Chapter IV: Part 4

After this shameful murder, succeeded open rapine and manifest
robbery in divers houses within the City, and in especial in the
house of Philip Malpas, Alderman of London, and divers others: over
and beside ransoming, and fining of divers notable merchants, for
the security of their lives and goods, as Robert Horne alderman, who
paid 500 marks, and yet neither he, nor any other person was either
of life or substance in a surety or safeguard. He also put to
execution in Southwark divers persons, some for infringing his rules
and precepts, because he would be seen indifferent, others he
tormented of his old acquaintance, lest they should blaze and
declare his base birth, and lousy lineage, disparaging him from his
usurped surname of Mortimer, for the which, he thought and doubted
not, both to have friends and fautors, both in London, Kent, and
Essex. The wise Mayor, and sage magistrates of the City of London,
perceiving themselves neither to be sure of goods nor of life well
warranted, determined with fear to repel and expulse this
mischievous head, and his ungracious company. And because the Lord
Scales was ordained Keeper of the Tower of London, with Matthew
Gough, the often named captain in Normandy, (as you have heard
before), they purposed to make them acquainted both of their intent
and enterprise. The Lord Scales promised them his aid, with shooting
of ordinance, and Matthew Gough was by him appointed to assist the
Mayor and the Londoners; because he was both of manhood, and
experience greatly renowned and noised. So the Captains of the City
appointed, took upon them in the night to keep the bridge of London,
prohibiting the Kentish men, either to pass or approach. The rebels,
which never soundly slept, for fear of sudden chances, hearing the
bridge to be kept and manned, ran with great haste to open their
passage, where between both parties was a fierce and cruel
encounter. Matthew Gough, more expert in martial feats than the
other chieftains of the City, perceiving the Kentish men better to
stand to their tackling than his imagination expected, advised his
company no further to proceed, toward Southwark, till the day
appeared: to the intent, that the citizens hearing where the place
of the jeopardy rested, might occur their enemies, and relieve their
friends and companions. But this counsel came to small effect: for
the multitude of the rebels drave the citizens from the staples at
the bridge foot, to the draw bridge, and began to set fire in divers
houses. Alas what sorrow it was to behold that miserable chance: for
some desiring to eschew the fire, leapt on his enemies weapon, and
so died; fearful women with children in their arms, amazed and
appalled, leapt into the river: others doubting how to save
themselves between fire, water, and sword, were in their houses
suffocated and smouldered. Yet the Captains nothing regarding these
chances, fought on the draw bridge all the night valiantly, but in
conclusion, the rebels held the draw bridge, and drowned many, and
slew John Sutton alderman, and Robert Heysande a hardy citizen, with
many other, beside Matthew Gough, a man of great wit, much
experience in feats of chivalry, the which in continual wars, had
valiantly served the King and his father, in the parts beyond the
sea (as before you have heard). But it is often seen that he, which
many times hath vanquished his enemies in strange countries, and
returned again as a conqueror, hath of his own nation afterward been
shamefully murdered, and brought to confusion. This hard and sore
conflict endured on the bridge, till 9 o'clock in the morning, in
doubtful chance, and fortunes balance: for some time the Londoners
were beaten back to the stulpes at Saint Magnes corner, and suddenly
again the rebels were repulsed and driven back, to the stulpes in
Southwark, so that both parties, being faint, weary and fatigued,
agreed to desist from fight, and to leave battle till the next day,
upon condition: that neither Londoners should pass into Southwark,
nor the Kentishmen into London.

After this abstinence of war agreed, the lusty Kentish Captain,
hoping on more friends, broke up the gaols of the Kings Bench and
Marshalsea, and set at liberty a swarm of galants, both meet for his
service and apt for his enterprise. The Archbishop of Canterbury,
being then Chancellor of England, and for his surety lying in the
Tower of London, called to him the Bishop of Winchester, which also
for fear, lurked at Halywell. These two prelates seeing the fury of
the Kentish people, by reason of their beating back, to be mitigate
and minished, passed the River of Thames from the Tower, into
Southwark, bringing with them under the King's great seal, a general
pardon unto all the offenders: which they caused to be openly
proclaimed and published. Lord how glad the poor people were of this
pardon (the more than of the Jubilee of Rome) and how they accepted
the same, in so much that the whole multitude, without bidding
farewell to their captain, retired the same night, every man to his
own home, as men amazed, and stricken with fear.

But John Cade desperate of help, which by the friends of the duke of
York, were to him promised, and seeing his company thus without his
knowledge suddenly depart, mistrusting the sequel of the matter,
departed secretly in habit disguised into Sussex: but all his
metamorphoses or transfiguration little prevailed. For after a
Proclamation made, that whosoever could apprehend the aforesaid Jack
Cade should have for his pains a thousand marks, many sought for
him, but few espied him, till one Alexander Iden, esquire of Kent
found him in a garden, and there in his defence, manfully slew the
catiff Cade, and brought his dead body to London, whose head was set
on London Bridge. This is the success of all rebels, and this
fortune chanceth ever to traitors. For where men strive against the
stream, their boat never cometh to his pretenced port.

THE MAYOR'S DIGNITY (1464).

One of the privileges of the Mayor which has been very jealously guarded is that upon which is founded his claim to supremacy in the City; only the Sovereign takes precedence, and from very early times the Mayors have insisted upon this pre-eminence. It was not often that their right was challenged in the City itself, but occasionally there was friction concerning the Mayor's position in places which were supposed to be outside his jurisdiction. The instance mentioned below is interesting, as showing the importance which a fifteenth-century Mayor attached to his office.

=Source.=—Gregory's _Chronicle_.

Thys yere (1464) abute mydsomyr, at the royalle feste of the
Sargentys of the Coyfe, the Mayre of London was desyride to be at
that feste. And at denyr time he come to the feste with his
offecers, agreyng and acordyng to hys degre. For withyn London he ys
next unto the Kyng in all maner thynge. And in tyme of waschynge the
Erle of Worseter was take before the mayre and sette down in the
myddis of the hy tabelle. And the mayre seynge that hys place was
occupyd hylde hym contente, and went home agayne with-out mete or
drynke or any thonke, but rewarde hym he dyd as hys dygnyte requyred
of the cytte. And toke with hym the substance of hys bretheryn the
aldyrmen to his place, and were sette and servyd also sone as any
man couthe devyse, bothe of sygnet and of othyr delycatys i-nowe,
that alle the howse mervelyd howe welle alle tynge was done in soo
schorte a tyme, and prayde alle men to be mery and gladde hit shulde
be a-mendyd a-nothyr tyme.

Thenn the offesers of the feste, fulle evylle a-schamyd, informyd
the maysters of the feste of thys mysse-happe that ys be-falle. And
they consyderynge the grete dygnyte and costys and change that
longgyd unto the cytte, and anon sende unto the mayre a present of
mete, brede, wyne, and many dyvers sotelteys. But whenn they that
come with the presentys saw alle the gyftys, and the sarvyse that
was at the borde, he was fulle sore a-schamyd that shulde doo the
massage, for the present was not better thenn the servyse of metys
was byfore the mayre, and thoroughe-owte the hyghe tabylle. But hys
demenynge was soo that he hadde love and thonke for hys massage, and
a grette rewarde with-alle. And thys the worschippe of the cytte was
kepte, and not loste for hym. I truste that nevyr hyt shalle, by the
grace of God.

REGULATIONS CONCERNING STRANGERS (1485).

These regulations are taken from Henry VII.'s charter, which cost the citizens no less than five thousand marks. The main object of the charter was to protect the City from the encroachments of foreigners and strangers, who appear to have been unusually active about this time in their attempts to gain a footing in the rapidly expanding trade of London. Their efforts met with great hostility on the part of the citizens, and these enactments are indicative of the general attitude of the Londoners towards strangers either from other towns or from across the sea.

=Source.=—From the Charter of Henry VII.

Of all time, of which the memory of man is not to the contrary, for
the commonweal of the realm and city aforesaid, it hath been used,
and by authority of parliament approved and confirmed, that no
stranger from the liberty of the city may buy or sell, from any
stranger from the liberties of the same city, any merchandise or
wares within the liberties of the same city, upon forfeiture of the
same. The said mayor and commonalty, and citizens, and their
predecessors by all the time aforesaid, have had and received, and
have been accustomed to receive, perceive, and have, to the use of
the said mayor, commonalty, and citizens, all and all manner of
merchandises and wares bought and sold within the liberties of the
same city as aforesaid, and forfeitures of the same merchandises and
wares, until of late past time they were troubled or molested.

The same lord Henry the seventh, by his letters patent as aforesaid,
for pacifying and taking away from henceforth controversies and
ambiguities in that behalf, and to fortify and by express words to
explain and declare the liberty and custom aforesaid to them the
said mayor and commonalty and citizens, and their heirs and
successors, and willing the said liberties to be peaceably and
quietly had, possessed, and enjoyed to the said mayor and commonalty
and citizens, and their successors, with the forfeitures aforesaid,
against the said late lord King Henry, his heirs and successors
granted, and by his said charter confirmed to the same mayor and
commonalty and citizens, and their successors, that no stranger from
the liberties of the same city may buy or sell from any other
stranger to the liberty of the same city, any merchandises or wares
within the liberties of the same city; and if any stranger to the
liberty of the same city shall sell or buy any merchandises or wares
within the liberty of the same city of any other stranger to the
liberty of the same city, that the same mayor, commonalty and
citizens, and their successors, may have, hold, and receive all and
all manner of such like merchandises and wares, so bought and to be
bought, sold or to be sold, within the liberty of the said city,
between whatsoever strangers to the liberty of the same city, as
forfeited; and all the forfeitures of the same, and also the
penalties, fines, and redemptions whatsoever anyways forfeited, lost
or to be lost, or to be forfeited or due thereon, to the use and
profit of the same mayor and commonalty and citizens, and their
heirs and successors, without hindrance of the same late king, his
heirs or successors, and without any account or any other thing to
be rendered or paid thereof to the late king, his heirs and
successors, any statute, act, or ordinance of us or our progenitors
made to the contrary notwithstanding; although the same mayor and
commonalty, and citizens of the said city, or their predecessors,
have before that time used, abused, or not used those customs and
liberties: Saving always, that the great men, lords, and nobles, and
other English and strangers, of what condition they shall be, may
freely buy whatsoever merchandises in gross for their families and
proper uses within the liberties of the said city, without any
forfeiture, loss, or hindrance whatsoever, so that they do not sell
again the said merchandises to any other.

And further, the same late king, of his ample grace, by his said
letters patent, amongst other things, did give and grant to the
mayor, commonalty, and citizens of the same city of London, and
their successors, the office of gauger within the said city, and the
disposing, ordering, surveying, and correcting of the same, to have,
hold, exercise, and occupy the said office, and other premises, with
all fees, profits, and emoluments to the said office in any manner
belonging or appertaining, to the same mayor and commonalty, and
citizens, by themselves, or by their sufficient deputy or deputies,
from the twenty-second day of August, in the first year of his
reign, for ever, without any account to be made thereof, or any
other thing rendering or paying to the said lord Henry the seventh,
his heirs or successors, as by the said letters patent doth more
plainly appear.

THE MARCHING WATCH (1510).

The Marching Watch was a kind of annual military muster of the citizens, embodying all the companies, for the purpose of forming a regular guard for the City during the ensuing year. The contest for magnificence on the occasion described in the following extract created an expense so great and detrimental that Henry VIII. prohibited the show, and confined the citizens to the proper object of the assembly. It was afterwards revived on a more economical plan, and continued under the name of the "Standing Watch," till the force was finally superseded by the City Trained Bands.

=Source.=—Stow's _Survey_, p. 102.

Besides the standing watches all in bright harness, in every ward
and street in this city and suburbs, there was also a marching watch
that passed through the principal streets thereof, to wit, from the
little conduit by Paul's gate to West Cheap, by the stocks through
Cornhill by Leadenhall to Aldgate, then back down Fenchurch Street
by Grace Church, about Grace church conduit and up Gracechurch
Street into Cornhill, and through it into West Cheap again, and so
broke up. The whole way ordered for this marching watch extendeth to
three thousand two hundred taylor's yards of assize; for the
furniture whereof with lights, there were appointed seven hundred
cressets, five hundred of them being found by the Companies, the
other two hundred by the Chamber of London.

Besides the which lights every constable in London, in number more
than two hundred and forty, had his cresset; the charge of every
cresset was in light two shillings and fourpence, and every cresset
had two men, one to bear or hold in, another to bear a bag with
light, and to serve it, so that the poor men pertaining to the
cressets, taking wages, besides that every one had a straw hat, with
a badge painted, and his breakfast, amounted in number to almost two
thousand. The marching watch contained in number about two thousand
men, part of them being old soldiers, of skill to be captains,
lieutenants, serjeants, corporals, etc., wiflers, drummers, and
fifes, standard and ensign bearers, demilances on great horses,
gunners with hand guns, or half hakes, archers in coats of white
fustian, signed on the breast and back with the arms of the city,
their bows bent in their hands, with sheafs of arrows by their
sides; pikemen in bright corslets, burganets, etc. halbards, the
like the billmen in almain rivets, and aprons of mail in great
number. There were also divers pageants, morris dancers, constables,
the one-half which was one hundred and twenty on Saint John's Eve,
the other half on St. Peter's Eve, in bright harness, some over
gilt, and every one a jornet of scarlet thereupon, and a chain of
gold, his henchman following him, his minstrels before him, and his
cresset light passing by him, the waits of the city, the Mayor's
officers for his guard before him, all in a livery worsted, or sea
jackets parti-coloured, the Mayor himself well mounted on horseback,
the sword-bearer before him in fair armour well mounted also, the
Mayor's footmen, and the like torch bearers about him, henchmen
twain upon great stirring horses following him. The Sheriffs'
watches came one after the other in like order, but not so large in
number as the Mayor's; for where the Mayor had, besides his giant,
three pageants, each of the Sheriffs had, besides their giants, but
two pageants; each their morris dance, and one henchman, their
officers in jackets of worsted or sea, parti-coloured, differing
from the Mayor's and each from other, but having harnessed men a
great many.

This midsummer watch was thus accustomed yearly, time out of mind,
until the year 1539, the 31st of Henry VIII., in which year, on the
8th of May, a great muster was made by the citizens at the Mile's
End, all in bright harness, with coats of white silk; or cloth and
chains of gold, in three great battels, to the number of fifteen
thousand, which passed through London to Westminster, and so through
the Sanctuary, and round about the Park of St. James, and returned
home through Oldborne. King Henry, then considering the great
charges of the citizens for the furniture of this unusual muster,
forbad the Marching watch provided for at midsummer for that year;
which being once laid down, was not raised again till the year 1548,
the 2nd of Edward VI., Sir John Gresham then being Mayor, who caused
the marching watch, both on the eve of St. John Baptist and of St.
Peter the Apostle, to be revived and set forth in as comely order as
it hath been accustomed, which watch was also beautified by the
number of more than three hundred demilances and light horsemen,
prepared by the citizens to be sent into Scotland for the rescue of
the town of Haddington, and others kept by the Englishmen.

DESTRUCTION OF FENCES ABOUT THE
CITY (1514).

It has already been noticed that the City was surrounded by ecclesiastical manors in the time of Domesday, and this was still the case at the beginning of the sixteenth century. It would appear from the following extract that the practice of enclosure, which at this time was being extensively adopted in many parts of England, was being attempted in the neighbourhood of London itself, greatly to the disgust of the Londoners, who naturally resented the proposed restrictions on their accustomed liberty.

=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.

Before this time the towns about London as Islington, Hoxton,
Shoreditch and other, had so enclosed the common fields with hedges
and ditches, that neither the young men of the city might shoot, nor
the ancient persons might walk for their pleasure in the fields
except either their bows and arrows were broken or taken away, or
the honest and substantial persons arrested or indited, saying that
no Londoner should go out of the city but in the highways. This
saying sore grieved the Londoners, and suddenly this year a great
number of the city assembled themselves in a morning, and a turner
in a fool's coat came crying in the city, Shovels and spades, and so
many people followed that it was wonder, and within a short space
all the hedges about the towns were cast down, and the ditches
filled, and every thing made plain, the workmen were so diligent.
The King's Council hearing of this assembly came to the Gray Friars,
and sent for the mayor and the council of the city to know the
cause, which declared to them the nusiance done to the Citizens, and
their commodities and liberties taken from them, though they would
not yet the commonalty and young persons which were dampnified by
the nusiance would pluck up and remedy the same. And when the King's
council had heard the answer, they dissimuled the matter and
commanded the Mayor to see that no other thing were attempted, and
to call home the citizens, which when they had done their
enterprise, came home before the King's council and the Mayor
departed without any more harm doing, and so after, the fields were
never hedged.

MORE'S DESCRIPTION OF LONDON (1517).

Although the City of Amaurote in "Utopia" is not to be identified exactly with London, it seems very likely that More had London in his mind while he was writing this description, which is generally regarded as drawn, to some extent, from the capital as it was in his day.

=Source.=—More's _Utopia_.

The River Anyder riseth four and twenty miles above Amaurote, out of
a little spring: but being increased by other small floods and
brooks that run into it: and, among others, two somewhat bigger
ones. Before the City, it is half a mile broad (hardly so much now
as it was in former days, being pent in and straitened to a narrower
space, by the later buildings on each side): and further, broader.
By all that space that lieth between the Sea and the City, and a
good sort of land also above, the water ebbs and flows six hours
together, with a swift tide; when the sea flows in to the length of
thirty miles, it fills all the Anyder with salt water, and drives
back the fresh water of the river; and somewhat further, it hangeth
the sweetness of fresh water with saltness: but a little beyond
that, the river waxeth sweet, and runneth foreby the City fresh and
pleasant; and when the sea ebbs and goes back again, this fresh
water follows it almost to the very fall into the sea.

They have also another river, which indeed is not very great, but it
runneth gently and pleasantly: for it riseth even out of the same
hill that the City standeth upon, and runneth down slope through the
midst of the City into Anyder. And because it ariseth a little
without the City, the Amaurotians have enclosed the head spring of
it with strong fences and bulwarks; and so have joined it to the
City: this done, to the intent that the waters should not be stopped
nor turned away, nor poisoned, if their enemies should chance to
come upon them. From thence the water is derived and brought down in
channels or brooks divers ways into the lower parts of the city.
Where that cannot be done by reason that the place will not suffer
it, then they gather the rain water in great cisterns which doth
them as good service. Then next for the situation and walls. That it
stood by the side of a low hill, in fashion almost square. The
breadth of it began a little beneath the top of the hill, and still
continued by the space of two miles, until it came to the river
Anyder. The length of it, which lieth by the river-side, was
somewhat more.

The City is compassed about with an high and thick wall, full of
turrets and bulwarks. A dry ditch, but deep and broad and overgrown
with bushes, briers, and thorns, goeth about three sides or quarters
of the City. To the fourth side, the river itself serveth for a
ditch.

The streets be appointed and set forth very commodious and handsome,
both for carriage and also against the winds. The streets be full
twenty foot broad. The houses be of fair and gorgeous buildings: and
in the street-side, they stand joined together in a long row through
the whole street, without any partition or separation. On the
backside of the houses, through the whole length of the street, lie
large gardens which be closed in round about with the back parts of
the street. Every house hath two doors, one to the street, and a
postern door on the backside into the garden. These doors be made
with two leaves, never locked nor bolted: so easy to be opened, that
they will follow the least drawing of a finger, and shut again of
themselves.

They set great store by their gardens. In these they have vineyards
and all manner of fruits, herbs, and flowers, so pleasant, so well
furnished, and so finely kept, that I never saw anything more
fruitful, nor better trimmed in any place: and their study and
diligence herein cometh not only of pleasure, but also of a certain
strife and contention that is betwixt street and street, concerning
the trimming, husbanding, and flourishing, of their gardens, every
man for his own part: and verily, you shall not lightly find in all
the City anything that is more commodious, either for the profit of
the citizens, or for pleasure. And therefore it may seem, that the
first founder of the city minded nothing more so much as he did
these gardens. They say, that King Utopus himself, even at his first
beginning, appointed and drew forth the platform of the City into
this fashion and figure that it hath now, by his gallant garnishing
and the beautiful setting forth of it. Whereunto he saw that one's
man age would not suffice, that he left to his posterity.

Their chronicles, which they keep written with all diligent
circumspection, containing the history of 1760 years, even from the
first conquest of the Island, record and witness, that the houses in
the beginning were very low, and likely homely cottages, or poor
shepherds' houses, made at all adventures of every rude piece of
wood that came first to hand: with mud-walls, and ridged roofs
thatched over with straw. But now the houses be curiously builded
after a gorgeous and gallant sort, with three stories, one over
another.

The outside of the walls be made of either hard flint, or of
plaster, or else of brick: and the inner sides be well strengthened
with timber-work.

The roofs be plain and flat, covered with a certain kind of plaster
that is of no cost: and yet so tempered that no fire can hurt or
perish it: and it withstandeth the violence of the weather, better
than any lead.

They keep the wind out of their windows with glass: for it is there
much used; and some were also with fine linen dipped in oil or
amber: and that for two commodities: for by this means more light
cometh in, and the wind is better kept out.

EVIL MAY DAY (1517).

Riots were by no means infrequent in the City in the Middle Ages, and here is an account of a typical disturbance, in which, of course, the young and hot-headed apprentices took their share. Just at this time there was intense animosity against the foreign merchants and artisans; the citizens thought that the presence of the foreigners, pursuing their occupations within the walls, was not only harmful to their own interests, but a violation of their charters which had given them the privilege of exclusive trade. At last the common indignation broke out in the great riot of May Day, 1517, which was long remembered as Evil May Day. It had been for centuries a practice of the citizens to collect in bands on May Day to hold high holiday, and they would sally forth, headed by mock officers, into the neighbouring fields to indulge in various sports; on this particular occasion the holiday spirit was not turned to such innocent and harmless purposes.

=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.

The young and evil disposed people said, they would be revenged on
the merchant strangers, as well as on the artificers strangers. On
Monday the morrow after, the King removed to his manor of Richmond.

Upon this rumour the 28th day of April, divers young men of the City
assaulted the Aliens as they passed by the streets, and some were
stricken and some buffeted, and some thrown in the canal. Wherefore
the Mayor sent divers persons to ward, as Stephen Studley skinner,
and Bettes and Stephenson and divers other, some to one counter, and
some to another and some to Newgate. Then suddenly was a common
secret rumour, and no man could tell how it began, that on May day
next, the City would rebel and slay all aliens, insomuch as divers
strangers fled out of the City....

Then in all haste, every Alderman sent to his Ward that no man
should stir after 9 of the clock out of his house but to keep his
doors shut, and his servants within till 7 of the clock in the
morning. After this commandment, Sir John Monday, Alderman, came
from his Ward, and found two young men in Cheap playing at Bucklers,
and a great company of young men looking on them for the commandment
was then scarce known, for then it was but 9 of the clock. Master
Monday seeing that, bade them leave, and the one young man asked him
why? and then he said Thou shalt know, and took him by the arm to
have had him to the counter. Then all the young men resisted the
Alderman and took him from Master Monday, and cried 'Prentices and
clubs. Then out at every door came clubs and weapons and the
Alderman fled, and was in great danger. Then more people arose out
of every quarter, and out came serving men, and water men and
courtiers, and by 9 of the clock there were in Cheap 6 or 7 hundred.
And out of Paul's Churchyard came 3 hundred, which wist not of the
other, and so out of all places they gathered, and brake up the
counters, and took out the prisoners, that the Mayor had thither
committed for hurting of the strangers, and came to Newgate and took
out Studley and Petyt, committed thither for that cause. The Mayor
and Sheriffs were there present, and made proclamation in the King's
name, but nothing was obeyed. Thus they ran a plump through Saint
Nicholas Shambles, and at Saint Martins gate, there met with them
Sir Thomas Moore and other, desiring them to go to their lodgings:
And as they were entreating, and had also brought them to a stay:
The people of Saint Martins threw out stones and bats and hurt
divers honest persons, that were persuading the riotous people to
cease, and they bade them hold their hands, but still they threw out
bricks and hot water. Then a sergeant of arms called Nicholas
Dounes, which was there with Master Moore, entreating them, being
sore hurt, in a fury cried Down with them. Then all the misruled
persons ran to the doors and windows of Saint Martin, and spoiled
all that they found, and cast it into the street, and left few
houses unspoiled. And after that they ran heading into Cornhill by
Leadenhall to the house of one Mutuas a Frenchman or Picardy born,
which was a great bearer of Frenchmen, where they pick purses, or
how evil disposition soever they were of, and within his gate,
called Grenegate, dwelled divers Frenchmen that calendared worsted,
contrary to the King's laws: and all they were so born out by the
same Mutuas, yet no man durst meddle with them, wherefore he was
sore hated, and if the people had found him in their fury, they
would have stricken off his head: but when they found him not, the
watermen, and certain young priests that were there fell to rifling:
some ran to Blanche-chapelton, and brake the strangers houses, and
threw shoes and boots into the street. This from 10 or 11 of the
clock, continued these riotous people during which time a knight
called Sir Thomas Parr, in great haste went to the Cardinal and told
him of this riot, which incontinent strengthened his house with men
and ordnance. And after, this knight rode to the King to Richmond,
and made the report much more than it was. Wherefore the King
hastily sent to London and was truly advised of the matter, and how
the riot was ceased, and many of the doers apprehended. But while
this ruffling continued, Sir Richard Cholmeley knight, Lieutenant of
the Tower, no great friend to the City, in a frantic fury loosed
certain pieces of ordnance, and shot into the City, which did little
harm, howbeit his good will appeared. About 3 of the clock, these
riotous persons severed and went to their places of resort, and by
the way they were taken by the Mayor and the heads of the City, and
some sent to the Tower, and some to Newgate, and some to the
Counters, to the number of 300; some fled, and specially the
watermen and priests, and serving men, but the poor prentices were
taken. About five o'clock, the Earls of Shrewsbury and Surrey, which
had heard of this riot, came to London with such strength as they
had, so did the Inns of Court, and divers noble men: but before they
came all the riot was ceased, and many taken as you have heard.

THE PAPAL LEGATE IN THE CITY (1519).

Campeggio is well known in connection with the part which he played in the divorce proceedings between Henry VIII. and his first wife Catherine of Aragon in 1529. That occasion was not his first visit to England; he had previously been entrusted with a mission from the Pope to Henry, and the reception of himself and his train is described in the passage below. The subject of this embassy of 1519 was to urge Henry to assist in waging war on the Turks, who were apparently endeavouring to push their way into Europe; and similar messages were conveyed at the same time to the other powerful rulers on the Continent. The incident of the opening of the chests must have created considerable amusement among the onlookers, and would hardly add to the popular estimation of a Papal embassy.

=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.

When the Cardinal of York knew, that there was coming a legate into
England, which should have a greater pre-eminence than a Cardinal,
he whose ambition was never satisfied, caused a Bishop and certain
Doctors to pass the sea to Calais to welcome him, and to show him
that if he would have the Popes purpose, to take any effect in
England, he should in any wise send in post to Rome, to have the
said Cardinal of York to be legate also, and to be joined in
commission with him, which thing was done (not without good rewards)
so that in thirty and five days, the bull was brought to Calais.
During which time the Cardinal of York sent to the Legate to Calais,
red cloth to clothe his servants, which at their coming to Calais,
were but meanly appareled. And when all things were ready he passed
the sea and landed at Dover, and so kept forth his journey toward
London. At every town as they passed, he was received with
Procession, and accompanied with all the Lords and gentlemen of
Kent. And when he came to Blackheath, there met him the Duke of
Norfolk, with a great number of prelates, knights and gentlemen, all
richly appareled. And in the way he was brought into a rich tent of
cloth of gold, where he shifted himself into a robe of a Cardinal,
edged with ermine, and so took his mule riding toward London.

The night before he came to London the Cardinal of York, to furnish
the carriages of the Cardinal Campeius, sent to him twelve mulettes
with empty coffers covered with red, which twelve mulettes were led
through London, amongst the mulettes of Campeius, which were but
eight and so these twenty mulettes passed through the streets, as
though they had been full of treasures, apparel and other
necessaries. And when they came into Chepe, one of the mulettes
brake from her keeper, and overthrew the chests, and overturned two
or three other mulettes carriages, which fell with such violence,
that divers of them unlocked, and out of some fell old hosen, broken
shoon, and roasted flesh, pieces of bread, eggs and much vile
baggage; at which sight the boys cried, See, see my Lord Legates
treasure, and so the muleteers were ashamed, and took up all their
stuff and passed forth. And about three o'clock in the afternoon on
the 29th day of July the said legate entered the city, and in
Southwark met him all the clergy of London with crosses, censors and
copes and 'censed him with great reverence. The Mayor and Aldermen,
and all the occupations of the city in their best liveries stood in
the streets, and him highly honoured: to whom Sir Thomas More made a
brief oration in the name of the city. And when he came to St.
Pauls, there he was received by bishops mitred, and under a canopy
entered the church: which canopy his servants took for their fees.
And when he had offered, he gave his benediction to all the people,
and took again his mule, and so was with all his train aforesaid,
conveyed to Bath place, and there rested: where he was welcomed of
the Cardinal of York. And on Sunday next ensuing these two Cardinals
as legates, took their barges and came to Greenwich, each of them
had beside their cross two pillars of silver, two little axes gilt,
and two cloke bags embroidered, and the Cardinals hats borne before
them. And when they came to the kings hall, the Cardinal of York
went on the right hand; and there the King royally appareled and
accompanied, met them even as though both had come from Rome, and so
brought them both up into his chamber of presence, and there was a
solemn oration made by an Italian, declaring the cause of the legacy
to be in two articles, one for aid against God's enemies, and the
second for reformation of the Clergy. And when Mass was done, they
were had to a chamber, and served with lords and knights, with much
solemnity: and after dinner they took their leave of the king and
came to London and rode through the city together, in great pomp and
glory, to their lodgings.

WOLSEY AND THE CITIZENS (1525).

The incidents related in the following passage are concerned with one of the periodical efforts of Henry VIII. to raise money in irregular ways. He seems to have left the matter on this occasion to Wolsey, who issued commissions for levying the sixth part of the goods of the laity and the fourth of those of the clergy. This proceeding caused great alarm, and rebellions appeared imminent in all parts of the country. Whereupon Henry disavowed the whole business, and told the citizens of London that he would not exact anything by compulsion, but merely ask for a benevolence. This was, of course, recognised as an artifice to obtain the same results by different means, and the citizens sturdily protested, arguing that benevolences had been declared illegal. Wolsey experienced very great difficulty in his dealings with the Londoners, who well maintained their reputation for guarding their independence and liberty, even when faced with threats and menaces.

=Source.=—Hall's _Chronicle_.

And now since God hath given us victory, the King remembering the
saying of the Poet that sayeth: It is more mastery to use victory
gotten, than to get it, thinketh it necessary now in all haste, to
make an army royal, and he in person to pass the seas, and to
recover his right inheritance, both of the Crown of France as of
Normandy, Guyen, Gascony, Aniowe and Mayne, the writings whereof
comprehending the very title, you may see here present if ye list,
but I doubt not but you know them well enough. And now I ask you
this question, whether that you think it convenient, that the King
should pass with an army or not, for the King will do by the advice
of his subjects: to the which many said yea.

Well said the Cardinal, then must he be made able to go like a
Prince, which cannot be without your aids, and for to shew you what
the Archbishop of Canterbury and I, which be primates of the realm
hath done, we have given of our lands, and all lands appertaining to
the church, the third part, and the temporal lords have given of
lands and goods, the sixth part, and to jeopard their bodies in pain
and travail, and now since they which shall adventure their lives,
doth proffer the sixth part, what should they give which abide at
home? Forsooth I think that half your substance were too little, not
meaning that the King so asketh. For he demandeth only no more, of
fifty pound, the sixth part, and so upon every pound above fifty, to
what sum soever it amount to, the sixth part that is 3s. and 3 pence
of the pound and from 20 pound to fifty pound, and so upward. 2s.
and 8 pence of the pound, and from 20 pound to 20s. 12 pence of the
pound, and this to be levied according to the first valuation, as
appeareth by your own valuation, which is but a small matter, to the
thing that is meant. Then they being astonished, at last one said,
My lord since the last valuation divers merchants be decayed by the
seas, and suretyship, and other ways, so that valuation cannot be
had. Then answered the Cardinal, Sirs, speak not to break the thing
that is concluded, for some shall not pay the tenth part, and some
more, it were better that some should suffer indigence, than the
King at this time should lack, and therefore beware and resist not,
nor ruffel not in this case, for it may fortune to cost some their
heads: but I will speak to the King, to be good to you, so that if
he go not over the sea in person, then you shall have your money
redelivered, but first let the money be gathered, and lay it where
you will, and if the King need it not, you may take it again.

When the Cardinal had thus persuaded the Mayor, and his brethren and
other head commoners, they took their leave and every day after by
the space of fortnight, he sent for a certain number of Commoners,
and told them like tale, but some spake such words to him, and some
going from him, that they were sent to ward.

THE APPRENTICES (1527, ETC.).

During the Tudor period the apprentice was a prominent feature of London life, and is chiefly famous for his prowess as a disturber of the peace. The apprentice system was of considerable importance, and many regulations and ordinances were passed from time to time to govern the conditions under which apprentices were to be bound and treated during their term. The story of "Evil May Day," already given, illustrates the turbulence of the apprentices and the relaxation of discipline in the City during this period. The Regulations of 1582 show clearly that they were getting out of hand, and in 1595 further troubles induced Elizabeth to issue further instructions of a drastic nature.

=Sources.=—
(_a_) An Act of Common Council, 1527, quoted by Maitland, i. 230;
(_b_) _ibid._, 1582, Maitland, i. 267;
(_c_) Strype's edition of Stow's _Survey_, vol. ii.

(_a_) [_Admonition to the Apprentices_].—Ye shall constantly and
devoutly on your knees, every day, serve God, morning and evening;
and make conscience in the due hearing of the Word preached, and
endeavour the right practice thereof on your life and conversation.
You shall do diligent and faithful service to your master for the
time of your apprenticeship, and deal truly in what you shall be
trusted. You shall often read over the covenants of your indenture,
and see and endeavour yourself to perform the same, to the utmost of
your power. You shall avoid all evil company, and all occasions
which may tend to draw you to the same; and make speedy return when
you shall be sent of your masters' and mistresses' business. You
shall be of fair, gentle, and lowly speech and behaviour to all men,
and especially to all your governors; and according to your
carriage, expect your reward, for good or ill, from God and your
friends.

(_b_) Henceforth no apprentice whatsoever shall presume: 1. To wear
any apparel but what he receives from his master. 2. To wear no hat
within the city and liberty thereof, nor anything instead thereof
than a woollen cap, without any silk in or about the same. 3. To
wear no ruffles, cuffs, loose collar, nor other thing than a ruff at
the collar, and that only of a yard and a half long.... 10. To wear
no sword, dagger, or other weapon, but a knife; nor a ring, jewel of
gold, nor silver, nor silk in any part of the apparel.

It was likewise further enacted that every apprentice offending
against any of the above-mentioned items was for the first offence
to be punished at the discretion of his master; for the second to be
publicly whipped at the hall of his company; and for the third to
serve six months longer than specified in his indentures. It was
also further ordained that no apprentice should frequent or go to
any dancing, fencing, or musical schools; nor keep any chest, press,
or other place for the keeping of apparel or goods, but in his
master's house, under the penalties aforesaid.

(_c_) The ancient habit of the apprentices of London was a flat
round cap, hair close cut, narrow falling bands, coarse side coats,
close hose, cloth stockings, and other such severe apparel. When
this garb had been urged by some to the disparagement of
apprentices, as a token of servitude, one, many a year ago,
undertaking the defence of these apprentices, wrote thus, that this
imported the commendable thrift of the citizens, and was only the
mark of an apprentice's vocation and calling (and which anciently,
no question, was the ordinary habit of a citizen), which point of
ancient discipline, he said, the grave common lawyers do still
retain in their profession; for the professors of that learning, we
see, do at this present retain the parti-coloured coats of
serving-men at their serjeants' feasts; and he wished, that the
remembrance of this ancient livery might be preserved by the grave
citizens, in setting apart a particular time or day for the feast of
their apprenticeship, when they should wear their former
apprentice's garb; making profession in this way, that they gloried
in the ensigns of their honest apprenticeship.

In the time of Queen Mary, the beginning of Queen Elizabeth, as well
as many years before, all apprentices wore blue cloaks in the
summer, and blue gowns in the winter. But it was not lawful for any
man, either servant or other, to wear their gowns lower than the
calves of their legs, except they were above threescore years of
age; but, the length of cloaks being not limited, they made them
down to their shoes. Their breeches and stockings were usually of
white broad cloth, viz. round slops, and their stockings sewed up
close thereto, as if they were all but one piece. They also wore
flat caps both then and many years after, as well apprentices as
journey-men and others, both at home and abroad; whom the pages of
the court in derision called flat-caps.

When apprentices and journeymen attended upon their masters and
mistresses in the night they went before them carrying a lanthorn
and candle in their hands and a great long club on their necks; and
many well-grown sturdy apprentices used to wear long daggers in the
day time on their backs or sides.

Anciently it was the general use and custom of all apprentices in
London (Mercers only excepted, being commonly merchants, and of
better rank, as it seems) to carry water tankards, to serve their
masters' houses with water, fetched either from the Thames, or the
common conduits of London.

It was a great matter, in former Times, to give £10 to bind a youth
apprentice; but, in King James the First's time, they gave 20, 40,
60 and sometimes £100 with an apprentice; but now these prices are
vastly enhanced, to 500, 600, or £800.

A WATER PAGEANT (1533).

The reign of Henry VIII. is famous for the number and splendour of its pageants. The Field of Cloth of Gold is familiar to all, and every event of any importance was made the occasion of a display of splendid clothing, tapestry, jewels, and allegorical groups. The fashion of extravagance and love of show, which was set by the King, was followed by all who could afford, and the City was in no way behindhand in taking part in these functions. The coronation in 1509, the reception of the French ambassadors in 1518, that of the Legate Campeggio, that of the Emperor Charles, the coronation of Anne Boleyn—all these afforded an occasion for a pageant, and the opportunity was never lost. The following description is of a water pageant in honour of Anne Boleyn.

=Source.=—Grafton's _Chronicles_, vol. ii., p. 448.

The xix day of May the Mayor and his brethren all in scarlet, and
such as were knights had collars of Esses and the remnant having
good chains, and the council of the City with them assembled at
Saint Mary Hill, and at one of the clock descended to the New stair
to their barge, which was garnished with many goodly banners and
instruments, which continually made good harmony. After that the
Mayor and his brethren were in their barge seeing that all the
companies to the number of fifty barges were ready to wait upon
them. They gave commandment to the companies that no barge should
row nearer to another than twice the length of the barge upon a
great pain. And to see the order kept, there were three light
wherries prepared, and in every one of them two officers to call on
them to keep their order, after which commandment given they set
forth in order as hereafter is described. First before the Mayor's
barge was a foyst or wafter full of ordinance, in which foyst was a
great dragon continually moving, and casting wild fire: and round
about the said foyst stood terrible monsters and wild men casting
fire, and making hideous noises: next after the foyst a good
distance came the Mayor's barge, on whose right hand was the
Batchelors' barge, in the which were trumpets and divers other
melodious instruments. The decks of the said barge and the sailyards
and the top castels were hanged with rich cloth of gold and silk. At
the foreship and the stern were two great banners rich beaten with
the arms of the King and Queen, and on the top castell also was a
long streamer newly beaten with the said arms.

At three of the clock the Queen appeared in rich cloth of gold and
entered into her barge accompanied with divers ladies and
gentlewomen, and incontinent the citizens set forwards in their
order, their musicians continually playing and the batchelors' barge
going on the Queen's right hand, which she took great pleasure to
behold. About the Queen's barge were many noblemen, as the Duke of
Suffolk, the Marquis Dorset, the Earl of Wiltshire her father, the
Earls of Arundel, Derby, Rutland, Worcester, Huntington, Sussex,
Oxford, and many Bishops and noblemen, every one in his barge which
was a goodly sight to behold. She thus being accompanied rowed
toward the Tower, and in the mean way the ships which were commanded
to lie on the shore for letting of the barges shot divers peals of
guns, and ere she landed there was a marvellous shot out of the
Tower as ever was heard there. And at her landing there met with her
the Lord Chamberlain with the officers of arms and brought her to
the King, which received her with loving countenance at the postern
by the waterside, and kissed her, and then she turned back again and
thanked the Mayor and the citizens with many goodly words and so
entered the Tower.

LATIMER'S EXHORTATION TO LONDON (1549).

Quite early in his career Latimer earned considerable fame as an eloquent preacher, but the boldness with which he proclaimed his religious views, and his denunciations of ecclesiastical abuses, frequently placed him in difficult positions. He lost favour towards the end of the reign of Henry VIII., but on the accession of Edward VI. he regained his old position of importance, and devoted himself to the work of an itinerant preacher. In this character his popular preaching talents exerted a much wider and more permanent influence in the spread of his opinions than his work as Bishop of Worcester could have done; and it is certain that his labours contributed very largely to fix the doctrines of the Reformation in the minds of the people.

=Source.=—Latimer's _Sermon on the Ploughers_.