Chapter VI: Part 6

4. These towns to have the benefit of all the customs on goods
imported or exported, as also tonnage and poundage, and the great
and small customs, for 21 years, paying yearly 6s. 8d. Irish as an
acknowledgment.

5. That His Majesty would be pleased to buy from the possessors the
salmon fishing of the Ban and Lough Foyle, and bestow the same upon
these towns.

6. Also license for free export of all goods growing on their own
lands.

7. That the Admiralty jurisdiction in the coasts of Tyrconnell now
supposed to be in the Lord Deputy by the Lord High Admiral's grant,
may be transferred to them for 21 years.

_The Land Commodities which the North of Ireland affords._

1. The country is well watered, and supplied with fuel either of
trees or turf.

2. It supplies such abundance of provisions as may not only sustain
the plantation, but may furnish provisions yearly to the City of
London, especially for their fleets, as beeves, pork, fish, rye,
peas, and beans, and in some years will help the dearth of the city
and country about, and the storehouses appointed for the relief of
the poor.

3. It is fit for breeding of mares and for cattle, and thence may be
expected store of hides, tallow, &c.

4. The soil is suited for English sheep, and if need were, wool
might be had cheaply out of the West of Scotland.

5. It is fit in many parts for madder, hops, and woad.

6. It affords fells of red deer, foxes, sheep and lambs, cony,
martens, squirrels, etc.

7. It grows hemp and flax better than elsewhere, and thus might
furnish materials for canvas, cables, cordage and such like
requisites for shipping. Also for thread, linen cloths, and stuffs
made of linen yarn, which is finer there and more plentiful than in
all the rest of the kingdom.

8. Timber, stone, lime, and slate, and building materials are to be
had, and the soil is good for making bricks and tiles.

The goodliest timber in the woods of Glanconkein and Melleitragh may
be had, and may compare with any in his Majesty's dominions, and may
be brought to the sea by Lough Eagh and the Ban. Fir masts of all
sorts may be had out of Loughnaber in Scotland (not far from the
north of Ireland) more easily than from Norway.

9. All materials for building of ships (except tar) is there to be
had in great plenty, and in countries adjoining.

10. There is wood for pipe staves, hogshead staves, barrel staves,
hop staves, clap boards, wainscot, and dyeing ashes, glass and iron
work; copper and iron ore are there found abundantly.

11. The country is fit for honey and wax.

_The Sea and River Commodities._

1. The harbour of Derry is very good, and the roads at Portrush and
Lough Swilly (not far distant from Derry) tolerable.

2. The sea fishings are plentiful of all manner of fishes,
especially herrings and eels. Yearly, after Michaelmas, above seven
or eight score of sail of the King's subjects and strangers are
there for loading, beside an infinite number for fishing and
killing.

3. There are great fishings in the adjacent islands of Scotland,
where many Hollanders do fish all the summer, and plentifully vent
their fishes into Spain and within the Straits.

4. Much train and fish oil may be made upon the coast.

5. As the sea yieldeth fish, so the coast affords abundance of sea
fowl, and the rivers great store of fresh fishes, more than any of
the rivers of England.

6. There be store of good pearls upon the coast, especially within
the river of Loughfoyle.

7. These coasts are ready for traffic with England and Scotland, and
lie open and convenient for Spain and the Straits, and fittest and
nearest to Newfoundland.

_The Profits that London shall receive by this Plantation._

If multitudes of men were employed proportionally to these
commodities, many thousands would be set at work, to the great
service of the King, the strength of his realm, and the advancement
of several trades. It might ease the city of an insupportable
burthen of persons, which it might conveniently spare, all parts of
the city being so surcharged that one tradesman is scarce able to
live by another; and it would also be a means to free and preserve
the city from infection, and consequently the whole kingdom, which
of necessity must have recourse hither, and being pestered and
closed up together can never otherwise or very hardly avoid
infection.

These colonies may be a means to utter infinite commodities from
London to furnish the whole North of Ireland and Isles of Scotland,
which may be transported by means of the river Ban and Loughfoyle
into the counties of Coleraine, Donegal, Tyrone, Armagh, and Antrim.

The city of Dublin being desolate by the slaughter of the
Easterlings, who were the ancient inhabitants thereof, was given by
King Henry the Second to the city of Bristol to be inhabited, which,
without any charge to the King, Bristol performed, whose posterity
continues there to this day.

The plantation, thus performed to the eternal commendation of
Bristol, was not the least cause of civilizing and securing that
part of the country.

It were to be wished this noble precedent were followed by the City
of London in these times, with so much the more alacrity as they
excel Bristol in ability and means. And so much the rather, since
the commodities which the City of London will reap hereby far
surpass the profits which could redound to Bristol by the other.

THE DEMANDS OF CHARLES I. (1626).

At the very outset of his reign Charles I. had to face an angry and discontented City; the late King had shown little respect for the ancient liberties of London, and the citizens were prepared to find the same attitude on the part of his successor. The Parliament of 1626 refused to grant supplies until grievances had been redressed, and Charles dissolved it, determining to raise money without its help. He began by calling on the City for £100,000, which was refused. There had been a severe outbreak of the Plague, and London was in a somewhat impoverished condition. Next came the demand for men and ships for the projected expedition to Cadiz. The citizens complied with obvious reluctance, and Charles's habitual disregard of their feelings gradually estranged their affections and caused them later to give their hearty support to the Parliamentary cause.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, i. 415.

His Majesty demanded of the City of London the Loan of an Hundred
thousand pounds. But the peoples excuses were represented to the
Council Table by the Magistrates of the City. Immediately the
Council sent a very strict command to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen,
wherein they set forth the enemies strong preparations as ready for
an invasion, and the Kings great necessities, together with his
gracious and moderate proposals in the sum required, and the
frivolous pretences upon which they excuse themselves: Wherefore
they require them, all excuses being set apart, to enter into the
business again, and to manage the same, as appertaineth to
Magistrates so highly entrusted, and in a time of such necessities,
and to return to his Majesty a direct and speedy answer, that he may
know how far he may rely upon their faith and duty; or in default
thereof, may frame his counsels as appertaineth to a King in such
extreme and important occasions.

Lord Mayor and Commonalty of London petitioned the Council for an
abatement of the twenty ships rated upon them, unto ten ships and
two pinnaces, alleging disability; whereunto the Council gave this
following answer, That the former commandment was necessary, the
preservation of the State requiring it; and that the charge imposed
on them was moderate, as not exceeding the value of many of their
private estates: That petitions and pleadings to this command, tend
to the danger and prejudice of the Commonwealth, and are not to be
received: That as the commandment was given to all in general, and
every particular of the City; so the State will require an account
both of the City in general, and of every particular.

And whereas they mention precedents, they might know, that the
precedents of former times, were obedience, not direction; and that
precedents were not wanting for the punishment of those that disobey
his Majesty's commands, signified by that Board, which they hope
shall have no occasion to let them more particularly understand.

Hereupon the Citizens were glad to submit, and declared their
consent to the King's demands, and by petition to the Council had
the favour to nominate all the officers of those twenty ships, the
captains only excepted, the nomination of whom appertained to the
Lord High Admiral of England.

THE KEEPING OF THE SABBATH (1629).

The following Order of the Lord Mayor is an example of that Puritan spirit which exercised such a powerful influence on the lives of Englishmen during the first half of the seventeenth century. During Elizabeth's reign many serious and earnest attempts were made to effect certain changes in the doctrines and practices of the Established Church, with the idea of introducing a "purer" form of worship and ceremonial; and the Puritan spirit generally, although open to the charge of narrowness and intolerance, was based upon a sincere desire to bring the law of God into closer touch with life. It was characterised by a hearty hatred of that moral laxity and freedom which the Roman Church had frequently permitted, and consequently much of its activity appeared to depend upon various prohibitions and restrictions in matters of conduct, which frequently proved very irksome to those who did not sympathise with the Puritan ideals. London contained a strong Puritan element, and the Order for the better keeping of the Lord's Day well illustrates the typical activities of the City and the attitude of its rulers.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, part ii., p. 22.

Whereas I am credibly informed, that notwithstanding divers good
Laws provided for the keeping of the Sabbath-day holy, according to
the express commandment of Almighty God, divers inhabitants and
other persons of this City, and other places, having no respect of
duty towards God, and his Majesty, or his Laws, but in contempt of
them all, do commonly and of custom greatly profane the Sabbath-day,
in buying, selling, uttering and vending their wares and commodities
upon that day for their private gain: also innholders suffering
markets to be kept by carriers, in most rude and profane manner, in
selling victuals to hucksters, chandlers, and all other comers: also
carriers, carmen, cloth-workers, water-bearers, and porters carrying
of burdens, and watermen plying their fares; and divers others
working in their ordinary callings: and likewise, that I am further
informed, that vintners, alehouse-keepers, tobacco and strong-water
sellers, greatly profane the Sabbath-day, by suffering company to
sit drinking and bibbing in their houses on that day; and likewise
by cursing and swearing and such-like behaviour, contrary to the
express commandment of Almighty God, his Majesty's Laws in that
behalf, and all good government: For the reformation whereof, I do
hereby require, and in his Majesty's name straightly command all his
Majesty's loving subjects whatsoever, and also all constables,
head-boroughs, beadles, and all other officers whatsoever, to be
aiding and assisting to J. S. the bearer hereof, in finding out and
apprehending all and every such person and persons, as shall be
found to offend in any of these kinds; and them and every of them to
bring before me, or some other of his Majesty's Justices of the
Peace, in answer to all such matters as shall be objected against
them, and to put in good security for their good behaviour. Whereof
fail you not, as you or any of you will answer at your peril.

_April 20, 1629._

THE CITY'S PETITION TO CHARLES I. (1640).

The arbitrary government of Charles I. during the "eleven years' tyranny" sorely tried the loyalty of the citizens of London. We find that they were, as a rule, quite disposed to support the King's government, so long as their interests were safeguarded and their privileges maintained. But they could not tolerate the illegal exactions and unreasonable demands of the King without vigorous protest. The Petition of 1640 is particularly interesting as embodying the grievances which affected not only the trading and commercial interests of the capital, but indirectly the welfare of the whole country. It is pointed out that the ship-money had not been applied to its proper purpose of protecting the coasts and the merchant fleets, while royal interference continually hampered trade. The prevalent ill-feeling against Roman Catholics finds expression, and the Petition in general shows that the City was experiencing considerable difficulty in sustaining its position of loyal respect for the monarch.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, part ii., p. 1263.

MOST GRACIOUS SOVEREIGN.

Being moved with the duty and obedience, which by the laws your
petitioners owe unto your sacred Majesty, they humbly present unto
your princely and pious wisdom the several pressing grievances
following, viz.

1. The pressing and unusual impositions upon merchandize, importing
and exporting, and the urging and levying of Ship-money,
notwithstanding both which, merchant ships and goods have been taken
and destroyed both by Turkish and other pirates.

2. The multitude of monopolies, patents, and warrants, whereby trade
in the City, and other parts of the kingdom is much decayed.

3. The sundry innovations in matters of religion.

4. The Oath and Canons lately enjoyned by the late Convocation,
whereby your petitioners are in danger to be deprived of their
Ministers.

5. The great concourse of Papists, and their inhabitations in
London, and the Suburbs, whereby they have more means and
opportunities of plotting and executing their designs against the
Religion established.

6. The seldom calling, and sudden dissolutions of Parliaments,
without the redress of your Subjects grievances.

7. The imprisonment of divers Citizens for non-payment of
Ship-money, and impositions; and the prosecution of many others in
the Star-Chamber, for not conforming themselves to Committees in
Patents of Monopolies, whereby trade is restrained.

8. The great danger of your sacred person is exposed unto in the
present War, and the various fears that seized upon your petitioners
and their families by reason thereof; which grievances and fears
have occasioned so great a stop and distraction in trade, that your
petitioners can neither buy, sell, receive nor pay as formerly, and
tends to the utter ruin of the inhabitants of this City, the decay
of navigation, and clothing, and the manufactures of this kingdom.

Your humble petitioners conceiving, that the said grievances are
contrary to the Laws of the kingdom, and finding by experience that
they are not redressed by the ordinary course of Justice, do
therefore most humbly beseech your most sacred Majesty, to cause a
Parliament to be summoned with all convenient speed, whereby they
may be relieved in the premises.

And your Petitioners and loyal Subjects shall ever
pray, &c.

LONDON UNDER THE EARLY STUARTS (1642).

The following passage from Clarendon's _History_ states very clearly the relations between Charles I. and the City in 1642, when the King's general attitude was anything but conciliatory, and London was definitely attaching itself to the Parliamentary cause. The royal policy was not in the least calculated to induce a friendly feeling on the part of the metropolis; neither Charles nor his father appeared to have realised the immense importance of gaining the good-will of the citizens, and Clarendon quite fairly and impartially sets forth the facts when he refers to the wealth of the City, and the unjust treatment which it experienced at the hands of the first Stuart monarchs.

=Source.=—Clarendon's _History of the Great Rebellion_, iv. 178.

The city of London, as the metropolis of England, by the situation
the most capable of trade, and by the not [un]usual residence of the
Court, and the fixed station of the courts of justice for the public
administration of justice throughout the kingdom, the chief seat of
trade, was by the successive countenance and favour of princes
strengthened with great charters and immunities, and was a
corporation governed within itself; the mayor, recorder, aldermen,
sheriffs, chosen by themselves; several companies incorporated
within the great incorporation; which, besides notable privileges,
enjoyed lands and perquisites to a very great revenue. By the
incredible increase of trade, (which the distractions of other
countries, and the peace of this, brought,) and by the great license
of resort thither, it was, since the access of the crown to this
King, in riches, in people, in buildings, marvellously increased,
insomuch as the suburbs were almost equal to the city; a reformation
of which had been often in contemplation, never pursued, wise men
foreseeing that such a fulness could not be there without an
emptiness in other places, and whilst so many persons of honour and
estates were so delighted with the city, the government of the
country must be neglected, besides the excess and ill husbandry that
would be introduced thereby. But such foresight was interpreted a
morosity, and too great an oppression upon the common liberty; and
so, little was applied to prevent so growing a disease.

As it had these, and many other, advantages and helps to be rich, so
it was looked upon too much of late time as a common stock not easy
to be exhausted, and as a body not to be grieved by ordinary acts of
injustice; and therefore it was not only a resort in all cases of
necessity for the sudden borrowing great sums of money, (in which
they were commonly too good merchants for the Crown,) but it was
thought reasonable upon any specious pretences to avoid the security
that was at any time given for money so borrowed.

So, after many questions of their charter, (which were ever removed
by considerable sums of money,) a grant made by the King in the
beginning of his reign, in consideration of great sums of money, of
good quantities of land in Ireland, and the city of Londonderry
there, was avoided by a suit in the Star-Chamber, all the lands
(after a vast expense in building and planting,) resumed into the
King's hands, and a fine of £50,000 imposed upon the city. Which
sentence being pronounced after a long and public hearing, during
which time they were often invited to a composition, both in respect
of the substance and the circumstances of proceeding, made a general
impression in the minds of the citizens of all conditions much to
the disadvantage of the Court; and though the King afterwards
remitted to them the benefit of that sentence, they imputed that to
the power of the Parliament, and rather remembered how it had been
taken from them than by whom it was restored: so that at the
beginning of the Parliament the city was as ill affected to the
Court as the country was, and therefore chose such burgesses to sit
there as had either eminently opposed it or accidentally been
oppressed by it.

A PROCLAMATION AGAINST THE CITY (1643).

On the outbreak of civil war it soon became clear that many of the trading centres of the country, including London, would take up arms against the King. The commercial interests of the country had been so persistently assailed, royal interference in matters of trade had been so marked, that this situation was not at all surprising. It is hardly necessary to point out that the King, in the preamble to this proclamation, shows either insincerity or ignorance. The citizens of London and of the other towns had no particularly strong object in their resistance beyond obtaining reasonable security for their interests, and the attempt to isolate London from intercourse with the rest of the country was as ill-advised as it was futile.

=Source.=—Rushworth's _Collections_, part iii., vol. ii., p. 365.

His Majesty having, with unwearied patience, hitherto expected that
the City of London, and the Citizens and inhabitants thereof, should
at last return to their obedience; having used all the endeavours he
could to reduce them thereunto; but finding that, by the malice of
their misleaders, they are so obdurate, that the very name of peace
and reconciliation is with them accounted a crime, and that that
City is both the seat of rebellion, and the pattern to all
ill-affected subjects of the kingdom, by whose example and
assistance some other cities and towns do also stand out against his
Majesty in open rebellion, not only to the disturbance, but even to
the destruction of the whole kingdom, if God in his mercy do not
entirely timely it; his Majesty therefore, by his Royal
Proclamation, dated at Oxford the seventh day of July now last past,
for the many reasons in that proclamation mentioned, did prohibit
all persons, with any of their goods, victuals, or merchandize
whatsoever, to travel to or from the City of London, or suburbs
thereof, without his Majesty's express licence for the same, under
his Sign Manual, under the pains and penalties in the said
Proclamation mentioned.

And his Majesty now perceiving, that, notwithstanding that
Proclamation, that rebellious City, by continuing their trade, as
well at home, as also from foreign parts, do hereby drain their
monies from all other parts of the kingdom, and traitorously dispose
of the same to the maintenance of this unnatural War against their
Sovereign and fellow-subjects; and that many of the Freemen and
Citizens of that City, and some of the Aldermen and Trained-bands of
the City, in their own persons, have lately gone from the said City
to assail his Majesty, and to fight with him, and were in the late
Battle near Newbury; and that many of the said City are
involuntarily compelled to take up Arms, and to expose their lives
to the slaughter, for the maintenance of the malice of a few; and
the fuel for all this unnatural fire is taken from the City, who
spare neither their own persons, estates or fortunes, nor the
persons or estates of the inhabitants of the neighbouring counties,
but either persuade or compel them to contribute to this horrid and
barbarous war:

Now his Majesty, being moved with a just indignation against that
City, and some few other Cities and Towns, who in like manner do
obstinately stand out in rebellion, doth hereby prohibit all
persons, and straitly charge and command them, upon the severest
penalties and punishments, which by the law can be inflicted upon
them as Traitors, aiders, and assisters unto traitors, that from and
after the time of publishing this proclamation, they, or any of
them, do not presume, without the King's special Warrant under his
Sign Manual, either by land or water, to drive, carry, or convey any
manner of victuals, alive or dead, or any sort of provision for man
or horse, or any goods or merchandize of any kind whatsoever,
directly or indirectly, or wilfully suffer the same to be carried or
conveyed unto or from the City of London, or City of Westminster, or
suburbs thereof; or to or from the Cities of Gloucester and
Coventry; or to or from the Towns of Kingston upon Hull, Warwick,
Northampton, Portsmouth, Southampton, Poole and Lyme-Regis, or any
of them; or to or from any Cities or Towns within this Kingdom,
being in rebellion against his Majesty; until they and every of them
respectively shall return to their obedience; nor do presume to
trade, or traffick, or buy or sell with the Citizens or Townsmen of
or in the said Cities or Towns, or any of them, or any other Persons
inhabiting or residing in any of the said Cities or Towns, until the
said Cities and Towns respectively shall conform themselves to their
loyalty and due obedience.

CROMWELL IN LONDON (1653).

Throughout the Civil War the influence of the citizens had been very great. They had contributed money and troops for use against the royal forces, and both sides frequently appealed to them for support; but the Corporation continued true to the Parliamentary interest until matters were complicated by the rise to power of the independent party and Cromwell. As soon as it became plain that the army was the supreme head of authority, the City was by no means enthusiastic in its favour; the citizens had not calculated on this result of the conflict, and Cromwell never had their confidence. They appeared to acquiesce in his government, but he never secured their hearty support. Several of the aldermen refused to proclaim a Commonwealth, and considerable difficulty was experienced by the Protector in enforcing his legislative measures in the City; nevertheless, the citizens never openly opposed him, and even received him with outward manifestations of honour.

=Source.=—Clarendon's _History_, xiv. 25.

Proclamation was made by a herald, in the Palace-yard at
Westminster, That the late Parliament having dissolved themselves
and resigned their whole power and authority, the government of the
commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, by a Lord Protector,
and successive triennial Parliaments, was now established: and
whereas Oliver Cromwell, captain general of all the forces of the
commonwealth, is declared Lord Protector of the said nations, and
had accepted thereof, publication was now made of the same; and all
persons, of what quality and condition soever in any of the said
three nations, were strictly charged and commanded to take notice
thereof, and to conform and submit themselves to the government so
established; and all sheriffs, mayors, &c. were required to publish
this proclamation to the end that none might have cause to pretend
ignorance therein. Which proclamation was at the same time published
in Cheapside by the Lord Mayor of London, and with all possible
expedition by the sheriffs and other officers throughout England,
Scotland, and Ireland. And in few days after the city of London
invited their new Protector to a very splendid entertainment at
Grocers' Hall, the streets being railed, and the solemnity of his
reception such as had been at any time performed to the King; and
he, as like a King, graciously conferred the honour of knighthood
upon the Lord Mayor at his departure.

LONDON AND THE RESTORATION (1660).

It is not difficult to believe that the City was glad to be freed from the unconstitutional and distasteful Protectorate, but the universal joy with which it accepted General Monk's application for assistance in restoring Charles II. was most remarkable, and the pomp and pageantry of the King's welcome to London, as detailed below, were clearly a sincere indication of the general feeling of relief and satisfaction. It was surely not surprising that Charles, on witnessing this outburst of loyalty, wondered where his enemies were concealed, and why he had delayed so long in repairing to his friends.

=Sources.=—(_a_) Clarendon's _History_, xvi. 240, 246;
(_b_) _The Public Mercury_, May, 1660.

(_a_) The city of London had too great a hand in driving the King
from thence not to appear equally zealous for his return thither.
And therefore they did at the same time send fourteen of their most
substantial citizens to assure his Majesty of their fidelity and
most cheerful submission, and that they placed all their felicity
and hope of future prosperity in the assurance of his Majesty's
grace and protection, for the meriting whereof their lives and
fortunes should be always at his Majesty's disposal; and they
presented to him from the city the sum of ten thousand pounds. The
King told them he had always had a particular affection for the city
of London, the place of his birth, and was very glad that they had
now so good a part in his restoration, of which he was informed, and
how much he was beholding to every one of them; for which he thanked
them very graciously, and knighted them all; an honour no man in the
city had received in near twenty years, and with which they were
much delighted....

On Monday he went to Rochester, and the next day, being the 29th of
May and his birthday, he entered London, all the ways from Dover
thither being so full of people and exclamations as if the whole
kingdom had been gathered. About or above Greenwich the Lord Mayor
and aldermen met him, with all those protestations of joy which can
hardly be imagined; and the concourse so great that the King rode in
a crowd from the bridge to Temple Bar. All the companies of the city
stood in order on both sides, giving loud thanks for his Majesty's
presence. And he no sooner came to Whitehall but the two Houses of
Parliament solemnly cast themselves at his feet, with all the vows
of affection and fidelity to the world's end. In a word, the joy was
so unexpressible and so universal, that his Majesty said smilingly
to some about him, that he doubted it had been his own fault that he
had been absent so long, for he saw nobody that did not protest he
had ever wished for his return.

(_b_) At Blackheath the army was drawn up, where his Majesty viewed
them, giving out many expressions of his gracious favour to the
army, which were received by loud shoutings and rejoicings; several
bonfires were made as his Majesty came along, and one more
remarkable than the rest for its bigness, where the States arms were
burned.

Thence the army being placed according to his Excellencies order,
his Majesty marched towards London: and now because God himself,
when he would set a mark of observance upon his own magnalia, hath
taken notice of the circumstance of time, it is very considerable
here that it was his Majesties birth-day. He was heir-apparent when
first born, but had _jus in re_ now when entering the metropolis of
his kingdom, he took possession. All lets and hinderances, which
have interven'd since his Majesties just right, are now so many
arguments of his future fix'd and peaceable enjoyment. This the
ancients intimate, when they tell us, Jupiter himself was not quiet
in heaven till after a long war with the giants; may that God, by
whom kings reign, long preserve him and the nation, a mutual
blessing to each other!

When his Majesty came to St. George's field, the Lord Mayor and the
Aldermen were in a tent ready to receive him: there the Lord Mayor
delivered unto his Majesty his sword upon his knees, which his
Majesty gave back to him. After a repast taken there, his Majesty
came to Whitehall in this manner: all the streets being richly
hang'd with tapestry, and a lane made by the militia forces to
London-bridge, from London-bridge to Temple-bar by the trained bands
on one side, and the several companies in their liveries, and the
streamers of each company, of the other side, by the rails; from
Temple-bar to Westminster by the militia forces, regiments of the
army, and several gentlemen formerly officers of the king's army,
led by sir John Stawell; first marched a troop of gentlemen, led by
major-general Brown, brandishing their swords, in clothes of silver
doublet, in all about 300, besides their servants; then another
troop, of about 200, in velvet coats, the footmen and liveries in
purple; then another troop, led by alderman Robinson, with buff
coats, silver sleeves, and green scarfs; after this, a troop with
blue liveries, and silver lace, colours red, fringed with silver,
about 130; after that, a troop, 6 trumpets, 7 footmen in sea-green
and silver, their colours pink, fringed with silver; then a troop,
with their liveries gray and blue, with silk and silver laces, 30
footmen, 4 trumpets, consisting of about 220, their colours sky,
fringed with silver; another of gray liveries, 6 trumpets, colours
sky and silver, of about 105 gentlemen; another troop of 70
gentlemen, 5 trumpets, colours sky and silver; another troop, led by
the lord Clevland, of about 200 noblemen and gentlemen, colours
blue, fringed with gold; another troop of about 100, black colours,
fringed with gold; another troop of about 300.

After these came two trumpets, with his Majesties arms, the sheriffs
men in red cloaks and silver lace, with half pikes, 79 in number;
then followed the several companies of London, with their several
streamers, all in black velvet coats with gold chains, every company
having their footmen of their several liveries, some red and white,
some pink and white, some blue and yellow, etc.; three trumpets in
liveries richly laced and cloth of silver sleeves, went before the
company of the Mercers. After all these, came a kettle-drum, five
trumpets, and three streamers, and very rich red liveries, with
silver lace. The number of the citizens were about 600. After these,
12 ministers, another kettle-drum, four trumpets, then his Majesties
life-guard, led by the lord Gerrard; another party, led by sir
Gilbert Gerrard, and major Rosecarron, and the third division by
colonel Pragues; then three trumpeters in rich coats and satin
doublets; the city marshal, with 8 footmen, in French green, trimmed
with crimson and white; the city waits, the city officers in order,
Dr. Warmstry, the 2 Sheriffs, and all the Aldermen of London, in
their scarlet gowns, and rich trappings, with footmen in liveries,
red coats, laced with silver, and cloth of gold; the heralds and
maces in their rich coats; the Lord Mayor, bare, carrying the sword;
his Excellency and the duke of Buckingham bare; and then, the glory
of all, his sacred Majesty rode between the dukes of York and
Gloucester; afterwards followed a troop bare, with white colours,
then the generals lifeguard; after which, another company of gentry,
sky, fringed with gold; after which, five regiments of the army
horse, led by colonel Knight, viz. his Excellencies regiment,
colonel Knight's, colonel Cloberrie's, lord Fauconberg's, lord
Howard's; after whom, came two troops of nobility and gentlemen, red
colours, fringed with gold. There was never such a sight of noblemen
and gentlemen that marched then, brandishing their swords all along.
Soon after his Majesty was passed, all the musketeers that lined the
streets gave many volleys of shot.

Thus was his Majesty conducted to his royal palace at Whitehall;
where after the lord mayor had took his leave, his Majesty went to
the Lords, where was a speech made to his Majesty, and another in
the Banqueting-house by the Speaker of the House of Commons, which
is printed at large by the printers of the said house: which done,
his Majesty retired himself, and supped with the two dukes in the
Chast chamber. This day his Majesty dined in the Presence chamber.

The solemnity of this day was concluded by an infinite number of
bonfires; it being observable, that, as if all the houses had turned
out their chimneys into the streets (the weather being very warm)
there were almost as many fires in the streets, as houses,
throughout London and Westminster; and among the rest in
Westminster, a very costly one was made, where the effigy of the old
Oliver Cromwell was set up upon a high post, with the arms of the
Commonwealth; which having been exposed there a while to the public
view, with torches lighted, that everyone might take better notice
of them, were burnt together.

The foreign ambassadors and public ministers here did likewise
highly express their joy for his Majesties happy arrival here on
Tuesday last, by their bonfires and other public demonstrations;
specially the ambassadors of France and Portugal, and the
plenipotentiaries of the king of Sweden; in particular, his
plenipotentiary lying at Charing-cross, besides his bonfires, giving
of wine and throwing of money among the people, made very gallant
emblems upon the business of the day.

STATE OF LONDON BEFORE THE PLAGUE
(1661).

Besides the insanitary conditions which rendered the City so liable to outbreaks of infectious disease, there were other nuisances which afflicted the inhabitants of the City. It is rather difficult to imagine what John Evelyn would have said about a Black Country town of the present day, where the effects of smoke must be much more noticeable than in the London of 1661. But his indictment, although severe, is in the main true; the smoke nuisance has not decreased since the seventeenth century, and probably we tolerate it only because we are accustomed to it. It must be remembered that in Evelyn's day the use of coal for fuel, although not great, was rapidly increasing; and a tax on coal was often a source of considerable revenue.

=Source.=—John Evelyn, _Fumifugium_.

That this glorious and ancient city, which from wood might be
rendered brick, and (like another Rome) from brick made stone and
marble; which commands the proud ocean to the Indies, and reaches
the farthest Antipodes, should wrap her stately head in clouds of
smoke and sulphur, so full of stink and darkness, I deplore with
just indignation. That the buildings should be composed of such a
congestion of misshapen and extravagant houses; that the streets
should be so narrow and incommodious in the very centre, and busiest
places of intercourse; that there should be so ill and uneasy a form
of paving under foot, so troublesome and malicious a disposure of
the spouts and gutters overhead, are particulars worthy of reproof
and reformation; because it is hereby rendered a labyrinth in its
principal passages, and a continual wet day after the storm is over.

The immoderate use of, and indulgence to seacoal alone in the city
of London, exposes it to one of the foulest inconveniences and
reproaches, that can possibly befall so noble, and otherwise
incomparable a city: and that, not from the culinary fires, which
for being weak, and less often fed below, is with such ease
dispelled and scattered above, as it is hardly at all discernible,
but from some few particular tunnells and issues, belonging only to
brewers, dyers, lime-burners, salt, and soap-boilers, and some other
private trades, one of whose spiracles alone, does manifestly infect
the air, more than all the chimneys of London put together besides.
And that this is not the least hyperbole, let the best of judges
decide it, which I take to be our senses: whilst these are belching
forth from their sooty jaws, the city of London resembles the face
rather of mount Ætna, the court of Vulcan, Stromboli, or the suburbs
of hell, than an assembly of rational creatures, and the imperial
seat of our incomparable monarch. For when in all other places the
air is most serene and pure, it is here eclipsed with such a cloud
of sulphur, as the sun itself, which gives daily to all the world
besides, is hardly able to penetrate and impart it here; and the
weary traveller, at many miles distance, sooner smells, than sees
the city to which he repairs.

This is that pernicious smoke which sullies all her glory,
superinducing a sooty crust or furr upon all that it lights,
spoiling the moveables, tarnishing the plate, gildings, and
furniture, and corroding the very iron bars and hardest stones with
those piercing and acrimonious spirits which accompany its sulphur;
and executing more in one year, than exposed to the pure air of the
country it could effect in some hundreds. It is this horrid smoke,
which obscures our churches, and makes our palaces look old, which
fouls our clothes, and corrupts the waters, so as the very rain and
refreshing dews which fall in the several seasons, precipitate this
impure vapour, which with its black and tenacious quality, spots and
contaminates whatever is exposed to it.

THE PLAGUE (1665).

Pepys and Evelyn give descriptions of the scenes in London during the terrible visitation of 1665; and Defoe's narrative is extremely vivid and circumstantial, although he was only four years old at the time and must have derived much of his information from other sources. The following account by Vincent is contemporary:

=Source.=—Rev. T. Vincent, _God's Terrible Voice in the City_.

Now the citizens of London are put to a stop in the career of their
trade; they begin to fear whom they converse withal, and deal
withal, lest they should have come out of infected places. Now roses
and other sweet flowers wither in the gardens, are disregarded in
the markets, and people dare not offer them to their noses lest with
their sweet savour, that which is infectious should be attracted:
rue and wormwood are taken into the hand; myrrh and zedoary into the
mouth; and without some antidote few stir abroad in the morning. Now
many houses are shut up where the plague comes, and the inhabitants
shut in, lest coming abroad they should spread infection. It was
very dismal to behold the red crosses, and read in great letters,
LORD HAVE MERCY UPON US, on the doors, and watchmen standing before
them with halberts; and such a solitude about those places, and
people passing by them so gingerly, and with such fearful looks as
if they had been lined with enemies in ambush, that waited to
destroy them.

Now rich tradesmen provide themselves to depart; if they have not
country-houses they seek lodgings abroad for themselves and
families, and the poorer tradesmen, that they may imitate the rich
in their fear, stretch themselves to take a country journey, though
they have scarce wherewithal to bring them back again. The ministers
also (many of them) take occasion to go to their country-places for
the summer time; or (it may be) to find out some few of their
parishioners that were gone before them, leaving the greatest part
of their flock without food or physic, in the time of their greatest
need. (I don't speak of all ministers, those which did stay out of
choice and duty, deserve true honour.) Possibly they might think God
was now preaching to the city, and what need their preaching? or
rather did not the thunder of God's voice affrighten their guilty
consciences and make them fly away, lest a bolt from heaven should
fall upon them, and spoil their preaching for the future; and
therefore they would reserve themselves till the people had less
need of them. I do not blame any citizens retiring, when there was
so little trading, and the presence of all might have helped forward
the increase and spreading of the infection; but how did guilt drive
many away, where duty would have engaged them to stay in the place?
Now the highways are thronged with passengers and goods, and London
doth empty itself into the country; great are the stirs and hurries
in London by the removal of so many families; fear puts many
thousands on the wing, and those think themselves most safe, that
can fly furthest off from the city.

In August how dreadful is the increase: from 2010, the number
amounts up to 2817 in one week; and thence to 3880 the next; thence
to 4237 the next; thence to 6102 the next; and all these of the
plague, besides other diseases.

Now the cloud is very black, and the storm comes down upon us very
sharp. Now Death rides triumphantly on his pale horse through our
streets; and breaks into every house almost, where any inhabitants
are to be found. Now people fall as thick as leaves from the trees
in autumn, when they are shaken by a mighty wind. Now there is a
dismal solitude in London's streets, every day looks with the face
of a Sabbath day, observed with greater solemnity than it used to be
in the city. Now shops are shut in, people rare and very few that
walk about, insomuch that the grass begins to spring up in some
places, and a deep silence almost in every place, especially within
the walls; no rattling coaches, no prancing horses, no calling in
customers, nor offering wares; no London Cries sounding in the ears:
if any voice be heard, it is the groans of dying persons, breathing
forth their last: and the funeral knells of them that are ready to
be carried to their graves. Now shutting up of visited houses (there
being so many) is at an end, and most of the well are mingled among
the sick, which otherwise would have got no help. Now in some places
where the people did generally stay, not one house in a hundred but
is infected; and in many houses half the family is swept away; in
some the whole, from the eldest to the youngest; few escape with the
death of but one or two; never did so many husbands and wives die
together; never did so many parents carry their children with them
to the grave, and go together into the same house under earth, who
had lived together in the same house upon it. Now the nights are too
short to bury the dead; the long summer days are spent from morning
unto the twilight in conveying the vast number of dead bodies unto
the bed of their graves.

THE FIRE (1666).

By the terrible conflagration of 1666, the whole of the City was destroyed, except a narrow circle round its boundaries. It is not at all difficult to account for the outbreak: the closeness of the streets, the wooden structure of the houses, the number of families occupying the same house, the common use of wood for fuel—all these circumstances were favourable to the origin and spread of the flames. But obvious as these causes were, there was evidenced an enormous anxiety to fix the blame upon some unpopular party, and wildly improbable and grossly exaggerated accounts were given. The republican party were first charged with the crime of setting fire to the City; then the Dutch were believed to be the authors. In neither case was there any shadow of reasonable proof. In the end it was fixed upon the Papists, on the strength of a single confession of a mad Frenchman, who told a ridiculous and contradictory story of a Roman Catholic conspiracy; only the extraordinary temper of the times can explain the credulity with which this story in common with many others concerning Roman Catholics was received. Although the slander could not stand examination, it was inscribed on the Monument, and remained there during the whole of the eighteenth century. (_See_ 1681, Popish Panic.)

=Sources.=—(_a_) Pepys' _Diary_;
(_b_) _London Gazette_, September 8, 1666.

(_a_) _September 2, 1666._—Some of our mayds sitting up late last
night to get things ready against our feast to-day, Jane called us
up about three in the morning, to tell us of the great fire they saw
in the city. So I rose and slipped on my nightgowne, and went to her
window, and thought it to be on the back-side of Marke-lane at the
farthest; but, being unused to such fires as followed, I thought it
to be far enough off; and so went to bed again and to sleep. About
seven rose again to dress myself, and there looked out of the
window, and saw the fire not so much as it was and further off. So
to my closett to set things right after yesterday's cleaning. By and
by Jane comes and tells me that she hears that above 300 houses have
been burned down to night by the fire we saw, and that it is now
burning down all Fish-Street by London Bridge. So I made myself
ready presently, and walked to the Tower; ... and there I did see
the houses at the end of the bridge all on fire, and an infinite
great fire on this and the other side the end of the bridge; which,
among other people, did trouble me for poor little Michell and our
Sarah on the bridge. So down, with my heart full of trouble, to the
Lieutenant of the Tower, who tells me it begun this morning in the
King's baker's house in Pudding Lane, and that it hath burned St.
Magnus's Church and most part of Fish-Street already. So I down to
the waterside, and there got a boat and through bridge, and there
saw a lamentable fire. Poor Michell's house, as far as the Old Swan,
already burned that way, and the fire running further, that in a
very little time it got as far as the Steele-yard, while I was
there. Everybody endeavouring to remove their goods, and flinging
into the river or bringing them into lighters that lay off; poor
people staying in the houses as long as till the very fire touched
them, and then running into boats, or clambering from one pair of
stairs by the water side to another. And among other things, the
poor pigeons, I perceive, were loth to leave their houses, but
hovered about the windows and balconys till they burned their wings,
and fell down.

Having staid, and in an hour's time seen the fire rage every way,
and nobody, to my sight, endeavouring to quench it, but to remove
their goods, and leave all to the fire, and having seen it get as
far as Steele-yard; and the wind mighty high and driving it into the
City; and everything, after so long a drought, proving combustible,
even the very stones of the churches, and among other things, the
poor steeple by which pretty Mrs. ⸺ lives, and whereof my old
school-fellow Elborough is parson, taken fire in the very top, and
there burned till it fell down: to White Hall ... and there up to
the King's closett in the Chappell, where people come about me, and
I did give them an account that dismayed them all, and word was
carried in to the King. So I was called for, and did tell the King
and the Duke of York what I saw, and that unless his Majesty did
command houses to be pulled down nothing could stop the fire. They
seemed much troubled, and the King commanded me to go to my Lord
Mayor from him, and commanded him to spare no houses, but to pull
down before the fire every way. The Duke of York bid me tell him
that if he would have any more soldiers he shall; and so did my Lord
Arlington afterwards, as a great secret. Here meeting with Captain
Cocke, I in his coach, which he lent me, and Creed with me to
Paul's, and there walked along Watling-street as well as I could,
every creature coming away loaden with goods to save, and here and
there sicke people carried away in beds. Extraordinary good goods
carried in carts or on backs. At last met my Lord Major in
Canning-street, like a man spent, with a handkercher about his neck.
To the King's message he cried, like a fainting woman, "Lord, what
can I do? I am spent; people will not obey me. I have been pulling
down houses; but the fire overtakes us faster than we can do it."
That he needed no more soldiers; and that, for himself, he must go
and refresh himself, having been up all night. So he left me, and I
him, and walked home, seeing people all almost distracted, and no
manner of means used to quench the fire. The houses, too, so very
thick thereabouts, and full of matter for burning, as pitch and tar,
in Thames-street; and ware houses of oyle, and wines, and brandy,
and other things. Here I saw Mr. Isaake Houblon, the handsome man,
prettily dressed and dirty, at his door at Dow-gate, receiving some
of his brother's things, whose houses were on fire; and, as he says,
have been removed twice already; and he doubts (as it soon proved)
that they must be in a little time removed from his house also,
which was a sad consideration. And to see the churches all filling
with goods by people who themselves should have been quietly there
at this time. By this time it was about twelve o'clock; and so
home....

While at dinner Mrs. Batelier came to enquire after Mr Woolfe and
Stanes ... whose houses in Fish-Street are all burned, and they in a
sad condition. She would not stay in the fright. Soon as dined, I
and Moone away, and walked through the City, the streets full of but
people and horses and carts loaden with goods, ready to run over one
another, and removing goods from one burned house to another. They
now removing out of Canning-Street (which received goods in the
morning) into Lumbard-Street, and further; and among others I now
saw my little gold-smith, Stokes, receiving some friends goods,
whose house itself was burned the day after.

We parted at Paul's; he home, and I to Paul's Wharf, where I had
appointed a boat to attend me, and took in Mr. Carcasse and his
brother, whom I met in the streete, and carried them below and above
bridge to ... see the fire, which was now got further, both below
and above, and no likelihood of stopping it. Met with the King and
Duke of York in their barge, and with them to Queenhithe, and there
called Sir Richard Browne to them. Their order was only to pull down
houses apace, and so below bridge at the water side; but little was
or could be done, the fire coming upon them so fast. Good hopes
there were of stopping it at the Three Cranes above, and at
Buttolph's Wharf below bridge, if care be used; but the wind carries
it into the City, so as we know not by the water-side what it do
there. River full of lighters and boats taking in goods, and good
goods swimming in the water, and only I observed that hardly one
lighter or boat in three that had the goods of a house in, but there
was a pair of Virginalls in it.