Chapter VI: Part 6

When may one hope to see your _Dissertatio de Bardis_? I am fond of the subject, and have great expectations of your manner of handling it. I thank you for your friend's preface; though he is not much master of English style, the particulars he produces are curious. I have turned to my learned friend Mr. Lye's edition of _Junii Etymologicon Anglicanum_ for the etymology of such words as your friend mentions, and I find nothing, that does not confirm his derivations; I have not time now to descend to particulars, but shall be glad to hear from you as soon as agreeable. One so much master, as you are, of British antiquities, whether historic or poetical, can never want means of entertaining,

Dear Sir, your very affectionate servant,
THOMAS PERCY.

_Easton Maudit_, _April_ 10, 1764.

P.S. Pray, are the Welsh romances, you have described, in prose or verse? If they are in prose, then let me ask if you have ever seen any in verse? I take it, these subjects were treated in verse before they came to plain prose in most nations. This, at least, I find to be the case in the old Erse and Islandic languages, as well as in the more modern Italian, French, Spanish, and English tongues. I have got curious specimens in the last I mentioned. Pray is the word St. _Great_, or _St._ _Greal_, in the first article of your curious letter?

WELSH PROVERBS.

It appears that the Rev. E. Evans (_Ieuan Prydydd Hir_), had prepared for publication a Collection of our Ancient Welsh Proverbs; for a writer in the second volume of the "CAMBRO BRITON," gives the following translation of the Latin Preface preffixed to the MSS., which we here reprint.

Having discovered Dr. Davies of Mallwyd's Latin Translation of our Welsh Proverbs among many other ancient MSS. in the library at Llanvorda, and soon after having found, also the original, from which his was transcribed, among the same valuable collection, I thought I could not undertake a more useful work to my country, than to publish the same, and dedicate it, as the first fruits of my labours, to my munificent patron, Sir W. W. Wynn. The exact time when that ancient bard and philosopher, called by the Welsh _Hen Gyrys o Ial_, flourished, cannot be accurately ascertained. Two collections of Proverbs, made by him, and written on parchment, are now extant in the above library, and, at the end of the said book, a fair copy of Hywel Dda's laws; and from the best judgment, which can be formed from the appearance of the said MSS. and the mode of writing, or form of the hand, it may with safety be pronounced to be about five hundred years old. To the former of these two collections is annexed the following note respecting the author: "Mabieith Hen Gyrys o Ial, yr hwn a elwit Bach Buddugre a Gado Gyfarwydd, a Gwynfarch Gyfarwydd, a'r hen wyrda a ddyvawt y Diarhebion o Ddoethineb, hyd pan veint gadwedig, gwedy hwynt, i roddi dysg i'r neb a synio arnynt; canys crynodeb parablan llawer a synwyreu y cynghoreu doethbrud a ddangosir ar vyrder, i'r neb a'u dyallo yn y diarhebion." Ial, where this celebrated old Cyrys resided, is a mountainous district, containing five parishes, situated towards the north-east corner of the county of Denbigh; and Buddigre, where he lived, is near, if not within, the limits of the parish of Bryn Eglwys. It is evident, that this collection of Proverbs was made from various works of a great number of old bards, living in different ages; for many of them are taken from the compositions of Llywarch Hen (Llywarch the Aged), and from the poems of Aneurin and Taliesin, and several from those of other bards much more ancient, whose effusions have unfortunately perished.

It is more than probable, that many of these pithy sentences and proverbial sayings, these aphorisms of wisdom and axioms of prudence, were the productions of the venerable Druids; and they exhibit, in the present imperfect form, in which they have been delivered to us, no despicable specimens of those verses mentioned by Caesar, in the seemingly enigmatical mysteries of which their pupils were initiated, and spent many years in acquiring and committing them to memory. And he farther informs us, that, notwithstanding these learned sages made use of Greek characters in transacting both their public and private affairs, yet their disciples were not permitted to _write_ these verses, principally, (as it appeared to him,) for two reasons; in the first place, because, if they were allowed to do so, the mysteries of their profession would soon be divulged: and, secondly, if these aphorisms were committed to writing, the noviciates, confiding in such artificial aids, would no longer be at the pains of sufficiently exercising their memories. Many of these poetical proverbs are composed in that peculiar kind of metre, which is distinguished by the name of _Englyn Milwr_, and these verses are possessed of such strong internal marks of antiquity, that I may with safety pronounce them to be the genuine productions of the Druids. And, as they are by no means unworthy of being considered as the real effusions of those learned sages and philosophers, it will not, I hope, be deemed a digression, or by any means irrelevant to the object of this introduction, to gratify the reader with a specimen of one of these oracular compositions, together with a close literal Latin version. The first two lines of these poetical triplets seem to contain some of the privileges of the Druids, and the third generally exhibits some maxim of wisdom or axiom of prudence. The following were transcribed from the Red Book of Hergest, in the library of Jesus College, Oxford:--

1. 1.
Marchwiail bedw briglas, Virgulta betulae viridis
A dyn fy nhroed o wanas; Meum pedem e compede solvent;
Nac addef dy rin i was. Secretum tuum juveni ne
reveles.
2. 2.
Marchwiail derw mewn llwyn, Virgulta quercus de luco
A dyn fy nhroed o gadwyn: Solvent pedem meum e catena:
Nac addef dy rin i forwyn. Ne reveles secretum tuum
virgini.
3. 3.
Marchwiail derw deiliar, Virgulta quercus frondosae
A dyn fy nhroed o garchar: Pedem meum e carcere
Nac addef dy rin i lafar. liberabunt:
Ne reveles secretum tuum
homini loquaci.

The foregoing stanzas, as well as many others of the same description, are still extant is the above mentioned book, called Llyfr Coch o Hergest, and likewise in several MSS. in the libraries of Llanvorda near Oswestry, and Hengwrt near Dolgellau; and, on account of their having accidentally been discovered among the compositions of that ancient bard Llywarch Hen, Dr. Davies and Edw. Llwyd have hastily and inconsiderately pronounced them to be some of his productions; but the frequent recurrence of the oak, their favourite tree, and the dark allusions to the druidical rites and privileges, most evidently and convincingly, (in my opinion,) denote their origin to be from that source. But here it may be objected, that the Druids could not, (as Caesar declares it was not their usual practice,) have committed these verses to writing. Granted it was so in his time; yet it is manifest from the poems of our celebrated bard Taliesin, that, in subsequent times, they did not strictly adhere to this resolution; for many of their pretended mysteries are divulged in his compositions. It is also evident, that, in these early ages, the Druids were not the only persons, who were thus cautious of revealing their secrets to the vulgar; but the Bards also endeavoured to conceal their poetical rules and metres, from the public; for their book of prosody, containing the intricacies of the art, is distinguished by the name of _Cyfrinach y Beirdd_, (i.e. The Secret of the Bards,) and they were strictly prohibited from explaining these, except to their own noviciate disciples, which continued to be their practice nearly to our own times. But, notwithstanding these strict prohibitions, it is well known, that the poetical compositions of the bards were publicly recited; and it is evident that, after the commencement of the Christian aera, the Druids were not so scrupulously cautious with respect to these rules of secrecy, which may be proved from some stanzas, which I have seen in an ancient MS., denominated _Englynion Duad_, probably from a bard or druid of that name. Some few of the lines I shall here subjoin, for the inspection of the reader.

Bid gogor gan iar,
Bid gan lew drydar,
Bid oval ar a'i car;
Bid ton calon gan alar.

These lines have been introduced into our Welsh proverbs; and the following remark is made on them at the end of Dr. Davies's MS. copy.

"Gwyl y rhagor y sydd rhwng y rhai hyn ar rhai sydd yn Llyfr Coch, a hen gopiau eraill; a gwybydd fod y gerdd hon yn hen iawn; gan fod cymmaint o ymrafael rhwng yr hen gopiau." i.e. Advertat lector quam variant inter se exemplar Hergestianum et alia exemplaria in hoc cantico, et sciat, hoc carmen ob differentias praedictas esse vetustissimum.

Those learned men are, therefore, mistaken, who suppose, that the Druids never committed any of their compositions to writing; when it is evident, that these and others of their productions have been conveyed down to us. Taliesin, as I have before hinted, informs us, that he was instructed by them in many of their mysteries, particularly in that of the [Greek text], and in many other rudiments of their philosophy. And hence it is, that his works are more obscure than those of any other of the ancient bards.

There is also a certain degree of obscurity in the very words and language of Taliesin; and the same may be observed of the compositions of Aneurin Gwawdrydd and other bards of the same age, a catalogue of whose works may be found in the learned Edward Llwyd's Archaeology, collected from the notes of William Maurice, Esq., of Cefn y Braich. But Mr. E. Llwyd never saw any of the poetical compositions of Taliesin, Aneurin, and other early bards, except those of Llywarch Hen, which he found in _Llyfr Coch o Hergest_: and the works of these ancient authors will afford us very material assistance, not only in the investigation of our ancient British language, but also in examining historical facts, and in tracing the origin of the various tribes, who inhabited this island during that early period. Taliesin, in a poem, of which the following is the title, "_Cerdd am Feibion Llyr ap Brychwel Powys_," mentions three separate nations, who had taken possession of different parts of Britain, previous to his time, viz., _Gwyddyl_ (Celts or Gauls,) _Brython_, and _Romani_, (Romans.)

Gwyddyl, a Brython, a Romani,
A wna hon dyhedd, a dyfysci;
Ac am derfyn Prydein, cain ei threfi.

And they are represented as exciting war and tumult on the borders of this fair isle, and its beautiful towns and cities; and it appears evidently from this poem, that the first inhabitants were _Gwyddyl_ or Celts, which circumstance Mr. Llwyd and others have proved most satisfactorily, from the names of mountains, rivers, &c. But by the word _Gwyddyl_ Taliesin must, by no means, be understood to mean the modern Irish; for their language at present contains a very considerable mixture of Cantabrian and Spanish, and differs very materially from the ancient genuine Celtic and British, which clearly appears from the writings of the old bards, and the ancient British Proverbs. For, if any person were vain enough to suppose, that he could discover the meaning of some of our obsolete British words, by consulting an Irish Dictionary, he would soon find himself woefully disappointed, and I am clearly of opinion, that the ancient genuine Celtic dialect had a very near affinity to the old Welsh or British. I believe, that the persons, denominated _Gwyddyl_ by Taliesin, were genuine Celtae, and inhabited this island previous to the arrival of the Britons, and probably soon after the general deluge, and that these Celtae were the progeny of the Titans; for the Curetes and Corybantes, who were their princes and nobles, are clearly identified with the _Cowri_ of the British history, written by Tyssilio (the bishop), which Geoffrey of Monmouth has very improperly translated _Giants_. And this blunder of his has been the source of endless mistakes; for the word _Cowri_ evidently means princes, generals, nobles, or persons of great eminence. The Curetes are therefore our _Cowri_; and the Corybantes (i.e. _Cowri-Bann_) were princes or persons of great eminence, as the expression denotes; and, what is still more to our purpose, the word gwyddyl also implies any thing conspicuous, and is nearly synonymous with _Cowri_, which is the usual term, even to the present day, to designate persons of uncommon stature or great bodily strength. The Curetes, therefore, were evidently our Cowri, and the Corybantes (i.e. _Cowri-Bann_) imply princes or leaders, or persons of the most eminent rank and consequence: and, in order to corroborate this assertion, it may be observed here, that there is a very high mountain near Towyn, in the county of Merioneth, which, to this day, bears the name of _Gwyddyl Fynydd_; and the highest peak or summit of Snowdon, is denominated _Yr Wyddfa_, (i.e. the highest eminence or the most conspicuous,) and by the common people, even at this time, is known by no other name. And _Gwydd Grug_ means a high hill, or eminence; _Gwydd Fryniau_, high banks; and _Trum Gwydd_, the ridge of a mountain; and many others, which it would be tedious and useless to enumerate. And it may also be observed here, that the [Greek text] and [Greek text] of the Greeks, and the _Celtae _and _Galli_, of the Latins, appear to me to bear no other import. For _Gallt_ and _Allt_ are clearly synonymous with _Gwyddel_, and denote any thing high or eminent, though the word _Gallt_ is, at present, restricted to designate the steep ascent of a hill, or a declivity; but, that the word Gallt was anciently used to denominate high mountains may be justly inferred from the word _Alps_, which is evidently composed of two Celtic words, Gallt-ban, or pen, i.e. Allt-ban, Al-pen, or Alpine, which commutation or change of initial letters will appear easy to any person acquainted with the British language, and perfectly justified by the rules of grammar, as the mutations of radical letters in Welsh are well known to be nearly endless. It would not be difficult to prove, that the ancient Britons are descendants of the Celtae, and a close connection and affinity may be traced between their language not with the ancient Celtic only but also with the Greek; and, it is at the same time very evident, that their dialect differed materially from that of the aboriginal inhabitants of this island, and whom on that account they denominated _Gaillt_ and _Gwyddyl_. The British language retains to this day many words purely Greek, such as _Haul_, [Greek text], the sun, _Dwfr_, [Greek text], water, and many others, which have been pointed out some time by the learned _Pezron_. But, that the Britons had other words of the same import purely Celtic may be proved from the works of the ancient bards; for _huan_ is made use of by Iorwerth Vychan, and many other bards, to signify the _sun_,--

Llewyrch ebyr myr, morfeydd dylan;
Pan lewych _huan_ ar fann fynydd.

_Iorwerth Vychan_.

Coruscatio portuum aquarum, et paludum marinarum;
Cum sol splendet ab excelso monte.

And the old bard, _Avan Verddig_, in his elegy on the death of Cadwallon, the son of Cadvan, makes use of _ber_ for water, instead of _dwr_ or _dwfr_.

"Goluchav glew, hael, hilig Nav Ner,
Aded gynt, ettiynt, hyd yn _irfer_ hallt."

_Avan Verddig_.

Exorabo potentem et liberalem Dominum Creatorem,
Iverunt ad madidam aquam salsam.

And from hence it is manifest, that _huan_ and _ber_ are two ancient Celtic words; but, if any one were to consult an Irish lexicon in hopes of finding the expressions, he would be disappointed; yet he may discover _bir_ among the obsolete words in that language. The names of moors, meadows, and rivers, in different parts of Wales, may also be produced as an additional evidence that _ber_ and _mer_ originally signified water,--for instance, _Bereu Derwenydd_, near Snowdon, _Castell y Berau_, in Llanfihangel y Pennant, in Merionethshire, where many mountain torrents meet. _Aber_, a confluence, seems also to justify this opinion, and _inver_, in the Erse dialect.

A TRANSLATION OF CYWYDD MARWNAD LLEUCU LLWYD, BY LLEWELYN GOCH AT MEIRIG HEN. (A BARD OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.)

* * * * *

AN ELEGY, TO THE MEMORY OF LLEUCU LLWYD, THE FAIR NYMPH OF PENNAL.

_Lleucu Llwyd_, _a great beauty_, _was a native of Pennal_, _in Comit. Meirion_; _she was greatly beloved by Llewelyn Goch ap Meirig Hen o Nannau_, _and died when he was gone on a journey to South Wales_; _upon his return_, _he composed this Elegy_; _which is a master-piece in its kind_.

"_Llyma haf llwm i hoew-fardd_,
_A llyma fyd llwm i fardd_;" &c.

Lo, to the jocund Bard, here's a barren summer; to the Bard the world is desolate.

How is Venedotia bereft of its bright luminary? How its heaven is enveloped with darkness, ever since the full moon of beauty has been laid in the silent tomb! Mournful deed! a lovely Fair, in the oaken chest; my speech can find no utterance since thou art gone, O thou of shape divine! Lamp of Venedotia; how long hast thou been confined in the gloomy grave! Arise, thou that art dearer to me than life; open the dismal door of thine earthly cell! Leave, O fair one, thy sandy bed; shine upon the face of thy lover. Here by the tomb, generous maid of noble descent, stands one whose mirthful days are past, whose countenance is pale with the loss of thee; even Llewelyn Goch, the celebrater of thy praise, pining for the love of thee, helpless and forlorn, unequal to the task of song.

I heard, O thou that art confined in the deep and dismal grave, nought out of thy lips but truth, my speechless Fair! Nought, O thou of stately growth, fairest of virgins fair! But thou hadst promised, now unfeeling to the pangs of love, to stay till I came from South Wales; lovely silk-shrouded maid! The false Destinies snatched thee out of my sight; it nought concerns me to be exposed to the stormy winds, since the agreement between thee and pensive me is void! Thou! thou! lovely maid, wert true; I, even I was false; and now fruitlessly bemoan! From henceforth I will bid adieu to fair Venedotia. It concerns me not whither I go. I must forego my native soil for a virtuous maid, where it were my happiness to live, were she alive! O thou whose angelic face was become a proverb; thy beauty is laid low in the lonesome tomb! The whole world without thee is nothing, such anguish do I suffer! I, thy pensive Bard, ramble in distress, bewailing the loss of thee, illustrious maid! Where, O where shall I see thee, thou of form divine, bright as the full moon! Is it on the Mount of Olives, loveliest of women? Ovid's love was nothing in comparison of mine, lovely Lleucu; thy form was worthy of heaven, and my voice hath failed in invoking thy name. Alas! woe is me, fair maid of Pennal. It sounded as a dream to me, to hear that thy charms were laid in the dust; and those lips which I oft have praised, excelled the utmost efforts of my Muse. O my soul, whiter than the foam of the rapid streams, my love, I have now the heavy task of composing thy Elegy.

Lovely virgin! How are thy bright shining eyes closed in everlasting sleep in the stony tomb! Arise to thy pensive Bard, who can smile no more, were he possessed of a kingdom; arise in thy silken vest, lift up thy countenance from the dismal grave!

I tell no untruth, my feet are benumbed by walking around thy dwelling place, O Lleucu Llwyd, where heretofore, bright lamp of Venedotia, I was wont to celebrate thy beauty in fine flowing verse, where I was wont to be merry in praising thy delicate hand and tapering fingers, ornamented with rings of gold, lovely Lleucu, delicate sweet-tempered Lleucu! Thou wert far more precious than reliques to me! The soul of the darling of Meirionydd is gone up to God, its original Author, and her fair corpse is deposited in the sanctuary of holy ground, far, far from me in the silent tomb! The treasure of the world is left in the custody of a haughty black man. Longing and melancholy dirges are the portion of my lot. I lament with faltering accents over the lovely Lleucu! whiter than the flakes of riven snow. Yesterday I poured down my cheeks showers of tears over thy tomb. The fountains of my head are dry, my eyes are strangers to sleep, since thou art gone; thou fair-formed speechless maid hast not deigned to answer thy weeping Bard. How I lament, alas, that earth and stones should cover thy lovely face; alas that the tomb should be made so fast, that dust should ever cover the paragon of beauty, that stony walls and coffin should separate thee and me, that the earth should lock thee fast in her bosom, that a shroud should enclose a beauty that rivalled the dawn of the morn; alas that strong doors, bolts, and stately locks should divide us for ever!

EVAN EVANS, alias IEUAN PRYDYDD HIR.

CWYDD MARWNAD LLEUCU LLWYD.

Lleucu Llwyd ydoedd rian rinweddol, nodedig am ei glendid a'i phrydferthwch, yn byw yn Mhennal, ar lan yr afon Dyfi, oddeutu pedair milltir o Aberdyfi, ar ffordd Machynlleth, yn y 14eg canrif. Cerid hi a chariad pur gan LLEWELYN GOCH AP MEIRIG HEN, o'r Nannan, gerllaw Dolgellau. Ond nid oedd ei thad mewn un modd yn foddlawn i'r garwriaeth, ac achubai bob cyfle i yru annghariad rhwng Lleueu a Llewelyn. Un tro, dygwyddodd i Lewelyn Goch fyned ar daith i'r Deheubarth, a daeth ei thad at Lleucu, adywedodd wrthi, er mwyn diddyfnu ei serch oddiar y bardd, fod Llewelyn wedi ymbriodi yno a merch arall. Pan glywodd Leucu yr ymadrodd byn, hi a syrtbiodd mewn llewyg, ac a drengodd yn y fan! Dychwelodd Llewelyn adref; ac ofer ceisio darlunio ei deimladau pan ddeallodd fod hyfrydwch ei lygaid wedi huno yn yr angau; a than ei deimladau cyffrous ar yr achlysur, efe a gyfansoddod yr alarnad ganlynol, am yr hon, er holl gloffrwymau'r gynghanedd gaeth, y gellir dywedyd, megys y dywedodd Daniel Ddu am alargwyn Burns ar farwolaeth ei _Highland Mary_, mai cerdd ydyw a fydd byw nes bo i holl dyrau, dawn syrthio i lynclya annghof tragwyddol.

Yr oedd yr anffodus Lewelyn Goch yn fardd penigamp yn ei ddydd; a chyfrifir ei fod yn ei flodau o'r flwyddyn 1330 i 1370. Argraffwyd chwech o'i gyfansoddiadau yn y gyfrol gyntaf o'r _Myfyrian Archaiology of Wales_; ac y mae amryw o bonynt yn aros hyd yn hyn mewn llawysgrifen heb weled goleuni dydd. Nid ydys yn gwybod fod yr alarnad a ganlyn wedi ei bargraffu erioed o'r blaen. Y mae yn ein meddiant gyfieithiad Saesonig o honi mewn rhyddiaeth, o waith Ieuan Brydydd Hir; ac efelychiad o fesur cerdd, yn yr un iaith, o waith y diweddar Risiart Llwyd, Bardd Eryri. Ysgrifenwyd marwnad Llewelyn Goch ei hun gan Iolo Goch.

Y mae, neu o leiaf yr oedd, caead arch un Lleucu Llwyd, yr hon a fu farw yn y flwyddyn 1402, i'w weled yn Eglwys Llaneurgain, yn ar Fflint; ond nid ymddengys mai Lleucu Llwyd o Bennal yw y rhian a goffeir yno. Yr oedd Lleucu Llwyd Llaneurgain yn ferch i Rys ab Rhobert, o'r Cinmael, ac yn wraig i Hywel ab Tudur, o'r Llys, ynmhlwyf Llaneurgain, ac yn nith i'r bardd Dafydd Ddu o Hiraddug. Hywel ab Tudur ydoedd un o henafiaid y teuluoedd presenol sy'n dwyn yr enw _Mostyn_.

Y mae _Llewelyn a Lleucu_, yn gystal testyn cerdd a _Romeo and Juliet_; ond, pa le mae'r Shacspear Cymraeg i ysgrifenu trychwawd arno?--_Y Brython_.

Llyma haf llwm i hoew-fardd,
A llyma fyd llwm i fardd!
Nid oes yng Ngwynedd heddiw,
Na lloer, na llewyrch, na lliw,
Er pan rodded--trwydded trwch--
Dan lawr dygn dyn loer degwch.
Y ferch wen o'r dderw brenol,
Arfaeth ddig yw'r fau o'th ol!
Cain ei llun, canwyll Wynedd,
Cyd bych o fewn caead bedd!
F' enaid! cyfod i fynu,
Agor y ddaiar-ddor ddu!
Gwrthod wely tyfod hir,
A gwrtheb f' wyneb, feinir!
Mae yma, hoewdra hydraul,
Uwch dy fedd, hoew annedd haul,
Wr llwm ei wyneb hebod,
Llewelyn Goch, gloch dy glod;
Yn cynnal, hyd tra canwyf,
Cariad amddifad ydd wyf;--
Ud-fardd yn rhodio adfyd
O Dduw gwyn! hyd hyn o hyd.
Myfi, fun fwyfwy fonedd,
Echdoe a fum uwch dy fedd,
Yn gollwng deigr lled eigr-braff
Ar hyd fy wyneb yn rhaff:
Tithau, harddlun y fun fud,
O'r tew-bwll ni'm hatebud!
Tawedawg ddwysawg ddiserch,
Ti addawsud, y fud ferch,
Fwyn dy sud fando sidan,
Fy aros, ddyn loew-dlos lan,
Oni ddelwn, gwn y gwir,
Er dy hud, o'r Deheudir,
Ni chigle, sythle saeth-lud,
Air na bai wir, feinir fud,
Iawn-dwf rhianaidd Indeg,
Onid hyn o'th eneu teg.
Trais mawr! ac ni'm tawr i ti!
Toraiat ammod, trist imi,
Tydi sydd yn y gwydd gwan
Ar y gwir, ddyn deg eirian!
Minnau sydd uthrydd athrist
Ar y celwydd--tramgwydd trist!
Celwyddawg iawn, cul weddi,
Celwydd lais a soniais i.
Mi af o Wynedd heddyw,
Ni'm dawr ba faenawr i fyw:
Fy myn foneddig ddigawn,
Duw'n fach, petid iach nid awn!
P'le caf, ni'm doraf dioer,
Dy weled, wendw' wiw-loer?
Ar fynydd--sathr Ofydd serch--
Olifer, yn oleu-ferch.
F' enaid yno a'n fynych,
O'th wela', ddyn wiwdda wych.
Lleucu deg waneg wiwnef!
Llwyr y dyhaeraist fy llef;
A genais, llygorn Gwynedd!
Eiriau gwawd i eiry 'i gwedd,
O'r geneu yn organawl,
A ganaf, tra fyddaf, fawl.
F' enaid hoen geirw afonydd!
Fy nghaniad dy farwnad fydd.
Lliw-galch rian oleugain,
Rhy gysgadur o'r mur main!
Rhiain fain, rhy anfynych
Y'th wela'; ddyn wiwdda wych.
Cyfod i orphen cyfedd,
I edrych a fynych fedd;
At dy fardd ni chwardd ychwaith,
Erot, dal euraid dalaith!
Dyred, ffion ei deurudd,
I fyny o'r pridd-dy prudd!
Anial yw f' ol, canmoleg,
Nid twym yw fy neudroed teg,
Yn bwhwman gan annwyd
Cylch drws dy dy, Lleucu Llwyd!
A genais, lygorn Gwynedd,
O eiriau gwawd i eiry 'i gwedd,
Llef dri-och, llaw fodrwy-aur,
Lleucu! llawenu lliw aur.
Cymhenaidd, groew, loew Leucu!
Ei chymmyn, f' anwyl-fun, fu
Ei henaid, grair gwlad Feiriawn,
I Dduw Dad--addewid iawn;
A'i mein-gorff, eiliw'r mangant,
Meinir, i gyssegr-dir sant:
Dyn pell-gwyn doniau peill-galch,
A da byd i'r gwr du balch;
A'r hiraeth, cywyddiaeth cawdd,
I minnau a'i cymmynawdd.
Lleddf ddeddf ddeuddaint ogyfuwch,
Lleucu Llwyd, lliw cawod lluwch!
Pridd a main, glain galar chwerw,
A gudd ei deurudd, a derw.
Gwae fi drymder y gweryd
A'r pridd ar feistres y pryd!
Gwae fi fod arch yn gwarchae,
A thy main rhof a thi mae!
Gwae fi, ferch wen o Bennal,
Brudded yw briddo dy dal!
Clo du derw--galar chwerw gael--
A daiar, deg ei dwyael!
A throm-goed ddor, a thrym-gae,
A llawer maes, rhof a'i lliw mae;
A chlyd fur, a chlo dur du,
A chlicied--yn iach, LEUCU!

LLEWELYN GOCH AP MEIRIG HEN.

THE FEUDAL SYSTEM. BY JOHN JENKINS, ESQ.

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[As much of the proceeding Work relates to Feudal times and usages, the following able Paper from the pen of a modern writer cannot be otherwise than acceptable to the reader.--ED.]

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A clear idea of the Feudal System is in the highest degree interesting to the inhabitants of modern Europe, as it was the first form of society which succeeded ancient civilization, and is the foundation of most of our modern laws, systems, and institutions. Without a definite idea of this system, much or most of the present regulations of civilized life would be unintelligible.

But I have spoken of ancient civilization. What did this term mean? What does it comprise? I believe, it means that progressive or advancing state of human society, which existed among the various nations and empires of the world previous to the dissolution of the Roman Empire. The countries where this civilization reached its highest stage are well-known. History presents them in bold relief on its pages. They were Persia, Assyria, Chaldea, Egypt, Greece, and Rome; and, in an inferior degree, China and Hindoostan. In these countries the inhabitants had substituted a stationary for a wandering life, had acquired the notions and defined the limits and rights of property, had entered the bonds and enjoyed the benefits of society, had extended their ideas beyond supplying the rude necessities of life, had acquired a taste for the comforts and even luxuries of social life, had begun to cultivate the arts and sciences, had built vessels whereby they could traffic by sea, and had erected towns and cities (some of costly magnificence) on land. The bulk of the people had forsaken the sword for the plough, and exchanged the spear for the pruning-hook. They dwelt peaceably and securely in their villages, towns, and rural homes. They divided their employments. The land was cultivated, the stock of living animals was fed, and commerce carried on. A parliament or congress of the chief inhabitants assembled, and deliberated on the affairs of State. Laws were enacted, and justice administered in the public courts. The spiritual interests of the people were also provided for, and magnificent temples, churches, and cathedrals were built and adorned the land. A regular gradation of nobles or chiefs was established, to whom the people at large looked up, while a King, Sovereign, or Emperor governed the whole. These are the leading ideas connected with ancient civilization. These elements flourished largely in the last of the old empires, or that of Rome, which before its fall had transcended all that went before in commerce, civilization, learning, refinement, science, art, as well as in grandeur and extent of territory.

We have spoken of the fall of the Roman Empire. This occurred in the beginning of the fifth century. We will just glance at the state of Europe immediately before the dissolution of that vast empire. The Roman Empire (which comprised Italy and the adjacent territories) was at that time and had been for centuries the only kingdom in Europe where the arts of peace and civilization reigned. All the vast countries north of the Alps, west of the Mediterranean, and east and north of the Adriatic seas, were in a state of comparative, if not complete barbarism. Among the people who inhabited these countries we may name the Franks, who occupied Gallia or modern France; the Goths, Vandals, and Germanic tribes, who occupied modern Germany; the Scythians and other Sclavonic races who occupied modern Russia; the Visigoths, who occupied Spain; the Celts, who dwelt in Great Britain and Ireland; and the Scandinavians, who occupied the north of Europe, or Lapland, Sweden, and Norway. These various populations were, during the zenith, and down to the fall of the Roman Empire, in a state of semi if not perfect barbarism. A great portion of them were nomadic or roving tribes, and had in their career of devastation and conquest traversed the vast plains of Asia and eastern Europe, before taking up a more settled though not permanent abode in the broad plains and forests of Germany, Spain, and Russia. The Goths, Scythians, and Sclavonic tribes who thus poured into Europe, were emigrants from Asia. The native races who inhabited eastern Europe were unequal to repel the savage invasions of these formidable marauders, who inundated Europe with their fierce and unsettled bands. If we may credit the account given of these tribes by the Roman writers of the period, their manners were savage, their habits of life simple, but of a roving and predatory character. By the Roman historians they are invariably styled--the Barbarians. They cultivated not commerce, they built not cities, they dwelt not in luxurious towns. Their abode was the vast forest or plain, their occupation hunting and war, their food the produce of the chase or the plunder of war, their dress the skins of beasts and articles of the rudest manufacture. Yet in their spirit was energy, in their hearts a love of conquest and aggrandisement. After having for ages in vain withstood the conquering arms of Julius Caesar and other Roman commanders, they in turn became the assailants. After the reign of Augustus Caesar the military spirit of the Romans decayed their energy declined, their ambition was lost. The chief people surrendered themselves to all the enervating effects of pleasure and luxury. No valorous chief led the army in the field, no Cato or Tully thundered alarm in the Capitol, to summon the inhabitants to glory or even defence:--they were rather found revelling in riot and debauchery at home. No Pompey governed in Spain; no Sallust was Praetor in Numidia. The race of the wise and mighty had departed. The infection had reached the common people, who were equally given up to indolence, license, riot, debauchery, and sloth. In this state was Rome and the Romans, when the barbarians rose in the north under Alaric, King or Chief of the Goths, descended the Alps with the rapidity and force of the avalanche, overthrew the empire, and possessed Rome. Then was presented a scene the most unexampled the world ever beheld. The chief or warrior who a few months before held his counsels in a hut or wigwam on the banks of the Danube or Rhine, was seated on the throne of the Caesars--the herdsman of the forest inhabited the palaces of Rome. The savage hid himself in the fine linen of the Roman citizen--the barbarian covered himself with patrician gold. The effeminate luxury of the Empire had yielded all to the insatiate energy and ambition of the North.

But even the nomadic tribes of central Europe found the miseries and inconveniences of a wandering and predatory life. The Saxons, Goths, and Scythians experienced the comforts and enjoyments of a settled and stationary life. They even grew weary of conquest, and knew the hazard of warlike achievements. They therefore wished to settle down upon some fixed and definite territory. They determined to appropriate a place which they could call their home, and to inhabit a country which they could call their own. They saw the precarious subsistence which awaited those who depended on the spontaneous produce of the earth, and the greater riches which would accrue from a cultivation of the soil. They therefore resolved on a stationary life. But this new life must have order and laws. There must be a Head to whom they should look up, a law or rule which they should obey. The warrior or chief under whose guidance the tribe had conquered and become powerful, was chosen Head of the community, and Lord paramount of the soil. The lesser warriors or captains were placed next in degree and power. The people at large were in a state of vassalage and dependence upon the Lord paramount and his Esquires and Deputies. The Lord paramount built and fortified a castle on some eligible spot in the domain. This castle was used for the residence of the Lord and his family in time of peace, and for the hospitable reception of his retainers and dependents. But in time of war the castle was the refuge and resort of all the inhabitants of the domain. There they retired before the superior number or power of the enemy, and were generally safe. Thence arose the rights and duties of chief and people. The chief owed to the people protection and security from foreign enemies, as well as arbitration and counsel. The people on the other hand owed the Lord suit and service in time of war to repel the common enemy, and allegiance at all times. For these purposes in time of peace the vassals or people farmed and cultivated the domain for their own benefit, paying to the Lord rent, suit, and service. The Lord reserved for his own use a large tract in the vicinity of his castle. Should any dispute arise between the tenants or vassals respecting the ownership or cultivation of their respective tracts of the domain, or otherwise, the Lord was arbiter or judge. Afterwards and in process of time the Lord called his chief dependents or vassals to assist him in the arbitrament of his subjects' disputes. These tribunals were subsequently called the Baron's Court, or Court of the Manor, and were the only tribunals of justice in the earlier period of the feudal society. The Lord presided, and was assisted by his principal tenants or vassals. The Baron or Manorial Court was of the utmost importance in those rude times, for there were recorded all the transactions relating to the land within the manor; and there assembled all the tenants who had rent, suit, or service to pay or render, or who had complaint to make of disturbance, injury, or grievance, from a fellow tenant, or vassal. The decision of this court was final, the disobedience of which was punished by heavy fines, forfeitures, and disqualifications.

We thus see that the feudal society arose not more from choice than from the necessity and circumstances of the time. At this unsettled and warlike period, protection was required for the tribe or clan from the enmity or rapacity of neighbouring hordes. The tribe therefore united under one common chief to defend their own territory and people, and when necessary, to make war on a neighbouring or distant community. Rule and internal government were also necessary for the comfort and security of the tribe itself. These were therefore the circumstances which induced, or rather compelled the various tribes or hordes of the barbarian population of mediaeval Europe to enter the feudal society. And in this manner sprung up, soon after the dissolution of the Roman Empire, that vast net-work of feudal society, which eventually extended itself from Cape Trafalgar to the Euxine Sea, and from the Gulf of Bothnia to the Pillars of Hercules.

It was among the vast forests and plains of Russia, Hungary, Germany, and France, and by a people just emerging from barbarism, that the feudal system arose, and that about the fifth century of the Christian era; thence it was carried by the Continental invaders into their newly conquered territories. But in no country was the system more predominant, than in Gaul, or France, whence it was carried by their Duke of Normandy, or our William the Conqueror, after the battle of Hastings in the eleventh century into Britain, and was more rigorously established here for the protection of the conquerors and the subjection of the native races than it had ever been in Normandy itself. The Conqueror parcelled out all the richest parts of the territory among seven hundred of his Captains or warlike retainers, and erected each into a Barony. The Barons rented a portion of their domains to their Knights, which were denominated knights' fiefs, and were 60,215 in number;--these again sub-let part of their fiefs to their Esquires. The cultivation of the soil and all kind of manual labor were carried on by the vassals, or villeins, who formed the mass of the people. Each class owed rent, suit, and service to their superiors, and the whole were subject to the Lord paramount, or Sovereign, to whom the right to the soil of all the land in his kingdom was reserved, and the herbage or surface alone was granted to the Barons and their tenants, on condition of yielding suit and service to the King, failing which the land reverted to its original owner--the Lord paramount. The wily Conqueror thus founded a superstructure of government which proved impregnable to all assaults from the vanquished races, and reared a cordon of despotism strong and compact from within, and unassailable from without.

The object of this superstructure being military strength, each Norman Baron erected a stately castle fortified by walls, towers, and, if available, a moat, on the strongest site or position within his manor. Here the Baron dwelt, with his domestics, and a chosen body of his warlike vassals, who always bore arms, and watched and were prepared by day and by night at any alarm to sally forth to any summons of conquest or defence. In times of peace the chief occupation of the Baron and his principal retainers was the chase, and the game on the manor was preserved with the greatest care, and its destruction guarded against by the forest laws, which were the most cruel of any enactments on record, inasmuch as the punishment for killing a deer or even a hare was the taking out the eyes of the delinquent; while at the same time the punishment of homicide, or murder, was only a small pecuniary fine, and when perpetrated by the Baron or any of his retainers on an inferior vassal was seldom enforced. In short, under this system there was then no appeal or redress by an inferior for any crime or wrong perpetrated by his superior in rank; and the vassals, or people at large, were in a state of the greatest subjection and most abject slavery, inasmuch as the will and pleasure of the superior liege formed the only law of the land.

It is certain that the feudal system after the Norman model never existed among the Saxons in this island, or on the continent of Europe, previously to the Norman Conquest. Their Kings were mostly elected to the throne; and the land was possessed principally by their military chieftains, called Thanes. This order was at first confined to military supremacy; but in process of time successful merchants and others who had acquired wealth were admitted into the rank. The Thanes resided in large irregular halls upon their estates, in a coarse but very hospitable manner: their halls were said to be generally filled with their neighbours and tenants, who spent their time in feasting and riot. The great distinction between the Anglo-Saxon nobility and the Norman, according to William of Malmesbury, was, that the latter built magnificent and stately castles; whereas the former dwelt in large but mean houses, and consumed their immense fortunes in riot and hospitality. Nevertheless this social communion, combined with the hearty generosity and manners of the Saxon nobility, made them extremely popular among their tenants and vassals, between whom was established a spontaneous and steady attachment. The next in degree were called Ceorles, and were freemen. These conducted most of the occupations on the land and in trade;--they formed the most numerous class of the Anglo-Saxon population, and enjoyed all the rights of freemen, as these were understood in those times;--they had a voice in the national councils, served on juries in the County and other Courts, and their rights and liberties were protected, and generally enforced by fines against each other, and even against their superiors. The Anglo-Saxons rejoiced in their system of trial by jury, and boasted it as their peculiar institution. It was also a law among them that none should be tried except by his equals in the government. These institutions, with the historical open-heartedness of the Thanes and landed proprietors, secured to the Ceorles or freemen as much of real liberty and justice as those rude times might admit.

But the Saxon government is defaced by the odious vice of slavery. The slaves were those whom they had conquered in battle; and the Anglo-Saxons introduced them into this island. They were household slaves, performing menial duties, and predial or rustic slaves who labored on the soil. The proprietors sold their slaves with their estates, and they were regarded as chattels: yet the master had not unlimited power over his slave, for it was ordained that if he beat out his slave's eye or teeth, he gained his liberty; and if he killed him, he paid a fine to the King. Yet, notwithstanding this protection, and although the slaves were confined to races vanquished in battle, yet the practice formed a dark stain on the Saxon institutions.

The government of the Ancient Britons, or Cymri, corresponded much with the Anglo-Saxon, except that their King was hereditary, and that they were always free from the odious institution of slavery. Sovereign power was inherited among the Cymri, according to the present rules of descent in England, from whom it was probably derived. The chief people were the Princes or large land-proprietors, who dwelt in magnificent style, and exercised unbounded hospitality in their halls upon their estates. Here they received their retainers and tenants, to whom they dispensed the greatest liberality: here also dwelt the Bards, Priests, and Literati of the period--the Taliesins, Aneurins, and Dafydd ap Gwilyms--in the enjoyment of the most profuse favors and protection from their munificent patrons. Hence also the spontaneous and faithful attachment of the whole to their Princes,--as exemplified in the poems of the Bards, and the warlike records of the Cymric nation. Besides the Princes, were a large number of independent landowners or Esquires distributed over the whole island. The great mass of the people, as in every community, labored on the land, or were employed in domestic and mercantile occupations. Slavery or even abject servitude was unknown among them: every class enjoyed the rights and exercised the privileges of freemen, and seldom failed in obtaining redress for any crime or wrong. In their freedom from slavery, and their full enjoyment of civil rights and immunities, the Cymri of ancient times formed a striking contrast with all the European nations.

The effects of the Norman Conquest varied altogether as it respected the Anglo-Saxons and the Cymri. The former were entirely subjected to the feudal system, and their lands forfeited and parcelled out among the Norman chiefs. The forest laws and other odious parts of the feudal system were executed in all their rigor against the vanquished Saxon: hence the sanguinary feuds and mortal enmity which for several centuries existed between the Saxon and Norman race. The former, repelled by the feudal system from open war, retaliated by private and secret murders and injuries upon their Norman oppressors: no Saxon impeaching, the murder or crime was never discovered, and the perpetrator unpunished. At length the Normans, being decimated by this practice of stealthy revenge, passed a law that every Saxon in the parish should answer for every Norman found killed within its limits. This law, which would have been rigorously executed, at last suppressed the Saxon retaliation; nevertheless the hostility between the two races continued for ages, and was only inflamed by the contempt and oppression of the Norman on all occasions evinced. The Cymri on the other hand remained free in their mountain fastnesses and plains west of the Severn and Dee, and unaffected by the Norman invasion and conquest. They even rejoiced at the change, inasmuch as it supplanted a foreign and adverse race--the Saxon--by a kindred and more congenial people; for the Normans were Celts descended from the same Cimbric origin, and had many qualities of mind and heart in common with the Ancient Britons: whereas the characteristics of the Saxons, and of the Teutonic race in general, were entirely opposite. The Normans celebrated the anniversary feasts and cherished the memory of the Cymric King Arthur of the Round Table, whose chivalric fame they regarded as much their own as the Cymri, for he ruled the Celts of Gaul as well as of Britain. The Cymri therefore looked on with placidity and satisfaction at the mutual enmity and reprisals of Normans and Saxons, for they remained unconquered and unmolested in their upland homes. We find them occasionally under their Princes making inroads into England, and conquering and retaining much border territory. The Norman Kings therefore established on the Welsh borders the Lords-marchers, or Lords authorised to conquer and hold by the sword land in Wales; and erected a chain of castles and fortresses from Chester through Shrewsbury and Gloucester to Pembroke, for the defence of the frontier, and the repression of sorties from Wales. Hence the Grosvenors, De Greys, Cliffords, and Mortimers of border chivalry. Hence also the border wars between them and Gruffydd ap Conan, Owain Gwynedd, Llewelyn, and other Princes of Wales, wherein great courage and chivalry were displayed on both sides, and seldom to the advantage of the Norman. At last, after ages of bloodshed and war, and repeated failures, the subjection of the Principality was accomplished, A.D. 1283, by Edward the First, who, to extinguish the last embers of patriotic fire, massacred upwards of one hundred Welsh Bards, in addition to many Cymric Princes. But the Cymri were still discontented and given to insurrection, until a monarch of their own Tudor blood was placed on the British throne in the person of Henry the Seventh, A.D. 1485. Henceforward they became more reconciled to the larger and dominant race, and at length subsided into peaceful submission and attachment to the British throne and laws.

But to return to the feudal system strictly so called, we find the Lords and Barons were all-powerful within their dominions, and had the power of giving or taking away the life, liberty, and property of their retainers and vassals. They often made war upon each other, the consequences of which were frequently awful in the streams of blood which flowed, and the murder, rapine, and spoliation which ensued. Evidences of these internal wars are seen in the ruined castles and dismantled towers which cover our own country and the continent of Europe. The Barons would frequently league together, and make war upon the King or Sovereign, in which they often triumphed. A remarkable instance of this is found in English History, when the Barons joined in opposing King John, and wrested from him Magna Charta at Runnymede. The De Veres, Bohuns, Mowbrays, Nevilles, Howards, Percys, and Somersets often overshadowed their sovereign lieges in England; while the powerful families of Douglas and Scott for ages held the Kings of Scotland in awe. The Kings and Sovereigns were more in fear and had greater apprehensions of the feudal Barons, than from the mass of their subjects, and were therefore often completely obsequious to their wills. But ever and anon would arise an Edward or a James, who, defying the enmity of the feudal chiefs, diminished their powers and restrained their excesses. Yet this was never done, or even attempted, without the greatest opposition and danger, and never but by a brave and formidable Prince.

Each of the great Barons kept a Court, and indulged in a style of pageantry corresponding in an inferior degree to that of Royalty, of which he occasionally affected independence. When the great Earl Warrenne was questioned respecting the right to his vast land possessions, he drew his sword, saying that was his title, and that William did not himself conquer England, but that his ancestor with the rest of the Barons were joint adventurers in the enterprise. As the Barons were so powerful, the Sovereign never made war or undertook any other great enterprise without first convoking and consulting them, as their co-operation was necessary to his success. In fact, such was their position in the realm, that no change in the laws or government, nor any great act of administration, could be accomplished without their advice and consent. Hence they formed with the ecclesiastical hierarchy, the sole and supreme legislative council of the Sovereign. Independently of the necessity for their advice and co-operation in national enterprises, the Sovereign was desirous of convoking the Barons to his councils at stated periods, as a badge of fealty, and to remind them of their allegiance to Royalty; which in the autocratic retirement of their castles, and the solitude of their manors, they were prone to forget. Whensoever any of the Barons rebelled against the royal authority, the Sovereign assembled the other Barons to assist him in suppressing the mutiny. If on the other hand any Baron should be unable to repel the encroachments of a neighbor, he appealed to the Sovereign as the supreme liege for help to resist and punish the aggression, which with the aid of other chieftains was generally granted. The Sovereign therefore stood in the same relation to the Barons of the whole realm, as they individually to their vassals, the feudal theory being, that all land was held ultimately from the Sovereign in return for military and other services, failing which it reverted to the Crown.