Chapter IV: Introduction: 1. General Remarks

Worsaae's list of 1400 place-names in England gives us an idea of the extent, as well as the distribution of Scandinavian settlements in the 9th and 10th centuries. How long Scandinavian was spoken in England we do not know, but it is probable that it began to merge into English at an early date. The result was a language largely mixed with Norse and Danish elements. These are especially prominent in the M.E. works "Ormulum," "Cursor Mundi," and "Havelok." We have historical records of the Danes in Central and Eastern England. We have no such records of Scandinavian settlements in Northwestern England, but that they took place on an extensive scale 300 place- names in Cumberland and Westmoreland prove. In Southern Scotland, there are only about 100 Scandinavian place-names, which would indicate that such settlements here were on a far smaller scale than in Yorkshire, Lincolnshire, or Cumberland--which inference, however, the large number of Scandinavian elements in Early Scotch seems to disprove. I have attempted to ascertain how extensive these elements are in the literature of Scotland. It is possible that the settlements were more numerous than place-names indicate, that they took place at a later date, for instance, than those in Central England. Brate showed that the general character of Scandinavian loanwords in the Ormulum is East Scandinavian. Wall concludes that it is not possible to determine the exact source of the loanwords in modern English dialects because "the dialect spoken by the Norsemen and the Danes at the time of settlement had not become sufficiently differentiated to leave any distinctive trace in the loanwords borrowed from them, or (that) neither race preponderated in any district so far as to leave any distinctive mark upon the dialect of the English peasantry." It is true that the general character of the language of the two races was at the time very much the same, but some very definite dialectal differentiations had already taken place, and I believe the dialectal provenience of a very large number of the loanwords can be determined. Furthermore, the distribution of certain place-names indicates that certain parts were settled more especially by Danes, others by Norsemen. The larger number of loanwords in Wall's "List A" seem to me to be Danish. My own list of loanwords bears a distinctively Norse stamp, as I shall show in Part III. of this work. This we should also expect, judging from the general character of Scandinavian place- names in Southern Scotland.

2. PLACE-NAMES AND SETTLEMENTS IN NORTHWESTERN ENGLAND.

Cumberland and Westmoreland, together covering an area equal to about two-thirds that of Yorkshire, have 300 Scandinavian place- names. Yorkshire has 407 according to Worsaae's table. The character of these names in Cumberland and Westmoreland is different from that of those in the rest of England. It seems that these counties were settled predominantly by Norsemen and also perhaps at a later date than that which we accept for the settlements in York and Lincolnshire. We know that as early as 795 Norse vikings began their visits to Ireland; that they settled and occupied the Western Isles about that time; that in 825 the Faroes were first colonized by Norsemen, partly from the Isles. After 870 Iceland was settled by Norsemen from Norway, but in part also from the Western Isles and Ireland. The 'Austmen' in Ireland, especially Dublin, seem frequently to have visited the opposite shore. It seems probable that Northwestern England was settled chiefly by Norsemen from Ireland, Man, and the Isles on the west. It is not likely that any settlements took place before 900. It seems more probable that they belong rather to the second quarter of the 10th Century or even later, when the Irish began successfully to assert themselves against the Norse kings in Dublin and Waterford. Perhaps some may have taken place even as late as the end of the 10th Century.

3. SCANDINAVIAN SETTLEMENTS IN SOUTHERN SCOTLAND.

In Southern Scotland, Dumfriesshire, Eastern Kircudbright and Western Roxburgh seem to have formed the center of Scandinavian settlements; so, at any rate, the larger number of place-names would indicate. The dialect spoken here is in many respects very similar to that of Northwestern England, D. 31 in Ellis, and the general character of the place-names is the same. These are, however, far fewer than in Northwestern England. Worsaae gives a list of about 30. This list is not exhaustive. From additional sources, rather incomplete, I have been able to add about 80 more Scandinavian place-names that occur in Southern Scotland, most of them of the same general character as those in Northwestern England. Among them: Applegarth, Cogarth, Auldgirth, Hartsgarth, Dalsgairth, Tundergarth, Stonegarthside, Helbeck, Thornythwaite, Twathwaite, Robiethwaite, Murraythwaite, Lockerby, Alby, Denbie, Middlebie, Dunnabie, Wysebie, Perceby, Newby, Milby, Warmanbie, Sorbie, Canoby, Begbie, Sterby, Crosby, Bushby, Magby, Pockby, Humbie, Begbie, Dinlaybyre, Maybole, Carnbo, Gateside, Glenholm, Broomholm, Twynholm, Yetholm, Smailholm, Langholm, Cogar, Prestwick, Fenwick, Howgate, Bowland, Arbigland, Berwick, Southwick, Corstorphine, Rowantree, Eggerness, Southerness, Boness, etc. There are in all about 110 such place-names, with a number of others that may be either English or Scandinavian. The number of Scandinavian elements in Southern Scotch is, however, very great and indicates larger settlements than can be inferred from place-names alone. In the case of early settlements these will generally represent fairly well the extent of settlement. But where they have taken place comparatively late, or where they have been of a more peaceful nature, the number of new names of places that result from them may not at all indicate their extent. The Scandinavians that settled in Southern Scotland probably at no time exceeded in number the native population. The place-names would then for the most part remain unchanged. The loanwords found in Southern Scotch and the names of places resemble those of Northwestern England. The same Northern race that located in Cumberland and Westmoreland also located in Scotland. It is probable, as Worsaae believed, that it is a second migration, chiefly from Cumberland. Dumfriesshire, at any rate, may have been settled in this way. The settlers of Kircudbright and Wigtown were probably largely from the Isles on the west. Other independent settlements were made in Lothian and the region about the Forth. That these are all later than those of Cumberland and Westmoreland is probable. According to what has been said above, the settlements in Dumfries, which seem to have been the earliest, could not have taken place before about the second quarter of the 10th Century, and probably were made later. The other settlements in Southern Scotland may extend even into the 11th Century. The name Dingwall (O.N. _Ðingvöllr_) in Dumfries, the place where the laws were announced annually, indicates a rather extensive settlement in Dumfries, and the dialect of Dumfries is also characterized by a larger number of Scandinavian elements than the rest of the Southern counties.

4. SETTLEMENTS IN ENGLAND, NORSE OR DANISH? THE PLACE-NAME TEST.

That the Danes were more numerous than the Norsemen in Central and Eastern England from Northumberland down to the Thames there can be no doubt. The distinctive Norse names _fell_, _tarn_ and _force_ do not occur at all, while _thorpe_ and _toft_, which are as distinctively Danish, are confined almost exclusively to this section. In Northumberland, Durham, Cumberland, Westmoreland and Lancashire _thorpe_ is comparatively rare, while _toft_ is not found at all. On the other hand, _fell_, _dale_, _force_, _haugh_, and _tarn_ (O.N. _fjall_, _dalr_, _foss_ and _fors_, _haugr_, _tjörn_) occur in large numbers in Northwestern England. _Beck_ may be either Danish or Norse, occurs, however, chiefly in the North. _Thwaite_ Worsaae regarded as Danish "because it occurs generally along with the Danish _by_." We find, however, that this is not exactly the case. In Lincolnshire there are 212 _by's_, in Leicestershire 66, in Northampton 26; _thwaite_ does not occur at all. In Yorkshire there are 167 names in _by_ and only 8 in _thwaite_, and 6 of these are in West Riding. It is only in Cumberland and Westmoreland that the proportions are nearly the same, but on _by_ see below §5. _Tveit_ is far more common in Norway than _tved_ in Denmark. The form of the word in place-names in England is, furthermore, more Norse than Danish. In the earliest Scandinavian settlements in England, those of Lincolnshire, for instance, _thwaite_ might be Danish if it occurred, for monophthongation of _æi_ to _e_ did not take place in Danish before about the end of the 9th Century; by about 900 this was complete (see §6). The Scandinavian settlements in Northwestern England, however, did not take place so early, consequently if these names were Danish and not Norse we should expect to find _thwet_, or _thweet_ (_tweet_), in place of _thwaite_. It is then to be regarded as Norse and not Danish. _Thwaite_ occurs almost exclusively in Northwestern England--43 times in Cumberland as against 3 in the rest of England south of Yorkshire. _Garth_ (O.N. _garðr_, O. Dan. _gardh_, later _gaard_), occurs very often in Cumberland. _With_, _ness_, _holm_, _land_, and _how_, do not occur very often. _How_ reminds one of the Jutish _höw_ in Modern Danish dialect. The rest of these may be either Danish or Norse. In Yorkshire we find a mixed condition of affairs. East Riding, as we should expect, has predominantly Danish names. _Thorpe_, which occurs 63 times in Lincolnshire, is found 48 times in East Riding. _Fell_, _tarn_ and _haugh_ do not occur. _Force_ is found twice, and _thwaite_ once. _Dale_, however, occurs 12 times. West Riding was probably settled by Danes from the East and by Norsemen from the West. _Thorpe_ occurs 29 times, _with_ 8, _toft_ 2, _beck_ 4, _fell_ 15, _thwaite_ 6, _dale_ 12, and _tarn_ 2. In North Riding _thorpe_ occurs 18 times. _Force_, _fell_, and _tarn_ together 12. The large number of names in _dale_ in North Riding is rather striking (40 in all), as compared with 52 for Westmoreland and Cumberland. While _dale_ is predominantly Norse, it may perfectly well be Danish, and it is not rare in Denmark. Furthermore, the greater number of _dales_ in Norway as compared with Denmark is largely accounted for by the nature of the country. No conclusions can be drawn from names in _force_ in Yorkshire, Cumberland and Westmoreland, as it is of too infrequent occurrence. _Fell_ occurs 22 times in York, as against 57 in Cumberland and Westmoreland (42 in Westmoreland alone), but in York occurs predominantly in West Riding, where everything points to a mixed settlement. The distribution of _tarn_ is interesting. _Tarn_ is as distinctively Norse as _thorpe_ is Danish. It occurs 24 times in Cumberland and Westmoreland, 3 in North Riding, and is not found at all south of Westmoreland and York.

5. _BY_ IN PLACE-NAMES. CONCLUSIONS AS TO THIS TEST.

_By_ has been regarded as a sign of Danish settlement for the following reasons: (1) O.N. _bör_ would have given _bo_. The O. Dan. form _býr_ becomes _by_. (2) _By_ is peculiar to Denmark, rare in Norway. (3) _Bö_ or _bo_ is the form found in Insular Scotland, in the Faroes and other Norse settlements. First, the form _bỳr_ is not exclusively O. Dan. It occurs several times in Old Norse sagas in the form _býr_ and _bý_--in "Flateyarbók," III., 290, in "Fagrskinna" 41, several times in the "Heimskringla," as well as elsewhere. Again, J. Vibe (see Nordisk Tidskrift, 1884, 535, and Norsk Historisk Tidskrift, 2 Række, 5 Bind), has shown that _by_ is not peculiar to Denmark and rare in Norway. It occurs 600-700 times in Denmark and Skåne, and 450 times in Norway. Finally, _by_ is often found in Norse settlements in Scotland and elsewhere--in Iceland, Shetland, Orkney, Man, and in the Western Isles. In fact, _by_ seems to be the more common form outside of Iceland. All we can say then is that _by_ is more Danish than Norse, but may also be Norse. Where names in _by_ are numerous it indicates that the settlements are rather Danish, but they may also be Norse. We have, then, the following results: Predominantly Danish settlements: Essex, Bedford, Buckingham, Suffolk, Norfolk, Northampton, Leicester, Rutland, Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, East Riding. Mixed Norse and Danish settlements: North Riding, West Riding, Durham, part of Cheshire, and Southern Lancashire. Norse settlements: Cumberland, Westmoreland, North Lancashire, part of Cheshire, and parts of Northumberland. The number of Scandinavian place-names in Northumberland is not large, only 22 in Worsaae's list. North of the Cheviot Hills the names are again predominantly Norse.

6. CHARACTERISTICS OF OLD NORTHERN, OR OLD SCANDINAVIAN.
EARLY DIALECTAL DIFFERENTIATION.

On the characteristics of primitive Northern and the changes that had taken place in the language before the Viking period, see Noreen, P.G.(2)I, 521-526. On pp. 523-526 are summarized the characteristics of General Northern. Until 800 the Northern tongue was unitary throughout the Scandinavian North. In the Viking age dialectal differentiations began to appear, especially in O. Dan. These are as follows (from Noreen):

About 800, older _hr_ > _r_ in Denmark.
Soon after 800, older diphthongs became simplified in Denmark,
e.g.,

_au_ > _u_ cp. O. Ic. _þau_, O.Gutnic _þaun_ = O. Dan. _þusi_
pronounced _þøsi_.
_ai_, _ei_ > _i_ cp. O. Ic. _stein_, O.N. _stæin_, O.Gtnc.
_stain_ = O. Dan. _stin_.
_io_, _iau_ > _u_ cp. O.N., O. Ic. _briote_, O.Gtnc.
_briauti_ = O. Dan. _biruti_.

Before 1000, _ē_ > _æ_ cp. O.N., O. Ic. _sér_ = O. Dan. _sær_
(written _sar_).
About 1,000, appears in O. Sw.--O. Dan. an excrescent _d_ between
_nn_ and _r_, e.g., _mantr_, pronounced _mandr_ (see Noreen,
p. 526).

7. OLD NORSE AND OLD DANISH.

Not until the year 1,000, or the beginning of the 11th Century, do dialectal differentiations seem to be fully developed. O.N., which in general preserves best the characteristics of the old Northern speech, undergoes at this time a few changes that differentiate Dan. and Norse still more. O. Sw. remains throughout closer to O. Dan. The two together are therefore called East Scandinavian. Old Icelandic, that is, Norse on Icelandic soil, develops its own forms, remaining, however, in the main very similar to O.N. These two are then called West Scandinavian. The following are some of the chief differences between West and East Scandinavian at the time (from Noreen, P.G.(2)I, 527):

1. _I_--(_R_) and _U_--_Umlaut_ in W.S. Absence of it in E.S.,
e.g.,

W.S. _hældr_ E.S. _halder_.
3 sg. pres. of _halda_, "to hold."
W.S. _i gær_, "yesterday," E.S. _i gar_.
W.S. _lǫnd_, pl. "land," E.S. _land_.

2. Development of _i_, _e_, _y_ into a consonantal _i_ in
diphthongs in W. S., not so in E. S., e.g.,

W.S. _siá_, "to see," E.S. _sēa_.
W.S. _fiánde_, "enemy," E.S. _fiande_.
W.S. _biár_, "of a village," E.S. _býar_.

3. Assimilation of _mp_, _nk_, _nt_, respectively, to _pp_, _kk_,
_tt_ in W.S., retention of them in E.S., e.g.,

W.S. _kroppen_, "crippled," E.S. _krumpin_.
W.S. _ækkia_, "widow," E.S. _ankia_.
W.S. _batt_, "bound," E.S. _binda_.
pret. of _binda_,

4. The Medio-passive:

W.S. _sk_, e.g., _kallask_, E.S. _s_, _kallas_.

5. Pronominal forms:

W.S. _ek_, _vér_ (_mér_), E.S. _iak_, _vīr_,
_ér_ (_þer_), _sem_, _īr_, _sum_.

8. REMARKS.

Assimilation of _mp_ to _pp_ and _nk_ to _kk_ appears also quite early in Danish and Swedish, e.g., _kap_ (_kapp_) and _drocken_ (see Kalkar), _kapp_ and _drokken_ (Sw.). _U--Umlaut_ seems to be more limited in O.N. than in O. Ic. O. Ic. _hl_, _hn_, _hr_ initially appear early as simple _l_, _n_, _r_ in O.N. (see Noreen 528), e.g., O. Ic. _hlaupa_, O.N. _loupa_; O. Ic. _hniga_, O.N. _niga_; O. Ic. _hringr_, O.N. _ringr_; O. Ic. _fn_ appears in O.N. as _bn_ or _mn_, e.g., O. Ic. _nafn_, O.N. _namn_ (N. Norse _navn_, _nabn_, _namn_). Initial _hv_, which was a heavy guttural spirant, became _kv_ in Western Norway, _kv_ and _khv_ in Iceland (though written _hv_ still), e.g., O.N., O. Ic. _hvelva_, Norse _kvelva_. O.N. _ø_ became _æ_ in Iceland, _døma_ > _dæma_. O.N. _æi_ became _ei_ in Iceland, e.g., O.N. _stæin_ > O. Ic. _stein_, O.N. _bæin_ > O. Ic. _bein_ (_stin_ and _bin_ in O. Dan.).

9. CHARACTERISTICS OF OLD NORTHUMBRIAN.

The following are some of the chief differences between O. Nhb. and W. S:

1. Preference in O. Nhb. for _a_ in many cases where W. S. has _e_.

2. _A_ sometimes appears in closed syllable where W.S. has æ.

3. _A_ before _l_ + consonant is not broken to _ea_ (Sievers
§121.3, and Lindelöf: Die Sprache des Durham Rituals).

4. _A_ before _r_ + consonant very frequently not broken, cp.
_arm_, _farra_. Breaking occurs more often, however.

5. _E_ before _l_ + consonant not broken in the Ritual (see
Lindelöf).

6. _E_ before _r_ + consonant is broken and appears as either _ea_
or _eo_, cp. _eorthe_, _earthe_.

7. _A_ before _h_, _ht_, _x_ (_hs_) becomes _æ_. Sievers §162.1.
In W.S. _a_ was broken to _ea_, cp. O. Nhb. _sax_, W.S. _seax_.
This Lindelöf explains as due to the different quality of the
_h_--in W.S. it was guttural, hence caused breaking; in Nhb. it
was palatal and hence the preceding _a_ was palatalized to _æ_.

8. Nhb. umlaut of _o_ is _œ_. In W. S. it was _e_, cp.
_dœma_, _sœca_, W. S. _dēman, sēcan_. See Sievers §§27
and 150.4. Bouterwek CXXVII, and Lindelöf. This difference was,
however, levelled out, Nhb. _œ_ becoming also _e_, according to
Sievers.

9. Special Nhb. diphthongs _ei_, _ai_, cp. _heista_, _seista_,
W.S. _hiehsta_, _siexta_.

10. Influence of preceding _w_ was greater than in the South.
A diphthong whose second element was a dark vowel was simplified
generally to a dark vowel (Lindelöf), e.g., _weo_ > _wo_,
_wio_ > _wu_, cp. _weorld_ > _world_, _weord_ > _word_, etc.

11. W.S. _t_ is represented quite frequently by _ð_ or _d_,
regularly so when combined with _l_, often so when combined with
_s_. See Lindelöf above.

12. W.S. _ð_ frequently appears as _d_ in the North; the reverse
also occurs. See Bouterwek CXLII-CXLV. In a few cases _ð_ > _t_.

13. _C_ before _t_ where W. S. regularly has _h_. See Bouterwek.

14. Metathesis of _r_ less extensive than in W. S.

15. Preceding _g_, _c_, _sc_ did not cause diphthongation in Nhb.
as often as in W. S.

16. Generally speaking, less extensive palatalization in Nhb. than
in W. S.

17. Dropping of final _n_ in infinitives in Northumbrian.

10. REMARKS. METATHESIS OF _R_.

The above characteristics of O. Nhb. will not only explain a great many later Scotch forms, but also show that a number of words which have been considered loanwords are genuine English. Sco. _daw_, "day," need not necessarily be traced to O.N. _dagr_. The W.S. _dæg_ gave Eng. _day_. _Dæg_ is also the Northern form. _Daw_ may of course be due to _a_ in the oblique cases, but according to 2 _dag_ may have appeared in the nominative case early in the North. This would develop to _daw_. Sco. _daw_, verb, "to dawn," is easily explained. W.S. _dagian_ > _dawn_ regularly, Nhb. _dagia_ (see 17 above) > _daw_. The O.N. _daga_, "to dawn," is then out of the question. Sco. _mauch_, "a kinsman"; the O.E. form was _mæg_, which would have given _may_. In the North the _g_ was probably not palatal. Furthermore a Northern form _mag_ would regularly develop to _maw_, might also be _mauch_ (cp. _law_ and _lawch_, adj., "low," O.N. _lagr_). O.N. _magr_, "kinsman," may, however, be the source of _mauch_. Sco. _hals_ is not from O.N. _hals_, but from O. Nhb. _hals_ which corresponded to W. S. _heals_; Sco. _hawse_, "to clasp," (Ramsay, II, 257); comes from O. Nhb. _halsiga_, W. S. _healsian_. (Sco. _hailse_, "to greet," is a different word, see loanword list, part II.). Forms that appear later in standard English frequently are found earliest in the North (cp. §10). No. 13 explains some differences in the later pronunciation of Sco. and Eng. No. 12 is a characteristic that is much more common in Middle and Early New Scotch. Many words in this way became identical in form with their Norse cognates, cp. _broder_, _fad(d)er_, etc. This will be discussed later. No. 14, Metathesis of _r_, was carried out extensively in W. S. (see Sievers, 179), e.g., _beornan_ "burn"; _iernan_, "run"; _burn_, "a stream"; _hors_, "horse"; _forsk_, "frog"; _þerscan_, "to thrash"; _berstan_, "to burst"; _fierst_, "a space of time," (cp. Norse _frist_, Germ. _Frist_). This progressive metathesis of _r_ is very common in the South. In the North, on the contrary, metathesis of _r_ has taken place before _ht_ in _frohtian, fryhtu_, etc. (Sievers, 179, 2). In addition to these a large number of words appear in Old and Middle Sco. differing from literary English with regard to metathesis, sometimes showing metathesis where Eng. does not. A list of words will illustrate this difference: _thyrldom_, "thraldom"; _thirl_, "to enthrall"; _fryst_, "first"; _brest_, "to burst"; _thretty_, "thirty"; _thrid_, "third"; _thirl_, "to pierce thirl"; _gyrs_, "grass"; _krul_, "curl"; _drit_, "dirt"; _warsill_, "to wrestle"; _scart_, "to scratch"; _cruddled_, "curdled"; _birde_, O.E. _brid_, "offspring." The result is that many of these words are more like the corresponding O.N. words than the Anglo-Saxon (cp. O.N. _fristr_, _brenna_, Norse _tretti_, _tredie_, etc.), hence they have in many cases been considered loanwords. Sco. _braist_ and _landbrest_, "breakers," (cp. O.N. _bresta_, _landbrest_), are not from the Norse but from the corresponding O. Nhb. words. _Cors_ which occurs in Gau may be a similar case and like Eng. _cross_ derived from O. Fr. _crois_, but Gau otherwise shows considerable Danish influence and Gau's form may be due to that. Eng. _curl_ and _dirt_ (from O.Du. _krul_ and O.N. _drit_) have undergone metathesis. The Sco. words have not.

11. THE QUESTION OF PALATALIZATION IN O. NHB.

Just to what extent _g_, _c_, _sc_ were palatalized in O. Nhb. is not definitely known. Until this has been ascertained the origin of a number of dialect words in the North will remain uncertain. The palatal character of _g_, _c_, _sc_ in O.E. was frequently represented by inserting a palatal vowel, generally _e_, before the following guttural vowel. Kluge shows (in Litteraturblatt für germ, und rom. Philologie, 1887, 113-114) that the Middle English pronunciation of _crinǧen_, _sinǧen_, proves early palatalization, which was, however, not indicated in the writing of the O.E. words _cringan_, _singan_. And in the same way palatalization existed in a great many words where it was not graphically represented. Initial _sc_ was always palatalized (Kluge, 114 above). In the MSS. _k_ seems to represent a guttural, _c_ a palatal sound of older _c_ (Sievers, 207, 2). Palatalization of _c_ is quite general. _K_ became palatalized to _c_ in primitive Eng. initially before front vowels, also before Gmc. _e_ and _eu_ (Kluge, P.G.(2)I, 991). Kluge accepts gutturalizing of a palatal _c_ before a consonant where this position is the result of syncopation of a palatal vowel. In the South palatal _c_ became a fricative _ch_. According to Kluge it never developed to _ch_ in Northern England and Scotland, but either remained _c_ or recurred to a guttural _k_. The same is true with regard to _g_. The exact extent of such palatalization is very difficult to determine. It is possible that the sound always remained a guttural in the North. We have seen that _c_ or _g_ did not cause diphthongation of the following vowel in the North as often as in the South. In view of the fact that palatalization was not always indicated, this may not prove anything, but may, however, indicate less palatalization than in the South. The fact that _e_ or _i_ was sometimes inserted before a following dark vowel, cp. _ahefgia_, "gravare," _gefragia_, "interrogare," proves that palatalization in these words, at least, existed.

12. _SK_ AS A SCANDINAVIAN SIGN. CERTAIN WORDS IN _SK_.
PALATALIZATION IN NORSE.

Wall argues that non-palatalization cannot be regarded as a sign of Scand. influence and cites a number of words in support of this conclusion (see Wall, §30). With regard to _dick_, "ditch," and _sag_, "sedge," Wall is probably right. Those in _sk_ are, however, not so easily disposed of. The presence of certain words with _sk_ in the South or those cited in _sh_ in the North does not prove the case. While the presence of a word in South Eng. diall. is in favor of its genuine Eng. origin, it does not prove it, for certain words, undoubtedly Scand., are found in the Southern dialects. _Shag_, "rough hair," Skeat regards as Norse rather than Eng. _Scaggy_, "shaggy," with initial _sk_, I would regard as Norse from O.N. _skegg_, not from O.E. _sceagga_. _Shriek_ Skeat regards as Scand. Bradley derives it from O.L.G. _scricon_ which is found once in the Heliand. Eng. dial. _skrike_. Wall on the other hand derives it from O.E. _scricon_, since _scric_ is found. _Scric_ occurs in O.E. as the name of the shriekbird. The vb. is not found. Whether we regard "shriek" native or not, _scrike_ is to be derived from O.N. _skrika_. _Skeer_ is from O.N. _skera_; _sheer_ from O.E. _sceran_. In form if not in meaning, we have an exact parallel in the M.E. _skir_, "bright," from O.N. _skir_, and _schir_ from O.E. _scir_. In a few cases words that seem Scand. appear with _sh_, not _sk_. The etymology of such words, however, becomes rather doubtful. This is especially the case where in the Norse word a guttural vowel followed the _sk_. Where, however, the Norse or Dan. word had a palatal vowel after the _sk_ the change to _sh_ is not at all impossible, and here arises the question of palatalization in O.N. O.N. _skiól_, pron. _sk-iól_, with _sk_, = Norse _skjūl_ (pron. _shūl_). _Ski_ thus becomes _sh_ in O.N. _skilinn_, Norse _shil_, O.N. _skilja_, Norse _shilja_ (or _skille_), O.N. _skipta_, Norse _shifta_. West Norse also shows change of _k_ to _ch_ before _i_ where the _k_ has been kept in East Scand., e.g., O. Ic. _ekki_ = W.Norse (dial.) _ikkje_ or _intje_, pron. _ittje_, _intje_, Dan. _ikke_ (_igge_). _I_ between _sk_ and a dark vowel early became _j_ in Norse, which then gave the preceding _sk_ something of a palatal nature. The development of O.N. _skiól_ into _shiel_ in Scotland and England may be explained in this way, as _skiól_ > _shul_ in Norway. This is, however, to be understood in this way, that if an _i_ or _e_ followed the _sk_, this was in condition to become palatalized, not that it was at all palatal at the time of borrowing. The sound was then distinctly guttural, and the guttural character of _sk_ has in nearly every case been kept in Scand. loanwords in English, for palatalization of O.E. _sc_ was completed before the period of borrowing. This palatalization of _sk_ was general in Scotland as well as in England, and such words in _sk_ must be regarded as Scand. loanwords.

13. CONCLUSION AS TO THE TEST OF NON-PALATALIZATION.

As initial _sk_, corresponding to O.N. _sk_, O.E. _sc_, is due to Scand. influence, so, in general, medial and final _sk_ may be also so regarded: cp. here Sco. _harsk_, "harsh," _bask_ (adj.), _mensk_, _forjeskit_, etc. The guttural character of _g_ and _k_ in Sco. is not to be regarded as due to Scand. influence. Thus _mirk_, _reek_, _steek_, _streek_, _breek_, _dik, rike_, _sark_, _kirn_, _lig_, _brig_, _rig_, etc., are to be derived from the corresponding O. Nhb. words, not from O.N. There is something of uncertainty in these words, however, as they all could come from the O.N. O.N. _hryggr_, for instance, would become _rig_ in Sco., just as would O. Nhb. _rycg_ (_rygg_). O.N. _bryggia_ would become _brig_, just as well as O. Nhb. _brycg_ (_brygg_). The _i_ after _g_ in _bryggia_ does not hinder this, since, as we know, the O.N. word was pronounced _brygg-ia_, not _bryddja_, as a later form would be.

14. OLD AND MIDDLE SCOTCH.

After Chaucer, Northumbrian English became a mere popular dialect no longer represented in literature. But the form of Northumbrian spoken north of the Tweed, Lowland Scotch, has during the next three hundred years quite a different history. From the Scottish war of Independence to the Union of the Crowns, Scotland had its own literary language. It is customary to speak of three periods of Scottish language and literature as Old, Middle and New: Old Scotch extending down to about 1450; Middle Scotch to the Union of the Crowns; and New Scotch covering the period after the Union. This is, of course, simply a Northern and later form of the Northumbrian we have discussed above.

15. SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF SCOTCH. O.E. _ă_, _ā_.

There are no monuments in O.Sco. dating back to the 13th or first half of the 14th Century. The first of any importance that we have is "The Bruce" of 1375. By this time the language of Scotland had already undergone many changes that made its general character quite different from literary or Midland English. None of these changes tended so much to differentiate the two as the very different development of O.E. long and short _a_. In the south O.E. _a_ > _ē_ (_name_ > _nę̄m_ > _nēm_); but O.E. _ā_ > _ǭ_, later _ō_ (_stān_ > _stǭn_ > _stōne_, _hām_ > _hǭm_ > _hōme_). The change of _ā_ to _ǭ_ (probably about 1200) took place before that of _ă_ to _ā_, else they would have coincided and both developed to _ō_ or _ē_. The last is precisely what took place in Scotland. O. Nhb. _ă_ > _ā_ and early coincided with original _ā_, and along with it developed to later _ē_, as only short _a_ did in the south. The two appear together in rhyme in Barbour. Their graphic representation is _a_, _ai_, _ay_. The sound in Barbour is probably _ǣ_ or _ę̄_. In "Wallace" Fr. _entré_ is also written _entray_, _entra_. Fr. _a_ and _ei_ and Eng. diphthong _ai_ (< _æg_) rhyme regularly with Sco. _a_, _ay_, _ai_, from O.E. _ā_. On O.E. and O.N. _ā_- and M. Sco. _ē_-sounds in general see Curtis, §§1-165.

16. CURTIS'S TABLE.

The following (see Curtis §§144-145) illustrates the development of O.E. _ă_, and _ā_, in England and Scotland:

1. Central Scotland. {O.E. _ă_}
{ } > an _ē_-vowel.
{O.E. _ā_}

2. S. Scotland and {O.E. _ă_}
Ellis's D. 31* { } > _ē_ > an _i_-
in England. { } fracture in
{O.E. _ā_} the mdn. diall.

{ > an _ē_-vowel.
3. The rest of Northern { O.E. _ă_ { > _ē_, later
England and Midland. { { _ī_-fracture in
{ { D 25, 26, 28, 29.
{
{ O.E. _ā_ > _ō_ or _ū_,
with fracture.

4. Southern England { O.E. _ă_ > an _e_-fracture or
{ _i_-fracture.
{ O.E. _ā_ > _ū_ or _ō_.

[*Footnote: Ellis's D 31 = N. W. Yorkshire, Cumberland, Westmoreland and N. Lancashire.]

In 1. O.E. _hām_ > _hēm_, _năme_ > _nēm_.

In 2. _hām_ > _hēm_ > _hiǝm_, _năme_ > _nēm_ >
_niǝm_.

In 3. _hām_ > _hōm_, _hoǝm_, _hoᵘm_ or _hūm_ with
fracture.
_năme_ > _nēm_.
_năme_ > _nēm_ > _niǝm_ in certain dialects.

In 4. _hām_ > _hūm_, or _hom_.
_năme_ > _neǝm_, _niǝm_.

The intermediate stage of this development, however, is explained
in two ways. According to Curtis it was (in 2) _ā_ > _ę̄_ >
_ē_ > _ī_ > _iǝ_. Luik (§244) shows that
das Vorrücken zum Vocalextrem ist an die Abstumpfung gebunden;
wir finden es nur dort, wo auch Abstumpfung zu constatieren
ist, wäbrend diese selbst ein weiteres Gebiet hat. Schon
daraus folgt, dass die Abstumpfung das Primäre ist, dass also
ihre Basis _e_ war, nicht _i_. Dies wird bestätigt
durch eine einfache Erwägung. Hätte die Abstumpfung die
Lautstufe _i_ ergriffen, so hätte sie auch das _e_
treffen müssen, das ja schon seit Beginn der neuenglischen
Zeit in allen Dialekten durch _i_ vertreten ist. Endlich
bieten die frühesten Zeugnisse nur _e_, nicht _i_,
auch für solche Striche, die heute _i_ haben.
According to this, then, the development is more probably _ā̆ >
ę̄ > ēǝ > iǝ_, or, as Luik thinks, _ā̆_ >
_æ_ > _æǝ_, or _ę̄ǝ_ > _ēǝ_ > _iǝ_.

17. O.E. _ō_.--A LIST OF ILLUSTRATIVE WORDS
FROM THE ABERDEEN DIALECT.

Another Northern peculiarity relates to O.E. _ō_. While in the south O.E. _ō_ developed to an _ū_-vowel or an _ū_- fracture, in Scotland it became _ee_ (_ui_, _ee_, _i_). The process involved here does not yet seem to be fully understood. The modern dialect of Aberdeen is most pronounced in this respect, older _i_ also frequently becoming _u_, _o_. The following examples taken from "Johnnie Gibb" (Aberdeen. 1871) will illustrate:

1. Words with an _u_ (o)-vowel in English that have _i_ in
Aberdeen dialect: _ither_, "other"; _mither_, "mother"; _tribble_
(O. Fr. _troble_), "trouble"; _kwintra_ (O. Fr. _contree_),
"country"; _dis_, "does" (3. s. of "do"); _hiz_, "us"; _dizzen_
(O. Fr. _dozaine_), "dozen"; _sipper_ (O. Fr. _soper_), "supper."
Here we may also include, _pit_, "to put"; _fit_, "foot." _Buik_,
"book," seems to show the intermediate stage, cp. also _tyeuk_,
"took." On the other hand O.E. _broðer_ > _breeder_;
(_ge_)_-don_ > _deen_; _judge_ (O. Fr. _juger_) > _jeedge_, all of
which have a short vowel in English recent speech.

2. Words with _ĭ_ in Eng. that have _ŭ_ in Aberdeen dialect:
_full_, "to fill"; _spull_, "to spill"; _buzness_ (cp. O.E.
_bȳsig_), "business"; _wutness_, "witness"; _wull_, "will"
(vb.); _wunna_, "will not"; _wutty_, "witty"; _chucken_,
"chicken"; _fusky_ (Gael. _usquebah_), "whiskey"; _sun_, "sin."

3. Words with _ōō_ (or _iu_) in Eng. have _ee_ (_ī_) in
Aberdeen dialect: _seer_ (O. Fr. _sur_), "sure"; _seen_, "soon";
_refeese_ (O. Fr. _refuser_), "refuse"; _peer_ (O. Fr. _poure_),
"poor"; _yeel_ (M.E. _ȝole_), "yule"; _reed_ (O.E. _rōd_),
"rood"; _eese_ (O. Fr. _us_), "use"; _shee_ (O.E. _scēo_),
"shoe"; _adee_, "ado"; _tee_, "too"; _aifterneen_, "afternoon";
_skweel_, "school"; _reet_ (O.E. _rōt_), "root";
_constiteetion_, "constitution." Cp. also _gweed_ (O.E. _gōd_),
"good." The _w_ in _gweed_, _skweel_, shows again the process of
change from _o_ to _ee_. _U_ in _buik_ and _w_ in _kwintra_ also
seem to represent the _u_-element that is left in the sound. In
words like _refeese_, _keerious_, etc., where _ee_ is from Fr.
_u_, the sound is quite easily explained. So _fusky_ from
_usquebah_. _Full_, from O.E. _fyllan_, and _buzness_ are
interesting.

18. INORGANIC _Y_ IN SCOTCH.

Many words have developed a _y_ where originally there was none. This phenomenon is, however, closely connected with _e_-_i_-fracture from original _ā̆_. _Y_ we find appears often before _a_ (from original _ā̆_). It is, then, simply the development of the _e_-_i_-fracture into a consonant + _a_, and may be represented thus: O.E. _āc_ ("oak") > _ę̄c_ > _ēc_ > _ēǝc_ > _iǝc_ > _yak_. (See also Murray D.S.C.S., 105). Cp. _yance_ and _yence_, "once"; _yell_, "ale"; _yak_, "ache." This also appears in connection with fracture other than that from O.E. _ā_: cp. _yirth_, _yird_, for "earth."

19. _D_ FOR THE SPIRANT _TH_.

This appears in a number of words: e.g., _ledder_, "leather"; _fader_ (in Gau), _fadder_, "father"; _moder_, _mudder_, "mother"; _broder_, _brudder_, "brother"; _lidder_ (A.S. _liðre_); _de_ (Gau), "the" (article); _widdie_ (O.E. _wiðig_), "withy"; _dead_, "death"; _ferde_, "fourth"; etc. In some works this tendency is quite general. Norse loanwords as a rule keep the spirant, but in the following loanwords _ð_ has become _d_: _cleed_, _cleeding_, "clothe, clothing," from O.N. _klæða_; _red_, "to clear up," O.N. _ryðja_; _bodin_, O.N. _boðinn_ (? See E.D.D.); _bud_, "bribe," O.N. _boð_; _heid_, "brightness," O.N. _hæið_; _eident_, "busy," O.N. _iðinn_ (_ythand_ is, however, the more common Sco. form); _bledder_, "to prate," O.N. _blaðra_ (more commonly _blether_ in Sco.); _byrd_, "ought," O.N. _burði_; _stiddy_, O.N. _steði_. I do not think _ryde_, "severe," can be derived from O.N. _reiðr_; and _frody_, "wise," is rather O.E. _frod_ than O.N. _fróðr_. _Waith_, O.N. _væiðr_, has kept the spirant, but _faid_, a "company of hunters," has changed it to _d_. _Faid_ probably comes in from Gaelic. I have called attention to this change of _ð_ to _d_ in Sco., since many words affected by it have become almost identical in form with their Scand. cognates and have consequently been considered loan-words. See §23.

20. O.E. _ā_ AND O.N. _ÆI_. HOW FAR WE CAN DETERMINE
SUCH WORDS TO BE OF NATIVE OR OF NORSE ORIGIN.

Certain Eng. dialect words in _ē_ corresponding to O.E. _ā_ have been considered Scand. loanwords. We have, however, seen that in the north O.E. _ā_ > _ē_ just as did O.N. _æi_ (_ei)_. How many of these words are genuine English and how many are loanwords becomes, then, rather uncertain. Wall argues that the Norse words were always in M.E. spelled with a diphthong, while the genuine English words were spelled with an _a_--thus _bain_, _baisk_ from O.N. _bæinn_, _bæiskr_, but _hame_, _stane_, _hale_ from O.E. _hām_, _stān_, _hāl_. If this were always the case we should have here a safe test. It is, however, a fact that in Scottish texts at least, no such consistency exists with regards to these words. The following variant spellings will show this: _hame_, _haim_, _haym_; _stain_, _stane_, _stayne_; _hal_, _hale, hail_, _hayle_; _lak_, _lake_, _laik_, _layk_; _blake_, _blaik_, _blayk_, etc., etc. There is, however, another way in which to determine which of such words are loanwords and which are not. In Southern Scotland in D. 33, and in Northwestern England (D. 31), O.N. _æi_ and O.E. _ā_ did not coincide, but have been kept distinct down to the present time (see Ellis's word-lists and Luik, 220, 221). In these two dialects O.E. _ā_ developed to an _i_-fracture (see §16.2), while O.N. _æi_ never went beyond the _e_-stage, and remains an _e_-vowel in the modern dialects. Here, then, we have a perfectly safe test for a large number of words. Those that have in D. 31 and D. 33 an _i_-vowel or an _i_-fracture are genuine English, those that have an _e_-vowel are Scandinavian loanwords. Ellis's list offers too few examples of words of this class. We find _hi'm_, _bi'n_, _hi'l, sti'n_, and in Murray's D.S.C.S. _heame_, and _heale_ (beside _geate_ (O.N. _gata)_, _beath_, _meake_, _tweae_, _neame_, etc.). This then proves that Sco. _haim_, _bain_, _hail_, and _stain_ are from O.E. _hām_, _bān_, _hāl_, _stān_ and not from O.N. _hæim_, _bæinn_, _hæil_, _stæinn_. _Mair_, in spite of its _e_-vowel, is not from O.N. _mæir_, for a following _r_ prevented the development to _i_, as a rule, although in Cumberland _meear_ is found beside _mair_. The word "steak" (O.N. _stæik_), which occurs in Ellis's list, has had an irregular development and cannot be considered here (see further Luik, 323). In the following works are found a number of words of this class:

Westmoreland and Cumberland Dialects, by J.R. Smith. London. 1839.

A Glossary of Words and Phrases of Cumberland, by William
Dickinson. London. 1859.

Folk Speech of Cumberland, by Alexander Craig Gibson. London.
1873.

A Glossary of Words used in Swaledale, Yorkshire, by John Harand.
E.D.S. 1873.

Whitby Glossary, by F.K. Robinson. E.D.S. 1876.

21. A LIST OF SOME WORDS THAT ARE NORSE. FURTHER REMARKS.

These all aim at giving the phonetic value of the sounds. O.E., O.N. _ā_ is represented by _ea_ or _eea_, indicating _i_-fracture. For instance: _heam_, _steean_, _neam_, _geat_, _beeath_, _leath_ (O.N. _laði_), _heeal_, _brea_ (O.N. _brā)_, _breead_ (O.E. _brād_, not O.N. _bræi), greeay_, _blea_, etc. Those that have _a_, _ai_, or _ay_, that is an _e_-vowel, and must consequently be derived from the corresponding O.N. words, are the following:

BLAKE, _adj._ yellow, pale, O.N. _blæikr_.
BLAKEN, _vb._ to turn yellow, N.N. _blæikna_.
CLAME, _vb._ to adhere, O.N. _klæima_.
CLAM, _adj._ slimy, deriv.
CLAMING, _sb._ adhesive material, deriv.
FLAY, _vb._ to frighten, O.N. _fleya_.
FLAYTLY, _adv._ timidly, deriv.
HAIN, _vb._ to save, protect, O.N. _hegna_.
LAKE, LAIKE, _vb._ to play, O.N. _læika_, cp. O.E. _lācan_.
LAKEING, _sb._ a toy, deriv.
LAVE, _sb._ the remainder, O.N. _læifr_, cp. O.E. _lāf_.
RATE, _vb._ to bleach, whiten, O.N. _rōyta_. M.L.G. _roten_,
is out of the question, and *_reeat_ would be the form
corresponding to M.L.G. _raten_.
SLAKE, _vb._ to smear, daub, O.N. _slæikja_. O.L.G. _slikken_
does not correspond.
SLAKE, _sb._ a kiss, deriv., cp. O.N. _slæikr_.
SLAPE, _adj._ slippery, O.N. _slæipr_, cp. O.E. _slape_.
SLAPEN, _vb._ to make smooth, O.N. _slæipna_, but possibly
deriv. from _slape_.
SNAPE, _vb._ to restrain, O.N. _snöypa_.

In addition to these, _blain_, "to become white," is a Scand. loan- word, but rather from Dan. _blegne_ than Norse _blæikna_, cp. _blake_ above. _Blained_, adj. "half dry," said of linen hung out to dry, is, of course, simply the pp. of _blain_, cp. Dan. _blegned_. _Skaif_, "distant, wild, scattered abroad, or apt to be dispersed" (is the definition given), corresponds exactly to O.N. _skæif_ in form, but not in meaning. _Skæif_ meant "crooked." Sco. _daive_, "to stun, stupefy," is here regularly spelled _deeave_ (_deave_ in Swaledale). It must, then, be derived from O.E. _deafian_, not O.N. _döyfa_, O. Ic. _deyfa_. Swaledale _slaiching_, "sneaking," is the same as O.N. _slæikja_, "to lick"; a secondary meaning of O.N. _slæikja_ is "to sneak"; _keeal_, "kail," could come from O.N. _kál_ or Gael. _cál_. It is probably from the latter. The word _slaister_, "to dawdle, to waste one's time," is not clear. The sb. _slaisterer_, "a slink, an untidy person," is also found. The _ai_ indicates an original diphthong. It is probably the same as Norse _slöysa_, sb. "an untidy person," as vb. "to be untidy, to be careless." _Ster_ (_slais_ + _ster_) would, then, be an Eng. suffix, or it may be the same as that in Sco. _camstary_, cp. Germ. _halsstarrig_. The Norse word _slöysa_ is probably not the direct source of the Eng. dialect word. _Slaister_, however, for _slöysa_, seems to be a recent word in Norse. _Skane_, "to cut the shell fish out of the shell" (Wall, list B), is to be derived from O.N. _skæina_, rather than from O.E. _scænan_. _Slade_, "breadth of greensward in plowed land," cannot be from O.N. _slettr_, "plain," _sletta_, "a plain." Neither form nor meaning quite correspond. The Sw. _slägd_ corresponds perfectly in form but not in meaning. It is, however, probably from O.E. _slæd_. This word is taken from Wall's list, not from the works named above.

22. CELTIC, LOWLAND SCOTCH, AND NORSE.

In Gaelic and Irish, in the Western Isles and the Highlands, considerable Norse elements are found as the result of Norse occupancy that continued in the Isles, at least, for several hundred years. A number of words that have come into Gaelic and Irish from Norse are also found in Lowland Scotch. In some cases it seems that the word has not come into Lowland Scotch direct from Norse, but by way of Gaelic or Irish. Craigie has given a list of about 200 words in Gaelic that seem to come from Norse. Out of these I will take a few that have corresponding words in Scotch:

GAELIC OR IRISH. LOWLAND SCOTCH. OLD NORSE.
gardha garth garðr
lobht loft loft
prine prin prjónn
stop stoup staup
sgeap skep skeppa
sainseal hansell handsal
gaort girt, girth giörð
cnapp, cneap knap knappr
maol mull múli
sgeir sker sker
scarbh scarth scarfr
gead ged, gedde gedda
scát scait skata
brod brod broddr
masg mask _Dan._ maske
rannsaich ransack, runsick rannsaka

_Garth_ and _loft_ agree perfectly with the O.N. and are not doubtful. With the Gael. _gardh_ cp. O.N. _garðr_ and O. Sw. _gardher_. The Sco. _garth_ has changed the original voiced spirant to a voiceless one. In Gael. _lobht_ _f_ has become _v_. _Prin_ is rather doubtful. There is an O.E. _prēon_ from which the Gael. word may have come. The Sco. word _prin_ does not seem to come from either O.E. _prēon_ or O.N. _prjónn_, but from the Gael. _prine_. There is a Northern dialectic _prēon_ which may come from O.E. _prēon_. There is also a _pren_ in Dan. dial. _Stoup_ has the Norse diphthong which has been simplified in Gael. _stop_. _Skep_ is a little doubtful because of meaning. The loanword _sgeap_ in Gael. has the specialized meaning of "a beehive." This meaning the Sco. word has very frequently, the Norse to my knowledge never. It may be a case of borrowed meaning from Gael. _Girth_ is from the Norse. _Girt_ is probably simply change of _th_ to _t_, which is also found elsewhere in Sco. _Knap_ may be from either. _Mull_ in Sco. may be native English. The word occurs in L.G. _Sker_ is from O.N. _Skarth_ is anomalous, showing change of _f_ to _th_. In the Gael. _scarbh_, _f_ is changed to _v_ as in _lobht_. _Ged_ is nearer the O.N. _Scait_ could be from either, as also _brod_. Sco. _mask_ is probably not at all a loanword, and may be from older _mex_ by metathesis of _s_; cp. O.E. _mexfat_ and Sco. _maskfat_ cited by Skeat, Et. Dict. The Gael. _masg_ is probably not a loanword from the Scand., but from O.E., or perhaps from O.Sco. An O. Nhb. _mesk_ probably existed. _Ransack_ agrees with the Norse word. The spelling _runsick_ found once (Wallace VII, 120), probably does not represent the exact sound, and is, in any case, as _ransack_ to be derived from the O.N. and not through the Gael. _Faid_, "a company of hunters," has already once been referred to. This cannot possibly come from the O.N. _væiðr_, for while the spirant _ð_ sometimes becomes _d_, O.N. _v_ regularly becomes _w_ in Sco. (rarely _v_). We should expect the form _waith_, and this is the form we have in Wallace I, 326, in the sense "the spoil of the chase." There is a Gael. _fiadhoig_, meaning "a huntsman." The first element _fiad_ seems to be the O.N. _veiðr_ with regular change of _ð_ to _d_ (or _dh_, cp. _gardha_), and _v_ or _w_ to _f_ which is considered a sign of Gael. influence in Aberdeen Sco., cp. _fat_ for _what_, _fen_ for _when_, etc., the development probably being _wh_ > _w_ > _v_ > _f_. _Faid_ in Sco. is then probably from the Gaelic.

23. SOME WORDS THAT ARE NOT SCANDINAVIAN LOANWORDS.

We have spoken in §§10, 13, 20 and 22, of a number of words that are to be considered regular Sco. developments of O.E. words. The following words have also generally been derived from the Scand., but must be considered native, or from sources other than Norse:

BLAIT, _adj._ backward, must be traced to O.E. _blēat_,
rather than to O.N. _blout_. O.N. _ou_, _au_ is always _ou_
or _oi_ in Sco.

BREID, _sb._ breadth, not Norse _bræidde_ nor Dan. _bredde_,
but native Eng.

CUMMER, _sb._ misery, wail, seems uncertain. It corresponds in
form and usage exactly to Norse _kummer_, but _mb_ > _mm_ is
natural and occurs elsewhere in Sco., cp. _slummer_,
"slumber," which need not be derived from Norse _slummer_ or
any L.G. word. The usage of the word is peculiarly Scand.

DEAD, _sb._ death. Not Dan.-Norse _död_, but English "death."

FALD, _vb._ to fall. Skeat says the _d_ is due to Scand.
influence, but cp. _boldin_ from _bolna_ (older _bolgna_). So
_d_ after _l_ in _fald_ may be genuine. Besides the O.N. word
is _falla_, later Dan. _falde_.

FERDE, ordinal of four, not Norse _fjerde_. See §19.

FLATLYNGIS, _adv._ flatly, headlong, looks very much like Norse
_flatlengs_ and corresponds perfectly in meaning. The Norse
word is, however, a late formation, apparently, and _-lyngs_
is a very common adverbial ending in Sco.

HAP, _vb._ to cover up, to wrap up, cannot come from O. Sw.
_hypia_, as _y_ could not become _a_.

LEDDER, _sb._ leather. Not from Dan. _leder_, for cp. §19;
besides the vowel in the Dan. word is long.

MISTER, _sb._ and _vb._ need, from O. Fr. _mestier_, not from
O.N. _miste_, which always means "to lose," as it does in the
modern diall. The O. Fr. _mestier_ meant "office, trade," and
sometimes "need." The last is the meaning of the modern
_métier_ in the dialects of Normandy. Both meanings exist in
Northern English.

OUKE, _sb._ week. In all probability from O.E. _wucu_ by loss of
initial _w_ before _u_. The Dan. _uge_ does not quite
correspond. The O.N. _vika_ even less. The Danish _uge_ simply
shows similar dropping of _w_ (_v_) as the Sco. word.

RIGBANE, _sb._ backbone. Both elements are Eng. The compound
finds a parallel in Norse _rygbæin_.

SOOM, _vb._ to swim. Not Dan. _sömme_, but loss of _w_ before
_oo_, cp. the two Norse forms _svömma_ and _symma_. Cp.
_soote_, the last word in the first line of the Prologue to
Chaucer's Canterbury Tales.

TEEM, _vb._ to empty. It is not necessary to derive this from
Norse _tömme_, "to empty." There is an O.E. _tōm_ from
which the Sco. adj. _toom_ probably comes. _Toom_ is also a
verb in Sco. _Teem_ is simply this same word by characteristic
Sco. change of _o_ to _e_. (See §17.) This also explains the
length of the vowel.

TRAK, _vb._ to pull, not necessarily Norse _trekka_, cp. the
L.G. _trekken_.

WID, _sb._ wood. Not O.N. _viðr_ nor Dan. _ved_. The vowel is
against it in both cases. But just as above _toom_ becomes
_teem_, so _wood_ > _wid_, cp. Sco. _guid_, "good," _pit_,
"put," etc. (See §17.) Hence also the shortness of the vowel
in _wid_.

WERE, _sb._ spring, cp. Latin _ver_. _Var_, _vaar_ in Scand.
does not account for the _e_ in the Sco. word.

YIRD, _sb._ earth. Not from Dan. _jord_. See next word.

YIRTH, _sb._ earth, an inorganic _y_ (see §18). Not from O.N.
_jörð_. For _d_ in _yird_ see §19.

24. LOANWORD TESTS.

I have adopted the following tests of form, meaning and distribution in determining the Scand. source of loanwords:

1. The diphthong _ou_, _ow_ corresponding to O.N. _ou_, O.E. _ea_.

2. _Ai_, _ay_ corresponding to O.N. _æi_, O.E. _ā_ as far as
such words can be determined from modern dialects according to
§20.

3. The spirant _th_ corresponding to O.N. _ð_, and O.E. _d_.

4. Consonantal assimilation of _nk_ to _kk_, _mb_ to _bb_, _mp_ to
_pp_, _ðl_ to _ll_, _zd_ and _rd_ to _dd_, corresponding to
similar assimilation in Scand.

5. Other consonantal and inflexional forms that are Scand., as
opposed to O. Nhb. _d_ for Scand. _d_, O.E. _ð_ excluded, see §§19
and 23.

6. A word that is used in a sense distinctively Scand., as opposed
to Eng. or L.G., is to be regarded as a loanword.

7. The distribution of a word in South England diall., or in O.F.,
O.S. or M.L.G., indicates that the word is not a Scand. loanword.

8. On the other hand, if a word occurs exclusively in Scand.
settlements in England and Scotland, it is to be regarded as due
to Scand. influence in Scotch in spite of L.G. parallels.

9. The presence of a word in O.E. excludes Scand. influence,
except in cases where the O.E. word has been shown to be a
loanword. See Steenstrup and Kluge.

25. REMARKS ON THE TEXTS.

The following dates it may be well to remember:

Barbour's "Bruce" finished about 1375.
Wyntoun's Chronicle written about 1420.
Henry the Minstrel's "Wallace" written about 1450.
Dunbar lived from 1460 to 1520.
Douglas lived from 1475 to 1520.
Sir David Lyndsay lived from 1490 to 1555.
Alexander Scott lived from 1547 to 1584.
"The Complaynt of Scotland" was written about 1549.
Alexander Montgomery lived from 1540 to 1610.
Allan Ramsay lived from 1686 to 1758.
Robert Burns lived from 1759 to 1796.

"The Bruce," Wyntoun's "Cronykale" and the "Wallace" belong, then, to the early period of Scotch, which, for convenience, has been called Old Scotch. The last half of the 15th Century is a transition period. The language of Dunbar and Douglas is already Middle Scotch. Middle Scotch of the 16th Century is further represented by Lyndsay, Alexander Scott and Montgomery. "The Complaynt of Scotland" is Central Scotch of the middle of the 16th Century. Ramsay represents Early New Scotch. The language of Burns is in all essentials present Scotch. From the Scottish War of Independence down to the Union of the Crowns the literary standard of Scotland was Central Scotch. After the Union there was no longer a Scotch language of literature and Central Scotch became a mere spoken dialect like the other dialects of Scotland. The writings of Ramsay and Burns represent local dialects just as the large number of Scotch dialect writers of the last and this century have written in their own peculiar local vernacular. The great majority of loanwords are taken from "The Bruce," "The Wallace," Douglas, Dunbar, Scott and Montgomery. "The Bruce" has a large number of Scand. elements; it represents, however, literary Scotch and not Aberdeen Scotch of 1375. "Johnnie Gibb," written in modern Aberdeen dialect, has not a very large Scand. element, while "Mansie Wauch" (modern Edinburgh dialect) has a far larger number. In "The Wallace" Scand. elements are quite prominent. So in the writings of Douglas, Scott and Montgomery. "The Complaynt of Scotland" has comparatively very few loanwords from Scand., while on the other hand the French element is more prominent than in the other works. Norse elements are not prominent in Lyndsay. None of the Scotch writers has as many Scand. words as Dunbar. We may say that they are nearly as prominent in Dunbar's works as in the Ormulum, Midland English of about 300 years before Dunbar's works were written.

The numbers given in the references are self-explanatory. They are generally to page and line, in some cases to book and verse, as in Bruce and Wyntoun. T.W.M. refers to Dunbar's "Twa Mariit Wemen." F. to "The Flyting with Kennedy." F. after Montgomery's name refers to "The Flyting." G.T. refers to Dunbar's "Golden Targe," and C. and S. to Montgomery's "Cherrie and the Slae." M.P. to the "Miscellaneous Poems" and S. to the "Sonnets."

Only words that are specifically Scotch in form or usage have been included. Very well known Scotch words, that occur in older Scotch as well as the modern dialects, such as _blether_, _busk_, _ettle_, _kilt_, etc., are given without references to texts where they have been found, otherwise one or more references are given in each case. For the sake of comparison and illustration Shetland and Cumberland forms are frequently given. Wherever a W. Scand. source is accepted for a loanword the O.N. form is given if it be different from O. Ic. Examples from Danish dialects or Swedish dialects are given as Dan. dial. or Sw. dial. Those from Norse dialects are cited as Norse simply. Those that are specifically literary Norse are cited as Dano-Norse.