliquéd ornaments and punched designs. Another distinguishing feature is a unique form of grinding stone, sometimes called the _Utah-type_ metate. This is a shovel-shaped stone with a deep trough and a platform at one end containing a secondary depression.

Although the culture of the Northern Periphery is basically Southwestern in character and is largely of Modified-Basketmaker and early Developmental-Pueblo origin, it seems probable that the Anasazi was not the only influence and that there was some immigration and diffusion of ideas from the east and the north. People living farther to the north may also have affected the life of the inhabitants of the Periphery in other ways. At approximately the end of Developmental-Pueblo times, most of the marginal area was abandoned. Some archaeologists think that this was due to pressure from northern nomadic tribes. Only along the Colorado River, did northerly sites continue to be occupied during the following period.

Anasazi traits also penetrated to other peripheral areas. Evidence of Anasazi influence is found in southwestern Texas sites, particularly those of the Big Bend area, occupied after about 900 A.D. Modified Basketmaker and Pueblo traits are also found in sites in the valleys of the Muddy and Virgin rivers in southeastern Nevada. In the Nevada sites[46] both pit dwellings and above-ground houses with many rooms have been found. Most of the painted pottery is black-on-gray but some black-on-white and black-on-red wares also occur. Culinary ware was corrugated. As in Utah, there were no axes, and the turkey does not appear to have been domesticated.

One of the most interesting marginal manifestations is known as the _Rosa Phase_.[41] Rosa sites have been found in the drainage of the Governador Wash which lies between the towns of Aztec and Dulce in north-central New Mexico. Between about 700 and 900 A.D. this region was occupied by people who lived in very large pit houses. They were also familiar with surface construction and had above-ground granaries, made of adobe, which sometimes contained several contiguous rooms. Houses and granaries were surrounded by stockades made of posts interlaced with brush. Pottery was not very well made, and consisted to a great extent of undecorated ware. Many of the vessels were started in baskets. The small amount of decorated pottery which was produced seems to represent imitations of other already developed types.

The bones of a great many dogs and turkeys are found in the rubbish heaps and it is thought that they may have been an important element in the diet of the people. Dogs, however, probably had some significance other than as a source of food, for some were so old and toothless that they may have died of old age. Also, dogs were found buried in every grave.

Burial customs differed from those of other areas. In some cases, bodies seem to have been exposed and allowed to decompose, at least partially, before the bones were buried. There was no deformation of the skull in any of burials uncovered.

SUMMARY

Returning to the subject of the Developmental-Pueblo period in the nuclear portion of the Anasazi region, we may summarize by saying that this was a time of transition. Pit houses were first used as dwellings, and then, becoming more highly specialized, were used as ceremonial structures. Surface granaries gave rise to above-ground houses. Walls were first predominantly of poles and adobe, later of masonry. Large structures with numerous contiguous rooms became increasingly common. Pottery improved in quality and an increasing number of wares were represented, including corrugated cooking ware. Axes and hoes were added to the assemblage of implements. Cotton began to be grown, and fabrics were produced by loom weaving. These statements, however, only indicate general trends, for there was no real uniformity of cultural development. There were differences between various sections of the country, and there were also variations within the same area. With the end of Developmental-Pueblo times, however, all of the basic Pueblo traits were established, and the stage was set for the flowering of the high culture of the next period which has been called the “Golden Age” of the Anasazi.

THE GREAT-PUEBLO PERIOD

The phase which followed Developmental-Pueblo times is the one best known to the general public, for it was during this time that there were built the great communal houses, whose impressive ruins in our National Monuments and Parks draw thousands of fascinated visitors every year. This is the period of the Cliff Dwellers who built the remarkable structures of Mesa Verde and then, apparently, disappeared into the mists of time. Much of the mystery which surrounds these people in the public mind is unnecessary, but there is still enough of the remarkable in their achievements, and in their disappearance from their old haunts, to intrigue the imagination.

This period is also known as _Classic Pueblo_ or _Pueblo III_, but is now aptly called the _Great-Pueblo_[110] period, for it marks the time when this culture reached the pinnacle of its development. Its general characteristics were summarized in the Pecos classification which defined Pueblo III as: “the stage of large communities, great development of the arts, and growth of intensive local specialization.”[74]

There is some disagreement as to the date which should be assigned to the beginning of Great-Pueblo times, for cultural development was not equal in all sections of the Plateau. In some areas, people were still living as they had in Developmental-Pueblo times, while, in others, Great-Pueblo traits were well established. Since specialization became so marked that various cultural centers must be considered separately, it is best, in most cases, to give dates for this period in terms of specific areas. There is, however, some agreement as to the ending date. In general it may be said that Great-Pueblo times began, in most places, about 1050 A.D. and lasted until the end of the thirteenth century, when the whole northern portion of the Plateau was abandoned.

The greatest change from the preceding period was in the realm of architecture. There were a great many unit houses, in which a fairly large percentage of the population lived, but big “apartment houses,” up to five stories in height and containing hundreds of rooms, were also built. This change naturally affected not only the living conditions of the people, but influenced their whole life, for people living together in a closely-knit community will develop differently from the way they would in widely scattered settlements.

When a population is broken up into small independent units and scattered over a wide area, there is not likely to be any need or desire for overall government, and authority is usually vested in the person of the head of the family or clan. As the size of the group increases and life becomes increasingly complex, some centralization of power is inevitable. Cooperation between individuals and groups of individuals becomes not only desirable but essential. In such an undertaking as the building of a huge structure, containing hundreds of rooms, there must be cooperation. With the occupation of such a building, when as many as a thousand people may be living under one roof, the need for working together continued. With greater cooperation, leisure is likely to increase, although sometimes this greater freedom is limited to a ruling caste which makes great demands on the time of other individuals. This does not appear to have been the case among the ancient Pueblo people as they seem to have had an essentially democratic form of government.

With added leisure, there is usually increasing development in the arts and in religion. As more time can be devoted to religious practices, ceremonies tend to become more elaborate and more formalized. Often a priestly caste will arise which, as in the case of the concentration of secular power, may result in autocracy. The Pueblos seem to have avoided this danger too. The many kivas suggest that religion and its ceremonial expression must have played a strong part in their daily lives, as it does today. Undoubtedly there were priests who were figures of importance in the community, but there is no evidence that they wielded an autocratic power which gave them great material advantages over other members of the group.

Community living will have other far-reaching influences. When only a small family group is living together, it must be almost entirely self-sufficient and must produce practically everything which it uses. As the group increases in size, specialization also tends to increase. For example, a woman who makes exceptional baskets, but is not a particularly skillful potter, may come to specialize in the making of baskets which she can exchange for pottery made by someone who produces a finer ware. Familiarity with the work of others will also stimulate development, for new ideas will have a wider distribution and competition will serve as a stimulating factor.

There was no basic change in type of structure, for the great houses were, in a sense, much enlarged and modified unit houses. The great change lay in the joining together of great numbers of people. It must not be thought, however, that all of the people lived in huge communal dwellings such as those of Mesa Verde or Chaco Canyon. Actually many groups continued to live in unit houses at a considerable distance from the main centers, and many of the so-called great houses contained only a small number of rooms. The really big houses were in the minority and would appear to have been capable of sheltering only a small fraction of the total population.

There was undoubtedly a general trend toward a coalescence of the population, however, and it is interesting to speculate on the reason for this tendency. The fact that the great houses were admirably suited to defense has given rise to the theory that the people began to move together for protection against an outside enemy. There can be no doubt that the need for defense was taken into consideration in the building of the big structures, but this cannot be the whole answer. There is some evidence of violence, but not a great deal. The utmost care was taken in the construction of the great houses, and much time-consuming work went into decoration. When danger threatens, speed becomes the primary consideration, and the amenities of life are sacrificed. There were many small houses in which a good portion of the population lived, and these were not always in locations suitable for defense. Since defense obviously was a consideration in the minds of the builders of the great houses, and since there is some evidence of violence and bloodshed, we cannot discount the role which warfare may have played in architectural development, but it seems certain that this was not the only factor which influenced this development.

Another interesting theory has been proposed.[81] It is based on the fact that, not only was there great building activity during this period, but also that there was much restlessness and moving about. Walls were torn down and rebuilt, and many buildings were abandoned and new ones erected, without any reason that is apparent from archaeological evidence. It has been suggested that this restlessness and the intensity with which building activities were pursued may have been an outlet for the repressions and inhibitions of a group which had a cultural pattern with set rules against violence and excess. There is great variation among the different groups which make up the Pueblo Indians of today, but, in many cases, they have a cultural pattern that upholds the golden mean and discourages all extremes.[4] Such a way of life might well produce certain repressions which would result in a general restlessness and desire for change and activity.

The chief objection to this theory lies in the defensive character of the great houses, which would suggest that violence was not unknown. In times of war, desire for change and action is readily satisfied, and socially approved reasons are provided for breaking away from many of the established rules of society. Undoubtedly, though, the urge which resulted in the creation of great community dwellings which were in essence city-states, came to some extent from within the people themselves and was not entirely the result of outside influences. Many factors undoubtedly played a part, but the building of the big houses must, in some measure, be regarded as an architectural vogue which, to a great extent, stemmed from the desires as well as the needs of the people.

The causes which led to the abandonment of the great houses and which resulted in the end of this phase of Pueblo development are just as difficult to understanding as are those which led to their being constructed in the first place. By 1300 A.D., the entire northern section of the Plateau had been deserted. This was not the result of a single mass migration, but rather of a wide general movement. First one big center and then another was deserted. Even in these centers themselves, all the inhabitants did not leave at the same time; rather it seems that small groups drifted away, a few at a time. Eventually, though, the entire northern frontier was deserted, and no living person who had contributed to the growth and flowering of the culture remained. Naturally, this strange departure has given rise to much conjecture. It would be pleasant to be able to say that such and such a cause produced this result. Unfortunately, anything connected with the human race is rarely quite so simple.

The invaluable tree-rings have not only provided us with dates for various events, but have given us information about climatic conditions which undoubtedly had a tremendous effect on the movements of the people with whom we are concerned. From tree-ring records we know that during the centuries when the hopes and fears of the prehistoric Pueblo Indians were centered on their crops there were bad years as well as good ones. We know of periods when rainfall was below normal, and of others when there were real droughts. Most of these were of short duration, however, until the disastrous period between 1276 and 1299 when there was practically no rain, and the Southwest suffered an extremely severe drought. It was during this period that the northern frontier was finally abandoned, and the people moved to new localities. Some archaeologists have felt that the disappearance of the Pueblos from their old homes can be traced entirely to this disastrous drought. If all the communities had been abandoned at the same time, this would be a logical assumption. Actually, the time of the abandonment of all of the main centers does not fall between these two dates. Some were deserted prior to the beginning of the great drought and a few continued to be occupied after the dry period had begun.

One of the most interesting theories yet advanced is based on the suggestion that a really severe drought was not necessary to upset the economy of the Pueblo farmers.[10][39] Some dry farming was practiced and there was some ditch irrigation, but the greatest dependence seems to have been on flood-water farming in valley bottoms. This is a system whereby water is simply diverted and distributed through the fields when floods come down the valley. During periods when rainfall is deficient, although not sufficiently so to warrant the use of the term drought, steep channels, known as _arroyos_, are cut into flood plains; the water-table is lowered, and flood-water fields become useless. Not only may the fields themselves be dissected by the arroyo cutting, but water can no longer be diverted for flood irrigation. If, as seems probable, the great drought was only the climax of a period of increasing dryness when much farmland was lost through arroyo-cutting, it is not hard to understand why the Pueblo farmers might move on to more favored localities.

Another theory advanced to explain the departure of the ancient agriculturists, and one which has enthusiastic supporters, is that they were driven from their homes by fierce nomadic tribes who were attracted by the wealth of food stored in their granaries.[73] Much of this thinking is based on what we know of nomadic raids in general, and the records of the terrible Navajo and Apache depredations from the middle of the seventeenth century until their comparatively recent subjugation by the United States Army. For years it has been the practice simply to accept the belief that fierce warlike tribes had preyed on the peaceful Pueblos for centuries. More recently, however, some searching questions have been asked, and this theory is under close scrutiny.[80]

It is granted that the type of construction employed in the Great-Pueblo era indicates some need for defense, but it does not show against whom the defense was needed. Assuming that there were nomadic tribesmen, ready and anxious to carry away the patiently accumulated wealth of the Pueblos, we must ask ourselves what advantage they would have had over their victims which would have enabled them to carry out their depredations. If the nomads had been mounted, as they were in later times, they would have had the advantages of speed and mobility which are essential for surprise attacks—the only type which would be of much avail against a heavily fortified structure. Only much later, however, were horses introduced into the Southwest; and at this time the attackers would have had to travel on foot.

Greater numbers, or superior organization, might have given them an advantage, but we can hardly believe that the nomads were as numerous or had as good an organization as that of the people of the Pueblos. The region in which they presumably lived would certainly not support a large population, and particularly one with an essentially parasitic economy which did not produce. With such an economy, people cannot live too close together without exhausting the available resources, and a thinly spread population is unlikely to be highly organized.

Great physical superiority may be another factor in the winning of battles between people who have not yet become so civilized as to have machines which will enable one individual to kill thousands of his fellow men. Any physical superiority, however, would seem to rest with the sedentary people who had an assured food supply. Moreover, their life was still sufficiently rugged so that there can hardly be any question of their having been greatly weakened by soft living.

Doubtless, there were sporadic raids by nomads, and these may have had a cumulative effect in upsetting Pueblo economy. The role played by periods of arroyo-cutting and by droughts can certainly not be overlooked. These may well have done more than reduce the food supply. When food is scarce, raids are more likely to occur, and it is entirely probable that the relationship between various groups deteriorated as prosperity decreased. Toward the end of Great-Pueblo times we find increasing signs of warfare in the form of burned buildings and unburied bodies, many of which show evidence of violence. The latter are of the characteristic Pueblo type, however, and would seem to indicate warfare between people of the same blood.

The most logical theory seems to be that many factors contributed to the great change which occurred in the Anasazi province. Doubtless, climatic conditions were the great underlying cause, but there may have been others. We cannot afford to confine our attention entirely to material causes, but must take into consideration even the possibility that fears, engendered by religious beliefs, may have played a part. All this, however, is largely in the realm of conjecture, for, with no written records, there can be no first hand information.

Whatever the causes, the end of the Great-Pueblo period was marked by a redistribution of population and a general trend toward concentration in places where conditions were most favorable. While the chief movement was from the north, there was also some withdrawing from the south. By the beginning of the following period, which is sometimes known as the _Regressive-Pueblo_ phase, much territory throughout the Plateau area was deserted. Main population centers were confined to the central area of the Plateau. This includes the Little Colorado drainage, particularly the section in the vicinity of the Hopi mesas and the Zuñi region, and the Rio Grande drainage.

Although there were certain traits which characterized the culture as a whole during the Great-Pueblo period, there was a somewhat different development in each of the three main culture centers which flourished at this time. In each of these there was an intense local specialization in architecture and in pottery making.

The latter, in fact, became so highly specialized that products of the various areas may be identified no matter where they may be found. No two pieces of pottery of each kind will be exactly alike, but they all conform to a common ideal. It must be stressed that, by _culture center_, we do not mean an entirely restricted area, but rather a nuclear section in which specialization was most intense and from which influence spread, often over a large area.

The oldest settlement, and one which continued to be a cultural leader with far-reaching influences for centuries, lies in the Chaco Canyon of New Mexico.[61][73][95] The Chaco River is a tributary of the San Juan which flows through northwestern New Mexico. Within the canyon are found twelve large ruins, which include some of the most spectacular of the ancient buildings erected in North America, and innumerable smaller ruins. The twelve great communal buildings were more or less rectangular, oval, or D-shaped structures, with up to four stories on three sides, and a single-storied row of rooms which bowed out to the southeast. Within the walls was a great open court or plaza which contained numerous kivas. Other kivas were incorporated within the building mass. It is interesting to note that the traditional underground character of the ceremonial chamber was preserved through filling in the space between the circular walls of the kiva and the straight walls of the other rooms.

One of the largest and most famous Chacoan structures is called Pueblo Bonito.[71] It was a town, consisting of a single building, which covered over three acres of ground and contained at least eight hundred rooms. It has been estimated that it could have sheltered 1200 inhabitants, and it was the largest “apartment house” in the world until a larger one was erected in New York in 1882. Building had begun at Pueblo Bonito as early as 919 A.D., but it did not reach its final form until 1067 A.D. or later. It is believed that the more definitely planned settlement may have been the work of new and more progressive people who moved into the area.