Chapter II: Part 2

Know ye, that we have granted, and by this our present writing
confirmed, to our citizens of London, the sheriffwicks of London and
Middlesex, with all the customs and things to the sheriffwick
belonging, within the city and without, by land and by water, to
have and to hold, to them and their heirs, of us and our heirs,
paying therefor three hundred pounds of blank sterling money, at two
terms in the year; that is to say, at the Easter exchequer, one
hundred and fifty pounds; and at the Michaelmas exchequer, one
hundred and fifty pounds; saving to the citizens of London all their
liberties and free customs.

And further, we have granted to the citizens of London, that they
amongst themselves make sheriffs whom they will; and may amove them
when they will; and those whom they make sheriffs, they shall
present to our justices of our exchequer, of these things which to
the said sheriffwick appertain, whereof they ought to answer us; and
unless they shall sufficiently answer and satisfy, the citizens may
answer and satisfy us the amerciaments and farm, saving to the said
citizens their liberties as is aforesaid; and saving to the said
sheriffs the same liberties which other citizens have: so that, if
they which shall be appointed sheriffs for the time being, shall
commit any offence, whereby they ought to incur any amerciament of
money, they shall not be condemned for any more than to the
amerciament of twenty pounds, and that without the damage of other
citizens, if the sheriffs be not sufficient for the payment of their
amerciaments: but, if they do any offence, whereby they ought to
incur the loss of their lives or members, they shall be adjudged, as
they ought to be, according to the law of the city; and of these
things, which to the said sheriffs belong, the sheriffs shall answer
before our justices at our exchequer, saving to the said sheriffs
the liberties which other citizens of London have.

Also this grant and confirmation we have made to the citizens of
London for the amendment of the said city, and because it was in
ancient times farmed for three hundred pounds: wherefore we will and
steadfastly command, that the citizens of London and their heirs may
have and hold the sheriffwick of London and Middlesex, with all
things to the said sheriffwick belonging, of us and our heirs, to
possess and enjoy hereditarily, freely and quietly, honourably and
wholly, by fee-farm of three hundred pounds; and we forbid that none
presume to do any damage, impediment or diminishment to the citizens
of London of these things, which to the said sheriffwick do or were
accustomed to appertain: Also we will and command, that if we or our
heirs, or any of our justices, shall give or grant to any person any
of those things which to the farm of the sheriffwick appertain, the
same shall be accounted to the citizens of London, in the acquittal
of the said farm at our exchequer.

LONDON BRIDGE (1202).

It is possible that there was a London Bridge in Roman times, and there certainly was one, built of wood, before the Conquest. The modern structure was finished in 1831, and this replaced the old bridge, which was built between 1176 and 1209, about 200 feet east of the present one. It consisted of twenty arches, a drawbridge for large vessels, and a chapel and crypt in the centre, dedicated to St. Thomas of Canterbury. It was afterwards covered with houses and shops on both sides, like a street. The last of these buildings was removed in 1757.

The following letter was written by King John to the citizens of London during the construction of the bridge, and shows that the erection and maintenance of this important means of communication was a matter for royal and national, as well as local, consideration.

=Source.=—Document quoted by Maitland, vol. i., p. 45.

John, by the Grace of God, King of England, etc.

To his faithful and beloved the Mayor and Citizens of London,
greeting.

Considering how the Lord in a short time has wrought, in regard to
the Bridges of Xainctes and Rochelle, by the great care and pains of
our faithful, learned and worthy clerk Isenbert, Master of the
Schools of Xainctes: We therefore, by the advice of our Reverend
Father in Christ, Hubert, Archbishop of Canterbury, and that of
others, have desired, directed and enjoined him to use his best
endeavour in building your bridge, for your benefit, and that of the
public: For we trust in the Lord, that this bridge, so necessary for
you, and all who shall pass the same, will, through his industry,
and the Divine blessing, soon be finished: Wherefore, without
prejudice to our right, or that of the City of London, We will and
grant, that the rents and profits of the several houses that the
said Master of the Schools shall cause to be erected upon the bridge
aforesaid, be for ever appropriated to repair, maintain and uphold
the same.

And seeing that the necessary work of the said bridge cannot be
accomplished without your aid, and that of others; We charge and
exhort you kindly to receive and honour the above-named Isenbert,
and those employed by him, who will perform everything to your
advantage and credit, according to his directions, you affording him
your joint advice and assistance in the premises. For whatever good
office or honour you shall do to him, you ought to esteem the same
as done to us. But should any injury be offered to the said
Isenbert, or the persons employed by him (which we do not believe
there will), see that the same be redressed, as soon as it comes to
your knowledge.

Witness myself at Molinel, the eighteenth day of
April (1202).

OPPRESSION BY HENRY III. (1249).

Perhaps no monarch was ever more detested by the citizens of London than was Henry III.—a weak and foolish ruler, who subjected every class to his exactions and oppressions. He was himself preyed upon by swarms of favourites, and enticed into all manner of expensive projects, and could only free himself from his debts and difficulties by abusing his royal prerogative. On one occasion he sold his plate and jewels to the Londoners. "These clowns," he said, "who assume to themselves the name of barons, abound in everything, while we are reduced to necessities." Henry certainly seemed to regard their resources as inexhaustible; false charges were repeatedly made against them, for the purpose of exacting money; exorbitant sums were demanded for purchasing the King's good-will, and for the granting of charters; no occasion of soliciting presents was allowed to pass by; schemes of begging and robbing were carried on so assiduously by this infatuated monarch that the citizens were driven, in the end, to offer and render active assistance to the barons who leagued themselves against him. During this disturbed period the City did not prosper; it needed a firm and steady Government, and not till Edward I. ascended the throne did London resume its career of progress.

=Source.=—Matthew Paris, _History_.

The King began now sedulously to think how he could entirely dry up
the inexhaustible well of England. For, on meeting with a just
repulse from the community of nobles, as above mentioned, who stated
that they would no longer lavish their property to the ruin of the
kingdom, he studied, by other cunning devices, to quench the thirst
of his cupidity. Immediately after the festivities of the said
season, he entered upon the following plan of harassing the citizens
of London: he suspended the carrying on of traffic in that city, as
has been before mentioned, for a fortnight, by establishing a new
fair at Westminster, to the loss and injury of many; and immediately
afterwards he sent letters by his agents, containing subtle and
imperious entreaties, asking them for pecuniary aid. On receipt of
this message, the citizens were grieved to the heart, and said: "Woe
to us, woe to us; where is the liberty of London, which is so often
bought; so often granted; so often guaranteed by writing; so often
sworn to be respected? For each year almost, like slaves of the
lowest condition, we are impoverished by new talliages, and
injuriously harassed by fox-like arguments; nor can we discover into
what whirlpool the property of which we are robbed is absorbed." At
length, however, although immense sums were demanded, the citizens,
although unwillingly and not without bitterness of heart, yielded
their consent to a contribution of two thousand pounds, to be paid
to the King at a brief period....

About the same time, the City of London was excited in no slight
degree, because the King exacted some liberties from the citizens
for the benefit of the abbot of Westminster, to their enormous loss,
and the injury of their liberties. The mayor of the city and the
whole of the community in general, as far as lay in their power,
opposed the wish (or rather violence and raving) of the King; but he
proved harsh and inexorable to them. The citizens, therefore, in a
state of great excitement, went with sorrowful complaints to Earl
Richard, the earl of Leicester, and other nobles of the Kingdom,
telling them how the King, perhaps bent into a bow of wickedness, by
the pope's example, shamelessly violated their charters, granted to
them by his predecessors. The said nobles were much disturbed at
this, fearing that the King would attempt a similar proceeding with
them; they therefore severely reproached him, adding threats to
their reproaches, and strongly blamed the abbot, who, they believed,
was the originator and promoter of this wrong, heaping insult upon
insult on him; which, however, it does not become us to relate, out
of respect to the order. Thus the prudence of the nobles happily
recalled the King from his conceived design.

INTERFERENCE BY BARONS (1258).

When, in medieval England, the central authority was weak, injustice and oppression were rife throughout the country, and at such times the men of London were often hard pressed to maintain intact their privileges. Under the feeble and vacillating Henry III. there was little restraint upon corrupt and unscrupulous barons, such as the Hugh Bygot of the following passage. The right to attend to the administration of justice within the borders of the City was one of the most essential elements of the citizen's freedom; no interference in this direction could possibly be tolerated if the hardly won charters were to be of any avail. It is not surprising, therefore, that the arbitrary conduct of this justiciar, who pretended to act by royal authority, being a King's servant, aroused great resentment among the citizens.

=Source.=—Fitz-Thedmar's _Chronicle of the Mayors and Sheriffs_,
edited by Riley, p. 42.

This year, John de Gizors was chosen Mayor, and that too, even in
his absence. This year, after a Parliament held by the Barons at
Westminster, Hugh Bygot, the Justiciar, went to Saint Saviour's, and
having Roger de Turkelby for his associate, held there all the Pleas
which pertain unto the Justiciars Itinerant in the County of Surrey;
and not only did he there amerce several bailiffs and others who had
been convicted of offences committed against those subject to them,
but he caused them to be imprisoned, clerks as well as laymen. And
yet he ransomed one person for twenty marks, and certain others for
forty marks, and more; while several others, for but trifling
reasons, he immoderately aggrieved.

In these pleas the men of Southwark and others of the County of
Surrey made complaint against the Sheriffs and citizens of London,
that they unjustly took custom without the Stone Gate on the Bridge,
seeing that they ought to possess no such rights beyond the
Drawbridge Gate. The citizens, coming with their Sheriffs who had
been summoned by the Justiciars, appeared at Saint Saviour's, before
the Justiciars, and bringing with them their Charters, said that
they were not bound to plead there, nor would they plead without the
walls of the City; but without formal plea, they were willing to
acknowledge that it was quite lawful for the Sheriffs of London to
take custom without the gate aforesaid, and that too, even as far as
the staples placed there, seeing that the whole water of Thames
pertains unto the City, and always did pertain thereto; and that
too, sea-ward as far as the New Weir. At length, after much
altercation had taken place between the Justiciars and the citizens,
the Justiciars caused inquisition to be made, on the oath of twelve
knights of Surrey—and this, although the citizens had not put
themselves on such inquisition—whether the Sheriffs of London had
taken any custom beyond their limits. Who said, upon oath, that the
Sheriffs aforesaid might rightfully take custom there, for that as
far the staples before-mentioned, the whole pertains unto the City,
and no one has any right upon the Thames, as far as the New Weir,
save and except the citizens of London.

After this, the Justiciar before-mentioned, having as his associate
Roger before-named, came to the Guildhall of London, and there held
Pleas from day to day, as to all those who wished to make plaint;
and at once, without either making reasonable summons or admitting
any lawful excuses, determined the same, observing no due procedure
of justice; and that too against the laws of the City, as also
against the laws and customs of every freeman of the English realm.
This, however, the citizens persistently challenged, saying that no
one except the Sheriffs of London ought to hold pleadings in the
City as to trespasses there committed; but to no purpose. Still
however, the citizens had judgment done upon all persons abiding in
the City, who had been convicted, or had been cast in making a false
charge. At the same time also, the Justiciar summoned before himself
and before the Earl of Gloucester all the bakers of the City who
could be found, together with their loaves; and so, by some few
citizens summoned before them, judgment was given in reference to
their bread; those whose bread did not weigh according to the assay
of the City, not being placed in the pillory, as they used to be,
but, at the will of the Justiciar and Earl aforesaid, exalted in the
tumbrel, against the ancient usage of the City and of all the realm.

THE STEELYARD (1282).

The Steelyard was the residence of the Hanse Merchants, who obtained a settlement in London as early as 1250. Valuable privileges were granted to them by Henry III., and these were renewed and confirmed by Edward I., who was anxious to encourage the trade of the City by all possible means. Many privileges were also conceded to the Steelyard merchants by the City, in return for which they undertook to maintain Bishopsgate in good repair and to assist in its defence when necessity arose. In spite of the jealousy of the English merchants, the foreigners flourished exceedingly, but towards the end of the sixteenth century their power began to fail. As English traders became more enterprising, the monopoly of the Steelyard merchants disappeared, and finally, in 1598, Elizabeth expelled them from the country.

=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 234.

Next to this (Cosin) lane on the east, is the steelyard (as they
term it) a place for merchants of Almaine, that used to bring
hither, as well wheat, rye and other grain, as cables, ropes, masts,
pitch, tar, flax, hemp, linen cloth, wainscots, wax, steel, and
other profitable merchandizes: unto these merchants in the year 1259
Henry the third, at the request of his brother Richard earl of
Cornwall, king of Almaine, granted that all and singular the
merchants, having a house in the City of London, commonly called
Guilda Aula Theutonicorum, should be maintained and upholden through
the whole realm, by all such freedoms, and free usages or liberties,
as by the King and his noble progenitors time they had, and enjoyed,
etc. Edward the first renewed and confirmed that charter of
Liberties granted by his Father. And in the tenth year of the same
Edward, Henry Wales being Mayor, a great controversy did arise
between the said Mayor, and the merchants of the Haunce of Almaine,
about the reparations of Bishopsgate, then likely to fall, for that
the said merchants enjoyed divers privileges, in respect of
maintaining the said gate, which they now denied to repair: for the
appeasing of which controversy the king sent his writ to the
Treasurer and Barons of his Exchequer, commanding that they should
make inquisition thereof, before whom the merchants being called,
when they were not able to discharge themselves, since they enjoyed
the liberties to them granted for the same, a precept was sent to
the Mayor, and sheriffs, to distrain the said merchants to make
reparations, namely Gerard Marbod Alderman of the Haunce, Ralph de
Cussarde a citizen of Colen, Ludero de Deneuar, a Burgess of Triuar,
John of Aras, a Burgess of Triuon, Bartram of Hamburdge, Godestalke
of Hundondale, a Burgess of Triuon, John de Dele a Burgess of
Munstar, then remaining in the said City of London: for themselves,
and all other merchants of the Haunce, and so they granted 210 marks
sterling to the Mayor and Citizens, and undertook that they and
their successors should from time to time repair the said gate, and
bear the third part of the charges in money, and men to defend it
when need were. And for this agreement, the said Mayor and Citizens
granted to the said merchants their liberties which till of late
they have enjoyed, as namely amongst other, that they might lay up
their grain which they brought into this realm, in Inns, and sell it
in their garners, by the space of forty days after they had laid it
up: except by the Mayor and Citizens they were expressly forbidden,
because of dearth or other reasonable occasions. Also they might
have their Aldermen as they had been accustomed, forseen always that
he were of the City, and presented to the Mayor and Aldermen of the
City, so oft as any should be chosen, and should take an oath before
them to maintain justice in their courts, and to behave themselves
in their office according to law, and as it stood with the customs
of the City. Thus much for their privileges: whereby it appeareth,
that they were great merchants of corn brought out of the East parts
hither, in so much that the occupiers of husbandry in this land were
enforced to complain of them for bringing in such abundance, when
the corn of this realm was at an easy price: whereupon it was
ordained by Parliament, that no person should bring into any part of
this realm by way of merchandise, wheat, rye or barley, growing out
of the said realm, when the quarter of wheat exceeded not the price
of 6 shillings 8 pence, rye 4s. the quarter, and barley 3s. the
quarter, upon forfeiture the one half to the King, the other half to
the seizer thereof. These merchants of Haunce had their Guild hall
in Thames street in place aforesaid, by the said Cosin lane. Their
hall is large, builded of stone, with three arched gates towards the
street, the middlemost whereof is far bigger than the other, and is
seldom opened, the other two be mured up, the same is now called the
old hall.

THE PRESERVATION OF PEACE AND ORDER
(1282).

It would appear from contemporary evidence that the Londoners must have been somewhat turbulent during the thirteenth century. Owing to the smallness of the houses and the insufficient accommodation for families, the greater part of the population constantly filled the streets; and, although the watch and ward arrangements for the protection of the City may have been sufficient in quiet times, they were quite inadequate when troubles arose. In spite of stringent regulations frequent quarrels and riots occurred in the crowded streets, and punishments, fines, and imprisonments were common. The commonest offences, to judge by the records of trials, were night-walking after curfew, robbery with violence, frequenting taverns, and gambling. The following passages illustrate some of the efforts which were continually being made to devise improvements in the administration of the City and the safeguarding of its inhabitants:

=Sources.=—(_a_) "Provisions for the Safe-Keeping of the City";
(_b_) "A Royal Mandate for the Preservation of the Peace."
Riley's_Memorials_, pp. 21, 36.

(_a_) On Wednesday next before the Feast of Pentecost, in the 10th
year of the reign of King Edward, by Henry le Galeys, Mayor, the
Aldermen, and the then Chamberlain of Guildhall, the following
provisions were subscribed:—

As to the trades: that every trade shall present the names of all
persons in that trade, and of all who have been serving therein;
where they dwell, and in what Ward.

Also, each Alderman, with two of the best men of his Ward, shall
make inquisition as to persons keeping hostels, and the persons
lodging in the same, making enquiry one by one, and from house to
house; that so he may know how many, and who, and of what kind or
condition they are, clerks or laymen, who are residing in his Ward,
of the age of twelve years and upwards.

To be remembered:—as to provision made how suspected persons, when
found, ought to be removed, or under what security to remain.

Secondly, as to the safe-keeping of the City:—All the Gates of the
City are to be open by day; and at each Gate there are to be two
serjeants to open the same, skilful men, and fluent of speech, who
are to keep a good watch upon persons coming in and going out; that
so no evil may befall the City.

At every Parish Church, curfew is to be rung at the same hour as at
St. Martin's le Grand; so that they begin together, and end
together; and then all the Gates are to be shut, as well as all
taverns for wine or for ale; and no one is then to go about the
streets or ways. Six persons are to watch in each Ward by night, of
the most competent men of the Ward thereto; and the two serjeants
who guard the Gates by day, are to lie at night either within the
Gates, or near thereto.

The serjeants of Billingsgate and Queen Hythe are to see that all
boats are moored on the City side at night, and are to have the
names of all boats; and no one is to cross the Thames at night. And
each serjeant must have his own boat with four men, to guard the
water by night, on either side of the bridge.

The serjeants at the Gates are to receive four pence each per day,
and the boatmen at night, one penny each.

(_b_) Henry le Galeys, Mayor of the City of London, presented a writ
of our Lord the King, in these words:—

Edward by the grace of God, etc., to the Mayor and Sheriffs of
London, greeting. Forasmuch as we have heard that the bakers, and
brewsters, and millers, in the city aforesaid, do frequently
misconduct themselves in their trades, and that misdoers by night
going about the city aforesaid with swords and bucklers, and other
arms, as well at the procuration of others as of their own malice,
do beat and maltreat other persons, and are wont to perpetrate many
other offences and enormities, to no small damage and grievance of
our faithful subjects: We, of our counsel, wishing to apply a
fitting remedy to all the premises, and to strike both them and
others with fear of so offending, do command you, and strictly
enjoin, that you will so chastise such bakers, brewsters, and
misdoers, with corporal punishments, and so visit the other
offences, at your discretion, that they may excite in others in like
case a fear of so offending. And that all corn to be ground at mills
within the city aforesaid, and without, shall be weighed by the
millers, and that such millers shall answer in like weight in the
flour coming therefrom. And the matters aforesaid, and all other
things which unto the office of the Mayoralty of the same city, and
to the preservation there of our peace, do pertain, you are to cause
to be inviolably observed. Witness myself, at York, the 28th day of
May, in the 26th year of our reign.

THE CITIZENS AND EDWARD II. (1311).

The attitude of the City towards the Sovereign was invariably determined by the respect which the latter paid to the liberties and privileges of the citizens, who were generally disposed to be loyal enough if they were treated with proper consideration. The change from the powerful and competent rule of Edward I. to the feeble government of his son produced its inevitable effect on London as well as on the kingdom; but the letter quoted below shows that the citizens were prepared to support the King during the early years of his reign. Later, however, his arbitrary measures and foolish actions led to a complete revulsion of feeling, which expressed itself in actual revolt.

=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 84.

To the most noble Prince, and their very dear liege lord, our Lord
the King of England, his lieges, Richer de Refham, Mayor of his city
of London, and the commonalty of the same city, all manner of
reverence, service, and honour, as unto their liege lord. Whereas,
Sire, we have heard good news of you, Sire, and of your successful
prosecution of your war in Scotland, God be thanked; we do send you,
by the bearers of these letters, one thousand marks, in aid and in
prosecution of your war; and we do pray you, as being our most dear
lord, that you will be pleased to accept the same; and that, if
aught shall please you as regards your said city, you will signify
your will unto us, as being your liege men. Our Lord have you in his
keeping, body and soul; and may he give you a good life, and long.

CONSTITUTIONS FOR THE GOVERNMENT OF
THE CITY (1319).

These articles were drawn up by the citizens and submitted to Edward II. for his approval, which he duly gave in exchange for £1,000. It is clear that there had been dissensions in the city; the officials had been endeavouring to obtain favour at Court, and in doing so they had acted, as the citizens alleged, against their interests. The mayor, when it suited the interests of the City magistrates, was re-elected at pleasure; the citizens were taxed in an oppressive manner while the magistrates are stated to have lowered their own assessments. The citizens were unable to obtain satisfactory redress from the King's judges, and proposed these new constitutions, which were accepted by the King and afterwards incorporated into the charter of Richard II. It is to be noted that henceforth the only way to the civic franchise was by becoming a member of the civic gilds.

Edward, by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, and
duke of Aquitaine, to all to whom the present letters shall have
come, greeting.

Know ye, that whereas our beloved and faithful the mayor and
aldermen, and the other citizens of our city of London, had lately
ordained and appointed among themselves, for the bettering of the
same city, and for the common benefit of such as dwell in that city,
and resort to the same, certain things to be in the same city
perpetually observed, and had instantly besought us that we would
take care to accept and confirm the same.

We having seen certain letters, patentwise, signed with the common
seal of that city, and the seal of the office of the mayoralty of
that city, upon the premises, and to us exhibited, have caused
certain articles to be chosen out of the foresaid letters, and
caused them in some things to be corrected, as they are underneath
inserted, viz.

1. That the mayor and sheriffs of the same city be elected by the
citizens of the said city, according to the tenor of the charters of
our progenitors, heretofore kings of England, made to them thereby,
and not otherwise.

2. That the mayor remain only one year together in his mayoralty.

3. That sheriffs have but two clerks and two serjeants; and that
they take such for whom they will answer.

4. That the mayor have no other office belonging to the city, but
the office of mayoralty; nor draw to himself the sheriff's plea in
the chamber of London, nor hold other pleas than those the mayor,
according to ancient custom, ought to hold.

5. That the aldermen be removed from year to year, on the day of St.
Gregory the Pope, and not re-elected; and others chosen by the same
wards....

7. That no stranger be admitted into the freedom of the city in the
husting; and that no inhabitant, and especially English merchant, of
any mistery or trade, be admitted into the freedom of the city,
unless by surety of six honest and sufficient men of the mistery or
trade that he shall be of, who is so to be admitted into the
freedom; which six men may undertake for him, of keeping the city
indemnified in that behalf. And that the same form of surety be
observed of strangers to be admitted into the freedom in the
husting, if they be of any certain mistery or trade. And if they are
not of some certain mistery, then that they be not admitted into the
freedom without the assent of the commonalty. And that they who have
been taken into the freedom of the city (since we undertook the
government of the realm) contrary to the forms prescribed, and they
who have gone contrary to their oath in this behalf, or contrary to
the state of the city, and are thereof lawfully convicted, lose the
freedom of the said city.

Saving always, that concerning apprentices the ancient manner and
form of the said city be observed.

8. That each year in the same city, as often as need shall be,
inquiry be made, if any of the freedom of the same city exercise
merchandises in the city, of the goods of others not of the same
freedom, by calling those goods their own, contrary to their oath,
and contrary to the freedom of the said city; and they that are
lawfully convicted thereof to lose the freedom of the said city....

12. That weights and scales of merchandises to be weighed between
merchants and merchants, the issues coming of which belong to the
commonalty of the said city, remain in the custody of honest and
sufficient men of the same city, expert in that office, and as yet
to be chosen by the commonalty, to be kept at the will of the same
commonalty; and that they be by no means committed to others than
those so to be chosen....

14. Merchants who are not of the freedom of the city, not to sell,
by retail, wines or other wares, within the city or suburbs....

16. That the common harbourers in the city and suburbs, although
they are not of the freedom of the same, be partakers of the
contingent burdens for maintaining the said city, according to the
state of it, as long as they shall be so common harbourers, as other
like dwellers in the city and suburbs shall partake, on account of
those dwellings. Saving always, that the merchants of Gascony, and
other foreigners, may, one with another, inhabit and be harboured in
the said city, as hitherto they have accustomed to do.

17. That the keeping the bridge of the said city, and the rents and
profits belonging to that bridge, be committed to be kept to two
honest and sufficient men of the city, other than the aldermen, to
be chosen to this by the commonalty, at the will of the said
commonalty, and not to others, and who may answer thereupon to the
said commonalty....

20. That the goods of the aldermen, in aids, tallages, and other
contributions, concerning the said city, be taxed by the men of the
wards in which those aldermen abide, as the goods of other citizens,
by the said wards.

Which articles, as they are above expressed, and the matters
contained in the same, we accept, approve and ratify; and we yield
and grant them, for us and our heirs, as much as in us is, to the
aforesaid citizens, their heirs and successors, in the aforesaid
city and suburbs, for the common profit of those that inhabit
therein, and resort thither, to obtain the same, and to be observed
perpetually.

Moreover, we, willing to show ampler grace to the mayor, aldermen
and citizens, at their request have granted to them, for us and our
heirs, that the mayor, aldermen, citizens and commonalty of the
commoners of the city, and their heirs and successors, for the
necessities and profits of the same city, may, among themselves of
their common assent assess tallages upon their own goods within that
city, as well upon the rents as other things; and as well upon the
misteries as any other way, as they shall see expedient, and levy
them, without incurring the danger of us or our heirs, or our
ministers whomsoever. And that the money coming from such tallages
remain in the custody of four honest and lawful men of the said
city, to be chosen to this by the commonalty, and be laid out, of
their custody, for the necessities and profits of the said city, and
not otherwise. In witness whereof, etc.

Witness the King, at York, the eighth day of June,
in the twelfth year of our reign.

A REVOLT AGAINST EDWARD II (1326).

Although the citizens were at first sufficiently well disposed towards Edward II., his misgovernment led ultimately to grave dissatisfaction, which expressed itself in riots and revolt. The King was induced by his worthless advisers to make claims and attacks upon the rights of the citizens. He was always in want of money, and believed, like many other Kings, that the wealth of the City was inexhaustible. In 1321 he deprived the citizens of their cherished right of electing their own Mayor, and from that time the condition of the City was perfectly wretched until the close of his reign. There was no proper authority at all; the King deposed one Mayor and set up another; the city generally supported Queen Isabella, and received her and Mortimer with enthusiasm. All who were thought to favour the King were in danger, and the attitude of the City was to a considerable extent responsible for the unhappy King's deposition.

=Source.=—Aungier, _French Chronicle_, edited by Riley, p. 262.

At this time, at Saint Michael, Lady Isabele, the Queen, and Sir
Edward, her son, sent their letters to the commons of London, to the
effect that they should assist in destroying the enemies of the
land; but received no answer in return, as to their wishes thereon,
through fear of the King. Wherefore a letter was sent to London by
the Queen and her son, and was fixed at daybreak upon the Cross in
Chepe, and a copy of the letter on the windows elsewhere, upon
Thursday, that is to say, the Feast of Saint Denis [October 9], to
the effect that the commons should be aiding with all their power in
destroying the enemies of the land, and Hugh le Despencer in
especial, for the common profit of all the realm; and that the
commons should send them information as to their wishes thereon.
Wherefore the Commonalty proceeded to wait upon the Mayor and other
great men of the City, at the Black Friars Preachers in London, upon
the Wednesday before the Feast of Saint Luke [October 18] which then
fell on a Saturday; so much so, that the Mayor, crying mercy with
clasped hands, went to the Guildhall and granted the commons their
demand, and cry was accordingly made in Chepe, that the enemies to
the King, and the Queen, and their son, should all quit the City
upon such peril as might ensue. It happened also on the same day, at
the hour of noon, that some persons had recourse to arms, and seized
one John le Marchal, a burgess of the City, in his own house near
Wallbrook, who was held as an enemy to the City and a spy of Sir
Hugh le Despencer; and he was brought into Chepe, and there
despoiled and beheaded.

A PROCLAMATION OF EDWARD III. (1329).

The frequent proclamations for the preservation of peace and order in the City seem to show that some difficulty was experienced in this direction; it is, at any rate, interesting to note that the authority of the King is invoked to assist in the discipline and control of lawless inhabitants. The restriction as to the bearing of arms is very significant, and the instructions regarding night-walkers and tavern-keepers, which continually recur in similar documents, show whence arose the greatest dangers to life and property.

=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 172.

This proclamation was ordered by the Mayor and Aldermen, on Saturday
the morrow of St. Dunstan [May 19], in the 3rd year of the reign of
King Edward the Third; and on the Sunday following throughout the
City proclaimed; our said Lord the King being about to cross over to
the parts of France on the Friday next ensuing, there to do his
homage; and to the end that, while the King was there, his peace
might be the more strictly observed.—

We do command, on behalf of our Lord the King, that his peace shall
be preserved and kept between both denizens and strangers,
throughout all the franchise of this city.

Also,—that no person, native or stranger, shall go armed in
the same city, or shall carry arms by night or by day, on pain
of imprisonment, and of losing his arms; save only, the
serjeants-at-arms of our Lord the King, and of my Lady the
Queen, and the vadlets of the Earls and Barons; that is to
say, for every Earl or Baron one vadlet, carrying the sword of
his lord in his presence; and save also, the officers of the
City, and those who shall be summoned unto them, for keeping
and maintaining the peace of the City.

We do also forbid, on behalf of our said Lord the King, that anyone
shall be so daring, on pain of imprisonment, as to go wandering
about the City, after the hour of curfew rung out at St. Martin's le
Grand; unless it be some man of the City of good repute, or his
servant; and that, for reasonable cause, and with light.

And that no one shall hold covin or congregation, to make persons
pay fine, by imputing to them that they have committed against them
divers grievances or offences: but let those who feel themselves
aggrieved, shew their grievances unto the officers of the City, and
they will do them speedy right, according as the law demands. And
that no one of the City, of whatsoever condition he be, shall go out
of this city, to maintain parties, such as taking seisins, or
holding days of love, or making other congregations, within the City
or without, in disturbance of the peace of our Lord the King, or in
affray of the people, and to the scandal of the City. And if any
person, of whatsoever condition or estate he be, shall from
henceforth be found guilty thereof, let him be taken and put in the
Prison of Newgate; and let him remain for a year and a day, without
being reprieved; and if he be free of the City, let him for ever
lose his freedom.

And whereas misdoers, going about by night, have their resort more
in taverns than elsewhere, and there seek refuge, and watch their
time for misdoing; we do forbid that any taverner or brewer keep the
door of his tavern open after the hour of curfew aforesaid, on the
pain as to the same ordained; that is to say, the first time, on
pain of being amerced in the sum of 40d.; the second time, half a
mark; the third time, 10s.; the fourth time, 20s.; the fifth time,
let him forswear the trade for ever.

THE ARTICLES OF THE HEAUMERS AND OF
THE HATTERS (1347).

The organisation of industries is a most important and interesting feature of medieval London history, and during the fourteenth century the craft gilds played a prominent part in the life of the City. The story of the development of the various gilds, fraternities, and misteries, and their connection with the later Livery Companies, has been the subject of considerable research, and it seems probable that the origin of most of the City Companies of to-day can be connected with the medieval organisations. These articles will be found to be noteworthy chiefly for the information they give regarding the craft organisations of the time; it is clear that it was considered to be of the highest importance that the work should be of good quality, and great care is taken that workmen shall be as skilful as possible in their trades. The interference of strangers is, as usual, resented, and every effort is made to strengthen and encourage the native crafts.

=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, pp. 237, 239.

The points of the Articles touching the trade of helmetry, accepted
by Geoffrey de Wychingham, Mayor, and the Aldermen, at the suit and
request of the folks of the said trade.—

In the first place, that no one of the said trade shall follow, or
keep seld of, the trade aforesaid within the franchise of the City
of London, until he shall have properly bought his freedom,
according to the usage of the said city; on pain of losing his
wares.

Also,—forasmuch as heretofore some persons coming in, who are
strangers, have intermeddled, and still do intermeddle, in the
making of helmetry, whereas they do not know their trade; by reason
whereof, many great men and others of the realm have been slain
through their default, to the great scandal of the said trade; it is
ordained that no person shall from henceforth intermeddle with, or
work at, helmetry, if he be not proved to be a good, proper, and
sufficient workman, by the Wardens of the said trade, on pain of
forfeiture to the use of the Chamber.

Also,—that three, or four, if need be, of the best workmen of the
said trade shall be chosen and sworn to rule the trade well and
properly, as is befitting; for the security and safety of the great
men and others of the realm, and for the honour and profit of the
said city, and of the workers in the said trade.

Also,—that no apprentice shall be received by any master of the said
trade for a less term than seven years; and that, without collusion
or fraud; on pain of paying to the said Chamber 100 shillings.

Also,—that no one of the said trade, or other person of the
franchise, shall set any stranger to work, who is of the said trade,
if he be not a proper and lawful person, and one for whom his master
will answer as to his good behaviour; on pain of paying to the said
Chamber 20 shillings.

Also,—that no one of the said trade shall receive or set to work the
apprentice or serving-man of another, until the term of his master
shall have been fully ended; on pain of paying to the said Chamber
20 shillings.

The points of the Articles touching the trade of Hat-makers,
accepted by Thomas Leggy, Mayor, and the Aldermen of the City of
London, at the suit, and at the request, of the folks of the said
trade.

In the first place,—that six men of the most lawful and most
befitting of the said trade shall be assigned and sworn to rule and
watch the trade, in such manner as other trades of the said city are
ruled and watched by their Wardens.

Also,—that no one shall make or sell any manner of hats within the
franchise of the city aforesaid, if he be not free of the same city;
on pain of forfeiting to the Chamber the hats which he shall have
made and offered for sale.

Also,—that no one shall be made apprentice in the said trade for a
less term than seven years, and that, without fraud or collusion.
And he who shall receive any apprentice in any other manner, shall
lose his freedom, until he shall have bought it back again.

Also,—that no one of the said trade shall take any apprentice, if he
be not himself a freeman of the said city.

Also,—that the Wardens of the said trade shall make their searches
for all manner of hats that are for sale within the said franchise,
so often as need shall be. And that the aforesaid Wardens shall have
power to take all manner of hats that they shall find defective and
not befitting, and to bring them before the Mayor and Aldermen of
London, that so the defaults which shall be found may be punished by
their award.

Also,—whereas some workmen in the said trade have made hats that are
not befitting, in deceit of the common people, from which great
scandal, shame, and loss have often arisen to the good folks of the
said trade, they pray that no workman in the said trade shall do any
work by night touching the same, but only in clear daylight; that
so, the aforesaid Wardens may openly inspect their work. And he who
shall do otherwise, and shall be convicted thereof before the Mayor
and Aldermen, shall pay to the Chamber of the Guildhall, the first
time 40d., the second time half a mark, and the third time he shall
lose his freedom.

REGULATIONS CONCERNING WAGES AND
PRICES (1350).

The Black Death, which broke out in England in 1348, was a terrible calamity, and it is estimated that at least half of the population of the country perished by the pestilence, including a large proportion of the inhabitants of London. The churchyards were speedily filled, and additional pieces of land were given by the Bishop of London and other persons for the burial of the victims of this fearful plague. The most important result of the pestilence was the dearth of labour which was immediately caused, and the consequent rise in wages was a source of considerable trouble to the legislature and to all employers of labour. Parliament passed the Statutes of Labourers, which were intended to fix the wages of workpeople at the rates which had been customary before the plague, and in London an attempt was made towards the same object by this Proclamation, in which wages are laid down "to be observed for ever." It seems strange that in a commercial city like London it should be considered possible to regulate wages and prices by an arbitrary enactment of this kind, and it does not appear that the ordinance was obeyed. There is little doubt that it was generally ignored, and the craftsmen continued to make the most of the situation, just as the agricultural labourers and craftsmen in the country were able, on the whole, to set at defiance the Statutes of Labourers.

=Source.=—Riley's _Memorials_, p. 253.

To amend and redress the damages and grievances which the good folks
of the City, rich and poor, have suffered and received within the
past year, by reason of masons, carpenters, plasterers, tilers, and
all manner of labourers, who take immeasurably more than they have
been wont to take, by assent of Walter Turk, Mayor, the Aldermen,
and all the Commonalty of the City, the points under-written are
ordained, to be held and firmly observed for ever; that is to say.—

In the first place,—that the masons, between the Feasts of Easter
and St. Michael [September 29], shall take no more by the
working-day than 6d., without victuals or drink; and from the Feast
of St. Michael to Easter, for the working-day, 5d. And upon
Feast-days, when they do not work, they shall take nothing. And for
the making or mending of their implements they shall take nothing.

Also,—that the carpenters shall take, for the same time, in the same
manner.

Also,—that the plasterers shall take the same as the masons and
carpenters take.

Also,—that the tilers shall take for the working-day, from the Feast
of Easter to St. Michael 5½d., and from the Feast of St. Michael to
Easter 4½d.

Also,—that the labourers shall take in the first half year 3½d., and
in the other half 3d.

Also,—that the master daubers (layers on) shall take between the
Feasts of Easter and St. Michael 5d., and in the other half year
4d.; and their labourers are to take the same as the labourers of
the tilers.

Also,—that the sawiers shall take in the same manner as the masons
and carpenters take.

Also,—that no one shall pay more to the workmen aforesaid, on pain
of paying 40s. to the Commonalty, without any release therefrom; and
he who shall take more than the above, shall go to prison for forty
days....

Also,—that one person of every company may see that the vessel into
which their wine is drawn is clean, and from what tun their wine is
drawn; on pain of imprisonment, and of paying to the Chamber, for
the first time, half a mark; for the second time, one mark; for the
third time, 20s.; and every other time a person shall be found in
like default, let his fine be increased by half a mark.

Also,—that the measures shall be standing upright, and sealed with
the seal of the Alderman of the Ward; and he who shall sell by other
measures, let him go to prison, and further, be amerced in half a
mark.

Also,—that the pelterers shall make their furs according to the
ancient ordinances, of olden time ordained, and according to the
purport of their Charter; on pain of forfeiture and punishment for
the same, as of old ordained.

Also,—that no one should go to meet those who are bringing victuals
or other wares by land or by water to the City for sale, for the
purpose of buying them or bargaining for them, before that they
shall have come to certain places assigned thereto, where they ought
to be sold; on pain of forfeiture of the victuals and other wares,
and of their bodies being committed to prison, until they have been
sufficiently punished, at the discretion of the Mayor and Aldermen.

THE CHARTER TO THE DRAPERS (1364).

"Draper" originally meant a cloth-maker, not, as now, a dealer in cloth. In the Middle Ages the drapers both made it and sold it, but gradually their particular work was confined to supervising the manufacture and selling the finished article. The Drapers' Gild must have been one of the earliest associations of craftsmen, and was incorporated by royal charter in 1364. One of the most important features of this charter seems to be the instruction that the mistery of drapery should be definitely separated from those of the tenterers, tellers, and fullers; it appears to have been impossible to exercise proper supervision in a trade which involved so many different operations, and the remedy was obviously to split it up into several trades, each of which might have its own organisation.

=Source.=—Herbert, _Livery Companies_, vol. i., p. 480.

The King, to the Mayor and Sheriffs of London, greeting. Whereas,
amongst other things ordained in our last parliament, it was for
certain causes proposed, and in the same parliament ordained, that
no English merchant should use merceries or merchandizes by himself
or another by any manner of covine, unless one only, and which he
should choose before the feast of Candlemas last past, as in the
said ordinances is more fully contained.

* * * * *

And whereas it has been shown to us and to our council, that people
of divers misteries of the city of London intermix themselves with
the mistery of Drapery, and cause divers deceits and frauds in the
use of the same mistery,—to the great damage of us and of our
people, and contrary to the ordinances aforesaid.

We, willing the said ordinances should be kept and maintained in all
points, accordingly have, by the assent of the great and others of
our council, ordained and granted, that none shall use the Mistery
of Drapery in the city of London, nor in the suburbs of the same,
unless he has been apprenticed in the same mistery, or in other due
manner been admitted by the common assent of the same mistery. And
that each of the misteries of tenterers, tisters, and fullers, keep
himself to his own mistery, and in no way meddle with the making,
buying, or selling of any manner with cloth or drapery, on pain of
imprisonment and loss of all the cloth so by them made, bought, or
sold, or the value thereof to us.

And that none who has cloth to sell in the said city, or in the
suburbs, do sell the same unless to drapers enfranchised in the said
mistery of drapery, or that it be in gross to the lords and others
of the commons, who will buy the same for themselves or servants by
retail, under the same penalty.