Chapter XXV: Part 25

_Mr. Minister_--I am glad to receive from your hands the
letters accrediting you as the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister
Plenipotentiary of the republic of Chili to the United States. The
presence of a representative of the Government of Chili at this
capital will, I hope, tend to promote a good understanding between
the two governments and the early settlement, upon terms just and
honorable to both, of the diplomatic questions now somewhat urgently
awaiting adjustment. The Government of the United States, as well as
its people, particularly desire and rejoice in the prosperity of all
our neighbors in this hemisphere. Our diplomatic relations with them
have always been and will continue to be free from intermeddling with
their internal affairs. Our people are too just to desire that the
commercial or political advantage of this Government should be sought
by the promotion of disastrous dissensions in other countries. We
hear with sorrow every fresh tale of war or internal strife, and are
always ready to give our friendly offices to the promotion of peace.
If these are not acceptable or do not avail, it is our policy to
preserve an honorable and strict neutrality, as was done during the
recent war in Chili. Tempting commercial and political advantages may
be offered for our aid or influence by one or the other of the two
contending parties, but this we have not deemed to be consistent with
the obligations of international honor and good-will. This Government
was quite as determined in its refusal to allow a war-vessel of the
United States to carry to a neutral port, where it could be made
available for war purposes, the silver of Balmaceda, as it was to give
aid to the forces opposing him. The questions involved were Chilian
questions, and this Government endeavored to observe those principles
of non-intervention upon which it had so strongly insisted when civil
war disturbed our own people. I cannot doubt that this policy will
commend itself to those who now administer the Government of Chili;
nor can I doubt that when excitement has given place to calmness, when
the truth is ascertained and the selfish and designing perversions of
recent incidents have been exposed, our respective governments will
find a basis of increased mutual respect, confidence, and friendship.

Mr. Minister, this Government and our people rejoice that peace has
been restored in Chili, and that its Government is the expression of
the free choice of its people. You may assure your honored President,
who has been chosen under circumstances which so strongly testify to
his moderation and to the esteem in which he is held by the people of
all parties, that the Government of the United States entertains only
good-will for him and for the people of Chili, and cannot doubt that
the existing and all future differences between the two governments
will find an honorable adjustment. To you, Mr. Minister, I tender a
personal welcome.

In his annual message to Congress, December 9, President Harrison concludes his remarks upon Chilian affairs relating to the attack upon the sailors of the cruiser _Baltimore_ with the following significant paragraphs:

So far as I have yet been able to learn, no other explanation of
this bloody work has been suggested than that it had its origin in
hostility to these men as sailors of the United States, wearing the
uniform of their Government, and not in any individual act or personal
animosity. The attention of the Chilian Government was at once
called to this affair, and a statement of the facts obtained by the
investigation we had conducted was submitted, accompanied by a request
to be advised of any other or qualifying facts in the possession of
the Chilian Government that might tend to relieve this affair of the
appearance of an insult to this Government. The Chilian Government
was also advised that if such qualifying facts did not exist, this
Government would confidently expect full and prompt reparation.

It is to be regretted that the reply of the Secretary for Foreign
Affairs of the Provisional Government was couched in an offensive
tone. To this no response has been made. This Government is now
awaiting the result of an investigation which has been conducted
by the criminal court at Valparaiso. It is reported unofficially
that the investigation is about completed, and it is expected that
the result will soon be communicated to this Government, together
with some adequate and satisfactory response to the note by which
the attention of Chili was called to this incident. If these just
expectations should be disappointed or further needless delay
intervene, I will, by a special message, bring this matter again to
the attention of Congress for such action as may be necessary. The
entire correspondence with the Government of Chili will at an early
day be submitted to Congress.

PROTECTION FOR RAILROAD EMPLOYEES.

[_Extract from President's Message, December 9, 1891._]

On the evening of August 5, 1888, at Indianapolis, General Harrison, responding to an address from D. T. Downs, President of the Terre Haute Railroad Club, and in the presence of several thousand railroad employees, speaking of the heroic services rendered by the men who operate the great railroad lines of the country, said:

I do not doubt that certain and necessary provisions for the safety
of the men who operate these roads will yet be made compulsory by
public and general law. The dangers connected with your calling are
very great, and the public interest, as well as your own, requires
that they should be reduced to the minimum. I do not doubt that we
shall yet require that uniformity in the construction of railroad cars
that will diminish the danger of those, who must pass between them in
order to make up trains.

Consistent with these views, President Harrison, in his message to Congress, December 9, 1891, made the following pertinent suggestions:

I have twice before urgently called the attention of Congress to the
necessity of legislation for the protection of the lives of railroad
employees, but nothing has yet been done. During the year ending June
30, 1890, 369 brakemen were killed and 7,841 maimed while engaged in
coupling cars. The total number of railroad employees killed during
the year was 2,451 and the number injured 22,390. This is a cruel and
largely a needless sacrifice, The Government is spending nearly one
million dollars annually to save the lives of shipwrecked seamen;
every steam-vessel is rigidly inspected and required to adopt the most
approved safety appliances. All this is good; but how shall we excuse
the lack of interest and effort in behalf of this army of brave young
men who in our land commerce are being sacrificed every year by the
continued use of antiquated and dangerous appliances? A law requiring
of every railroad engaged in inter-State commerce the equipment each
year of a given per cent. of its freight cars with automatic couplers
and air brakes would compel an agreement between the roads as to the
kind of brakes and couplers to be used, and would very soon and very
greatly reduce the present fearful death-rate among railroad employees.

THE APPOINTMENT OF PRESIDENTIAL ELECTORS.

[_From Annual Message to Congress, December 9, 1891._]

Perhaps no official utterance of President Harrison received more serious and profound consideration--as indicated through the press of the day--than the following patriotic admonishment regarding the danger lurking within certain possible methods of choosing presidential electors. He said:

The method of appointment by the States of electors of President and
Vice-President has recently attracted renewed interest by reason of a
departure by the State of Michigan from the method which had become
uniform in all the States. Prior to 1832 various methods had been
used by the different States, and even by the same State. In some the
choice was made by the Legislature; in others electors were chosen by
districts, but more generally by the voters of the whole State upon
a general ticket. The movement toward the adoption of the last-named
method had an early beginning and went steadily forward among the
States, until in 1832 there remained but a single State--South
Carolina--that had not adopted it. That State, until the Civil War,
continued to choose its electors by a vote of the Legislature, but
after the war changed its method and conformed to the practice of the
other States. For nearly sixty years all the States save one have
appointed their electors by a popular vote upon a general ticket, and
for nearly thirty years this method was universal.

After a full test of other methods, without important division or
dissent in any State and without any purpose of party advantage, as
we must believe, but solely upon the considerations that uniformity
was desirable and that general election in territorial divisions not
subject to change was most consistent with the popular character of
our institutions, best preserved the equality of the voters, and
perfectly removed the choice of President from the baneful influence
of the "gerrymander," the practice of all the States was brought into
harmony. That this concurrence should now be broken is, I think, an
unfortunate and even a threatening episode, and one that may well
suggest whether the States that still give their approval to the
old and prevailing method ought not to secure, by a constitutional
amendment, a practice which has had the approval of all. The recent
Michigan legislation provides for choosing what are popularly
known as the Congressional electors for President by Congressional
districts, and the two Senatorial electors by districts created for
that purpose. This legislation was, of course, accompanied by a new
Congressional apportionment, and the two statutes bring the electoral
vote of the State under the influence of the "gerrymander."

These gerrymanders for Congressional purposes are in most cases
buttressed by a gerrymander of the legislative districts, thus making
it impossible for a majority of the legal voters of the State to
correct the apportionment and equalize the Congressional districts.
A minority rule is established that only a political convulsion
can overthrow. I have recently been advised that in one county of
a certain State three districts for the election of members of the
Legislature are constituted as follows: One has 65,000 population,
one 15,000, and one 10,000; while in another county, detached,
non-contiguous sections have been united to make a legislative
district. These methods have already found effective application to
the choice of Senators and Representatives in Congress, and now an
evil start has been made in the direction of applying them to the
choice by the States of electors of President and Vice-President. If
this is accomplished, we shall then have the three great departments
of the Government in the grasp of the "gerrymander," the legislative
and executive directly and the judiciary indirectly, through the power
of appointment.

An election implies a body of electors having prescribed
qualifications, each one of whom has an equal value and influence in
determining the result. So when the Constitution provides that "each
State shall appoint [elect], in such manner as the legislature thereof
may direct, a number of electors," etc., an unrestricted power was not
given to the legislatures in the selection of the methods to be used.
"A republican form of government" is guaranteed by the Constitution
to each State, and the power given by the same instrument to the
legislatures of the States to prescribe methods for the choice, by
the State, of electors must be exercised under that limitation. The
essential features of such a government are the right of the people
to choose their own officers and the nearest practicable equality of
value in the suffrages given in determining that choice.

It will not be claimed that the power given to the Legislature
would support a law providing that the persons receiving the smallest
vote should be the electors, or a law that all the electors should
be chosen by the voters of a single Congressional district. The
State is to choose, and under the pretence of regulating methods
the legislature can neither vest the right of choice elsewhere nor
adopt methods not conformable to republican institutions. It is not
my purpose here to discuss the question whether a choice by the
Legislature or by the voters of equal single districts is a choice by
the State, but only to recommend such regulation of this matter by
constitutional amendment as will secure uniformity and prevent that
disgraceful partisan jugglery to which such a liberty of choice, if it
exist, offers a temptation.

Nothing just now is more important than to provide every guaranty
for the absolutely fair and free choice by an equal suffrage, within
the respective States, of all the officers of the national Government,
whether that suffrage is applied directly, as in the choice of members
of the House of Representatives, or indirectly, as in the choice of
Senators and electors of President. Respect for public officers and
obedience to law will not cease to be the characteristics of our
people until our elections cease to declare the will of majorities
fairly ascertained, without fraud, suppression, or gerrymander. If I
were called upon to declare wherein our chief national danger lies, I
should say, without hesitation, in the overthrow of majority control
by the suppression or perversion of the popular suffrage. That there
is a real danger here all must agree, but the energies of those who
see it have been chiefly expended in trying to fix responsibility upon
the opposite party, rather than in efforts to make such practices
impossible by either party.

Is it not possible now to adjourn that interminable and inconclusive
debate while we take, by consent, one step in the direction of reform
by eliminating the gerrymander, which has been denounced by all
parties, as an influence in the selection of electors of President
and members of Congress? All the States have, acting freely and
separately, determined that the choice of electors by a general ticket
is the wisest and safest method, and it would seem there could be no
objection to a constitutional amendment making that method permanent.
If a legislature chosen in one year upon purely local questions
should, pending a presidential contest, meet, rescind the law for a
choice upon a general ticket, and provide for the choice of electors
by the legislature, and this trick should determine the result, it
is not too much to say that the public peace might be seriously and
widely endangered.

I have alluded to the "gerrymander" as affecting the method of
selecting electors of President by Congressional districts, but the
primary intent and effect of this form of political robbery have
relation to the selection of members of the House of Representatives.
The power of Congress is ample to deal with this threatening and
intolerable abuse. The unfailing test of sincerity in election reform
will be found in a willingness to confer as to remedies and to put
into force such measures as will most effectually preserve the right
of the people to free and equal representation.

An attempt was made in the last Congress to bring to bear the
constitutional powers of the general Government for the correction
of frauds against the suffrage. It is important to know whether the
opposition to such measures is really vested in particular features
supposed to be objectionable or includes any proposition to give to
the election laws of the United States adequacy to the correction
of grave and acknowledged evils. I must yet entertain the hope that
it is possible to secure a calm, patriotic consideration of such
constitutional or statutory changes as may be necessary to secure
the choice of the officers of the Government to the people by fair
apportionments and free elections. I believe it would be possible to
constitute a commission, non-partisan in its membership and composed
of patriotic, wise, and impartial men, to whom a consideration of the
question of the evils connected with our election system and methods
might be committed with a good prospect of securing unanimity in some
plan for removing or mitigating those evils. The Constitution would
permit the selection of the commission to be vested in the Supreme
Court, if that method would give the best guaranty of impartiality.

This commission should be charged with the duty of inquiring into
the whole subject of the law of elections as related to the choice of
officers of the national Government, with a view to securing to every
elector a free and unmolested exercise of the suffrage and as near an
approach to an equality of value in each ballot cast as is attainable.

While the policies of the general Government upon the tariff,
upon the restoration of our merchant marine, upon river and harbor
improvements, and other such matters of grave and general concern are
liable to be turned this way or that by the results of Congressional
elections and administrative policies, sometimes involving issues that
tend to peace or war, to be turned this way or that by the results
of a presidential election, there is a rightful interest in all the
States and in every Congressional district that will not be deceived
or silenced by the audacious pretence that the question of the right
of any body of legal voters in any State or in any Congressional
district to give their suffrages freely upon these general questions
is a matter only of local concern or control. The demand that the
limitations of suffrage shall be found in the law, and only there, is
a just demand, and no just man should resent or resist it. My appeal
is, and must continue to be, for a consultation that shall "proceed
with candor, calmness, and patience upon the lines of justice and
humanity, not of prejudice and cruelty."

To the consideration of these very grave questions I invite not only
the attention of Congress, but that of all patriotic citizens. We must
not entertain the delusion that our people have ceased to regard a
free ballot and equal representation as the price of their allegiance
to laws and to civil magistrates.

I have been greatly rejoiced to notice many evidences of the
increased unification of our people and of a revived national spirit.
The vista that now opens to us is wider and more glorious than
ever before. Gratification and amazement struggle for supremacy as
we contemplate the population, wealth, and moral strength of our
country. A trust, momentous in its influence upon our people and upon
the world, is for a brief time committed to us, and we must not be
faithless to its first condition--the defence of the free and equal
influence of the people in the choice of public officers and in the
control of public affairs.

THE CHILIAN MESSAGE, JANUARY 25, 1892.

Just as this book is going to the printer there has appeared a most satisfactory closing chapter--the masterly message on the Chilian difficulty. This message quickly won the approval of the civilized world, and has stirred, as it has not been stirred in years, the patriotic pride of our own people. It will rank side by side with Monroe's famous declaration of American policy. It at once impresses one with its character as the official statement of their position by a powerful yet generous people, who, conscious of their own strength, will firmly assert their rights and maintain their dignity, without any disposition to despoil or humiliate their weaker neighbors. The position taken by the President was so firm and the justice of our claims was so clearly set forth that three days after the date of the message he was enabled to announce to Congress that Chili had substantially complied with our demands.

Such parts of the message as contained only a recital of facts, or were not necessary to an understanding of the policy announced have, for the sake of brevity, been omitted.

_To the Senate and House of Representatives_:

· · · · ·

We have now received from the Chilian Government an abstract of the
conclusions of the _Fiscal General_ upon the testimony taken by the
Judge of Crimes in an investigation which was made to extend over
nearly three months. I very much regret to be compelled to say that
this report does not enable me to modify the conclusion announced in
my annual message. I am still of the opinion that our sailors were
assaulted, beaten, stabbed, and killed, not for anything they or any
one of them had done, but for what the Government of the United States
had done, or was charged with having done, by its civil officers and
naval commanders. If that be the true aspect of the case, the injury
was to the Government of the United States, not to these poor sailors
who were assaulted in a manner so brutal and so cowardly.

· · · · ·

It is not claimed that every personal collision or injury in
which a sailor or officer of such naval vessel visiting the shore
may be involved raises an international question; but I am clearly
of the opinion that where such sailors or officers are assaulted
by a resident populace, animated by hostility to the Government
whose uniform these sailors and officers wear, and in resentment of
acts done by their Government, not by them, their nation must take
notice of the event as one involving an infraction of its rights and
dignity--not in a secondary way, as where a citizen is injured and
presents his claim through his own Government, but in a primary way,
precisely as if its minister or consul or the flag itself had been the
object of the same character of assault. The officers and sailors of
the _Baltimore_ were in the harbor of Valparaiso under the orders of
their Government, not by their own choice. They were upon the shore
by the implied invitation of the Government of Chili and with the
approval of their commanding officer; and it does not distinguish
their case from that of a consul that his stay is more permanent
or that he holds the express invitation of the local government to
justify his longer residence. Nor does it affect the question that
the injury was the act of a mob. If there had been no participation
by the police or military in this cruel work and no neglect on their
part to extend protection, the case would still be one, in my opinion,
when its extent and character are considered, involving international
rights.

Here follow the details of the attack upon the sailors of the _Baltimore_ in the streets of Valparaiso, October 16th.

The scene ... is very graphically set before us by the Chilian
testimony. The American sailors, who, after so long an examination,
have not been found guilty of any breach of the peace so far as the
Chilian authorities are able to discover, unarmed and defenceless,
are fleeing for their lives, pursued by overwhelming numbers, and
fighting only to aid their own escape from death or to succor some
mate whose life is in greater peril. Eighteen of them are brutally
stabbed and beaten, while one Chilian seems, from the report, to
have suffered some injury; but how serious or with what character or
weapon, or whether by a missile thrown by our men or by some of his
fellow-rioters, is unascertained.

The pretence that our men were fighting "with stones, clubs, and
bright arms" is, in view of these facts, incredible. It is further
refuted by the fact that our prisoners, when searched, were absolutely
without arms, only seven penknives being found in the possession of
the men arrested, while there were received by our men more than
thirty stab wounds, every one of which was inflicted in the back, and
almost every contused wound was in the back or back of the head. The
evidence of the ship's officer of the day is that even the jack-knives
of the men were taken from them before leaving the ship....

No amount of evasion or subterfuge is able to cloud our clear vision
of this brutal work....

It is quite remarkable and quite characteristic of the management of
this affair by the Chilian police authorities that we should now be
advised that Seaman Davidson, of the _Baltimore_, has been included
in the indictment, his offence being, so far as I have been able to
ascertain, that he attempted to defend a shipmate against an assailant
who was striking at him with a knife. The perfect vindication of our
men is furnished by this report; one only is found to have been guilty
of criminal fault, and that for an act clearly justifiable....

The evidence of our sailors clearly shows that the attack was
expected by the Chilian people, that threats had been made against
our men, and that, in one case somewhat early in the afternoon, the
keeper of one house into which some of our men had gone closed his
establishment in anticipation of the attack, which he advised them
would be made upon them as darkness came on....

Several of our men sought security from the mob by such complete
or partial changes in their dress as would conceal the fact of their
being seamen of the _Baltimore_, and found it then possible to
walk the streets without molestation. These incidents conclusively
establish that the attack was upon the uniform--the nationality--and
not upon the men.

· · · · ·

The testimony of Captain Jenkins, of the American merchant ship
_Keweenaw_, which had gone to Valparaiso for repairs, and who was a
witness of some part of the assault upon the crew of the _Baltimore_,
is strongly corroborative of the testimony of our own sailors when
he says that he saw Chilian sentries drive back a seaman, seeking
shelter, upon a mob that was pursuing him. The officers and men of
Captain Jenkins' ship furnish the most conclusive testimony as to
the indignities which were practised toward Americans in Valparaiso.
When American sailors, even of merchant ships, can only secure their
safety by denying their nationality, it must be time to readjust our
relations with a government that permits such demonstrations.

As to the participation of the police, the evidence of our sailors
shows that our men were struck and beaten by police officers before
and after arrest, and that one at least was dragged with a lasso
about his neck by a mounted policeman. That the death of Riggin was
the result of a rifle-shot fired by a policeman or soldier on duty is
shown directly by the testimony of Johnson, in whose arms he was at
the time, and by the evidence of Charles Langen, an American sailor
not then a member of the _Baltimore's_ crew, who stood close by and
saw the transaction. The Chilian authorities do not pretend to fix the
responsibility of this shot upon any particular person, but avow their
inability to ascertain who fired it, further than that it was fired
from a crowd....

The communications of the Chilian Government in relation to this
cruel and disastrous attack upon our men, as will appear from the
correspondence, have not in any degree taken the form of a manly and
satisfactory expression of regret, much less of apology. The event
was of so serious a character that, if the injuries suffered by our
men had been wholly the result of an accident in a Chilian port, the
incident was grave enough to have called for some public expression
of sympathy and regret from the local authorities. It is not enough
to say that the affair was lamentable, for humanity would require
that expression, even if the beating and killing of our men had been
justifiable. It is not enough to say that the incident is regretted,
coupled with the statement that the affair was not of an unusual
character in ports where foreign sailors are accustomed to meet. It is
not for a generous and sincere government to seek for words of small
or equivocal meaning in which to convey to a friendly power an apology
for an offence so atrocious as this. In the case of the assault by a
mob in New Orleans upon the Spanish consulate in 1851, Mr. Webster
wrote to the Spanish minister, Mr. Calderon, that the acts complained
of were "a disgraceful and flagrant breach of duty and propriety,"
and that his Government "regrets them as deeply as Minister Calderon
or his Government could possibly do;" that "these acts have caused
the President great pain, and he thinks a proper acknowledgment is
due to Her Majesty's Government." He invited the Spanish consul to
return to his post, guaranteeing protection, and offered to salute the
Spanish flag if the consul should come in a Spanish vessel. Such a
treatment by the Government of Chili of this assault would have been
more creditable to the Chilian authorities; and much less can hardly
be satisfactory to a government that values its dignity and honor.

· · · · ·

On the 21st instant I caused to be communicated to the Government of
Chili, by the American minister at Santiago, the conclusions of this
Government after a full consideration of all the evidence and of every
suggestion affecting this matter, and to these conclusions I adhere.
They were stated as follows:

"First. That the assault is not relieved of the aspect which the
early information of the event gave to it, viz.: That of an attack
upon the uniform of the United States Navy, having its origin and
motive in a feeling of hostility to this Government, and not in any
act of the sailors or of any of them.

"Second. That the public authorities of Valparaiso flagrantly
failed in their duty to protect our men, and that some of the police
and of the Chilian soldiers and sailors were themselves guilty of
unprovoked assaults upon our sailors before and after arrest. He [the
President] thinks the preponderance of the evidence and the inherent
probabilities lead to the conclusion that Riggin was killed by the
police or soldiers.

"Third. That he [the President] is therefore compelled to bring the
case back to the position taken by this Government in the note of Mr.
Wharton of October 23 last, ... and to ask for a suitable apology and
for some adequate reparation for the injury done to this Government."

In the same note the attention of the Chilian Government was
called to the offensive character of a note addressed by Mr. Matta,
its Minister of Foreign Affairs, to Mr. Montt, its minister at
this capital, on the 11th ultimo. This despatch was not officially
communicated to this Government; but, as Mr. Montt was directed to
translate it and to give it to the press of this country, it seemed
to me that it could not pass without official notice. It was not
only undiplomatic, but grossly insulting to our naval officers and
to the Executive Department, as it directly imputed untruth and
insincerity to the reports of the naval officers and to the official
communications made by the Executive Department to Congress. It will
be observed that I have notified the Chilian Government that, unless
this note is at once withdrawn and an apology as public as the offence
made, I will terminate diplomatic relations.

The request for the recall of Mr. Egan upon the ground that he was
not _persona grata_ was unaccompanied by any suggestion that could
properly be used in support of it, and I infer that the request is
based upon official acts of Mr. Egan which have received the approval
of this Government. But however that may be, I could not consent to
consider such a question until it had first been settled whether our
correspondence with Chili could be conducted upon a basis of mutual
respect.

In submitting these papers to Congress for that grave and patriotic
consideration which the questions involved demand, I desire to say
that I am of the opinion that the demands made of Chili by this
Government should be adhered to and enforced. If the dignity as
well as the prestige and influence of the United States are not to
be wholly sacrificed, we must protect those who, in foreign ports,
display the flag or wear the colors of this Government against insult,
brutality, and death inflicted in resentment of the acts of their
Government, and not for any fault of their own. It has been my desire
in every way to cultivate friendly and intimate relations with all
the governments of this hemisphere. We do not covet their territory;
we desire their peace and prosperity. We look for no advantage in our
relations with them, except the increased exchanges of commerce upon a
basis of mutual benefit. We regret every civil contest that disturbs
their peace and paralyzes their development, and are always ready to
give our good offices for the restoration of peace. It must, however,
be understood that this Government, while exercising the utmost
forbearance toward weaker powers, will extend its strong and adequate
protection to its citizens, to its officers, and to its humblest
sailors when made the victims of wantonness and cruelty in resentment,
not of their personal misconduct, but of the official acts of their
Government.

Upon information received that Patrick Shields, an Irishman and
probably a British subject, but at the time a fireman of the American
steamer _Keweenaw_, in the harbor of Valparaiso for repairs, had been
subjected to personal injuries in that city--largely by the police--I
directed the Attorney-General to cause the evidence of the officers
and crew of that vessel to be taken upon its arrival in San Francisco;
and that testimony is also herewith transmitted. The brutality and
even savagery of the treatment of this poor man by the Chilian police
would be incredible if the evidence of Shields was not supported by
other direct testimony and by the distressing condition of the man
himself when he was finally able to reach his vessel....

A claim for reparation has been made in behalf of this man, for
while he was not a citizen of the United States, the doctrine long
held by us, as expressed in the Consular Regulations, is "the
principles which are maintained by this Government in regard to the
protection, as distinguished from the relief, of seamen are well
settled. It is held that the circumstance that the vessel is American
is evidence that the seamen on board are such; and in every regularly
documented merchant vessel the crew will find their protection in the
flag that covers them."

I have as yet received no reply to our note of the 21st instant, but
in my opinion I ought not to delay longer to bring these matters to
the attention of Congress for such action as may be deemed appropriate.

BENJ. HARRISON.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,

January 25, 1892.

INDEX TO SPEECHES, ETC.

Akron, Colorado, reception address at, 460

Albany, Oregon, reception address at, 402

Albany, New York, reception address at, 498

Alger, Gen. R. A., response of, 69

Allen County, Ohio, to delegation from, 149

Alliance, Ohio, reception address at, 284

Altoona, Pa., reception address at, 487

American Fork, Utah, reception address at, 435

Anderson, Indiana, reception address at, 271

Anniston, Alabama, reception address at, 308

Ashland, Oregon, reception address at, 400

Ashland, Nebraska, reception address at, 464

Atchison, Kansas, reception address at, 259

Atlanta, Georgia, address to students, 304
farewell address, 305
Mr. Wanamaker's address, 306

Augusta, Georgia, to exposition committee from, 549

Bakersfield, California, reception address at, 362

Baker City, Oregon, reception address at, 425

Banning, California, reception address at, 341

Bartholomew County, Indiana, to delegation from, 90

Bellefontaine, Ohio, to delegation from, 89
reception address at, 277

Bellows Falls, Vermont, reception address at, 540

Benicia, California, reception address at, 392

Bennington trip, 1891, personnel of party, 493

Bennington, Vermont, Battle Monument address, 502
at great tent banquet, 505

Benton Harbor, Michigan, to delegation from, 41

Benton County, Indiana, to delegation from, 44

Berkeley, California, at State University, 393
dumb and blind institute, 394

Billings Park, Vermont, speech at horse fair, 535

Birmingham, Alabama, reception address at, 311
luncheon address, 313

Blackford County, Indiana, to delegation from, 163

Blaine Club of Kansas City, address to, at Indianapolis, 76

Blaine reception, demonstration at Indianapolis Oct. 11, 1888, 170

Bloomington, Illinois, to delegation from, 62

Boise City, Idaho, reception address at, 427

Boone County, Indiana, to delegation from, 46

Boston, Mass., reception address at, 226
Mayor's Club banquet, 228
G. A. R. national encampment, 230

Bradford, Vermont, reception address at, 536

Brandon, Vermont, reception address at, 516

Brattleboro, Vermont, reception address at, 542

Bristol, Tennessee, reception address at, 291

Brown County, Indiana, to delegation from, 70

Buena Vista, Colorado, reception address at, 444

Burlington, Vermont, reception address at, 519

California delegates to Chicago, visit from, 29

California tour, 1891, personnel of party, 289

Cañon City, Colorado, reception address at, 446

Canton, Ohio, reception address at, 283

Cartersville, Georgia, reception address at, 302

Cascade Locks, Oregon, reception address at, 421

Castleton, Vermont, reception address at, 515

Centennial address, New York City, April 30, 1889, 207

Centralia, Washington, reception address at, 412

Champaign County, Illinois, to delegation from, 55

Champaign, Illinois, reception address at, 241

Charlestown, New Hampshire, reception address at, 539

Chattanooga, Tennessee, reception address at, 301

Chehalis, Washington, reception address at, 420

Chemawa, Oregon, reception address at, 405

Chicago, Marquette Club banquet address, 16
to committee from Marquette Club, 31
to Irish-American Club from, 124
to commercial travellers from, 140
to delegation business men from, 155
to Union veterans and others from, 166
to German-American Club from, 172
Auditorium dedication address, 218

Chilian Minister, official reception of, response to, 557

Chilian affair, message on, January 25, 1892, 564-70

Chrisman, Illinois, reception address at, 479

Cincinnati, Ohio, to Lincoln Club from, 49

Cincinnati Exposition Committee, visit from, 136

Cincinnati Exposition, invitation committee from, 171

Clay County, Indiana, to delegation from, 60

Clayton, Indiana, reunion 70th Regiment, 115

Clearfield, Pa., trip to the coal regions, 231

Cleveland, Ohio, to delegation from, 152
Garfield mausoleum dedication, 222

Clifton Forge, Virginia, reception address at, 235

Clinton County, Indiana, to delegation from, 72

Coles County, Illinois, to delegation from, 57

Colorado Springs, Colorado, address to scholars, 450
reception address, 453

Colton, California, reception address at, 339

Columbus, Ohio, to delegation veteran voters from, 145
to Garfield Club and Gov. Foraker, 174
reception address at, Feb. 25, 1889, 192
reception address at, May 14, 1891, 487

Commercial travellers of Indiana, address to, 40

Commercial travellers of Ill. and Ind., address to, 92

Commercial travellers of Chicago, address to, 139

Commercial travellers of United States, address to, 177

Council Bluffs, Iowa, reception address at, 471

Cresson, Pa., to visiting Altoona veterans, 231

Crestline, Ohio, reception address at, 278

Crete, Nebraska, reception address at, 462

Danville, Indiana, to Republican Club from, June 25, 1888, 25

Danville, Illinois, reception address at, 240

Dayton, Ohio, to delegation from, 137
reception address at, 485

Decatur County, Indiana, to delegation from, 87

Decatur, Illinois, reception address at, 476

Defiance, Ohio, reception address at, 94

De Graff, Ohio, reception address at, 276

Delaware County, Indiana, to delegation from, 87

Del Rio, Texas, reception address at, 332

Deming, New Mexico, reception address at, 335

Denver, Colorado, address at Capitol, 454
address at Hotel Metropole, 459

Depew, Hon. Chauncey M., visits the nominee, 171

Detroit, Michigan Club banquet address, 9

Diaz, President Porfirio, telegram from, 350

Douglas County, Illinois, to delegation from, 84

Duluth, Minnesota, to delegation from, 156

Ecumenical Conference, address to, at Washington, 550

Edgar County, Illinois, to delegation from, 57

Election results, popular vote for President, 1888, 188

Electoral College, extract from President's message, Dec., 1891, 560

Eleventh Indiana Regiment, survivors received, 171

Elkhart County, Indiana, to delegation from, 146

El Paso, Texas, reception address at, 333

Ex-prisoners of war, address to, at Indianapolis, 129

Fair Haven, Vermont, reception address at, 514

Florence, Colorado, reception address at, 447

Floyd County, Indiana, to delegation from, 122

Foraker, Gov. J. B., congratulates the nominee, 174

Ford County, Illinois, to delegation from, 89

Fort Wayne, Indiana, reception address at, 99

Foster, ex-Gov. Charles, introduces the nominee, 97

Fountain County, Indiana, to delegation from, 162

Fresno, California, reception address at, 365

Fulton County, Indiana, to delegation from, 156

Galesburg, Illinois, reception address at, 243
address at reunion 1st Brigade, 246
Alumni Hall, Knox College, 251
Phi Delta Theta banquet, 251
at 1st Brigade banquet, 252

Galveston, Texas, great speech and reception, 322

Garfield Club of Columbus, address to, at Indianapolis, 175

Garfield Monument, address at dedication of, 225

G. A. R. veterans and Gov. Rusk, address to, at Indianapolis, 120

G. A. R. installation officers, address to comrades, 189

G. A. R. camp fire, Indianapolis, address to comrades, 216

G. A. R. national encampment, address at Boston, 228

Gilroy, California, reception address at, 377

Glenwood Springs, Colorado, reception address at, 437
address to miners, 438
address to children, 440

Godfrey Commandery of Chicago, visit from, 83

Grand Rapids, Michigan, to delegation from, 159

Greenville, Tennessee, reception address at, 296

Grundy County, Illinois, to delegation from, 134

Hamilton County, Indiana, to delegation from, June 25, 1888, 26
to delegation from, August 14, 1888, 83

Hancock County, Ohio, to delegation from, 149

Hannibal, Missouri, reception address at, 472

Harrison, Gen. Benj., biographical sketch of, 7-8

Harrison League of Indianapolis, address to, 33

Harrisburg, Pa., reception address at, 488

Hastings, Nebraska, reception address at, 461

Hendricks County, Indiana, to delegation from, June 25, 1888, 25
to delegation from, Nov. 9, 1888, 188

Henry County, Indiana, to delegation from, 67

Hill, Gov. David B., his invitation to the President, 497

Hood River Station, Oregon, reception address at, 421

Houston, Texas, reception address at, 321

Houtzdale, Pa., reception address at, 233

Howard County, Indiana, to delegation from, June 25, 1888, 26
to delegation from, July 18, 1888, 50

Huntington, Indiana, reception address at, 101

Hyde Park, Illinois, to delegation from, 166

Inaugural Executive Committee, personnel of, 193

Inaugural address, March 4, 1889, 194-203

Indianapolis, to his neighbors, June 25, 1888, 27
to Indiana delegates, June 26, 1888, 29
to colored citizens, June 30, 1888, 33
to veterans 70th Regiment, 28
to veterans 26th Infantry, 134
to veterans 7th Cavalry, 131
to veterans 79th Regiment, 176
to veterans and neighbors, 32
introducing Gen. R. A. Alger, 69
official notification, July 4, 1888, 35
to Tippecanoe veterans, July 4, 1888, 38
to railroad employees, July 13, 1888, 47
speech at State Convention, Aug. 8, 1888, 80
on returning from Put-in Bay, Sept. 4, 1888, 105
great street demonstration, Sept. 6, 1888, 106
address to children, Sept. 8, 1888, 107
to the Porter-Columbian Club, Oct. 3, 1888, 158
Labor-Day address, Oct. 25, 1888, 183
to railroad clubs of Indiana, Oct. 27, 1888, 185
to the saw-makers of city, Nov. 9, 1888, 188
to G. A. R. veterans, Jan. 1, 1889, 189
farewell to neighbors, Feb. 25, 1889, 191
dedication Soldiers' Monument, 211
at G. A. R. camp-fire, Aug. 22, 1889, 216
at reunion 70th Regiment, Aug. 23, 1889, 217
the home welcome, May 14, 1891, 481

Indio, California, received by Gov. Markham, 338

Irish-American Club, address to, Sept. 15, 1888, 125

Iroquois County, Illinois, to delegation from, 131

Jacksonville, Illinois, to delegation from, July 19, 1888, 51
to delegation from, Aug. 17, 1888, 90

Janesville, Wisconsin, to delegation from, Oct. 5, 1888, 161

Jay County, Indiana, to delegation from, Sept. 21, 1888, 137
to delegation from, Oct. 4, 1888, 159

Jennings County, Indiana, to delegation from, July 28, 1888, 65

Johnson County, Indiana, to delegation from, Aug. 17, 1888, 90

Johnson City, Tennessee, reception address at, 293

Jonesboro, Tennessee, reception address at, 295

Kankakee, Illinois, to delegation from, 90

Kansas City, Missouri, to Blaine Club from, 77
to Scott Rifles from, 121
banquet address at, 265
Chamber Commerce speech, 266
letter to Commercial Congress, 286

Kansas veterans, address to, at Indianapolis, 108

Kingston, New York, reception address at, 495

Knightstown, Indiana, to soldiers' orphans at, 192

Knoxville, Tennessee, reception address at, 299

Kokomo, Indiana, to delegations from, 26, 50
reception address at, 103

Kosciusko County, Indiana, to delegation from, 63

Labor-Day address, close of the great campaign, 182

La Porte County, Indiana, to delegation from, 132

Lathrop, California, reception address at, 368

Lawrenceburg, Indiana, reception address at, 235

Lawrence, Kansas, reception address at, 265

Leadville, Colorado, reception address at, 442

Le Grande, Oregon, reception address at, 424

Lehi City, Utah, reception address at, 434

Letter of acceptance, Sept. 11, 1888, 108

Letter to Commercial Congress, April 14, 1891, 286

Letter on tin plate, its manufacture in America, 554

Lincoln, Nebraska, reception address at, 463
thanks to travelling men, 464

Lincoln Club, Cincinnati, address to, at Indianapolis, 49

Little Rock, Arkansas, reception address at, 317

Lordsburg, New Mexico, reception address at, 336

Los Angeles, California, reception address at, 345
speech at the pavilion, 347

Los Gatos, California, reception address at, 381

Louisville, Kentucky, to delegation from, 128

Macon County, Illinois, to delegation from, 84

Madison, Wisconsin, to delegation from, 161

Mansfield, Ohio, reception address at, 279

Marion County, Indiana, to the Tippecanoe Club, 38

Marquette Club, Chicago, speech at banquet, 16
to delegates from, 31
the President received by, 219

Marshall County, Indiana, to delegation from, 156

Maryville, Missouri, reception address at, 472

Massillon, Ohio, reception address at, 282

Medford, Oregon, reception address at, 401

Memphis, Tennessee, reception address at, 315

Merced, California, reception address at, 366

Message to Congress, presidential electors, Dec. 9, 1891, 560-63
Chilian affair, Dec. 9, 1891, 558
Chilian affair, Jan. 25, 1892, 564-70

McDaniels, L. W., extract from his address, 182

Michigan Club, Detroit, speech at banquet, 9

Middlebury, Vermont, reception address at, 517

Miller, Hon. Warner, famous telegram to, 189

Milwaukee German American Club, address to, 172

Modesto, California, reception address at, 367

Monterey, California, reception address at, 379

Montezuma, Indiana, welcomed by Gov. Hovey, 480

Montgomery County, Indiana, to delegation from, 71

Monticello, Illinois, to delegation from, 51

Montpelier, Vermont, address to Legislature, 527
reception address at, 529

Montt, Señor Don Pedro, his address to the President, 556

Morgan County, Indiana, to delegation from, 70

Morgan County, Illinois, to delegation from, 90

Morristown, Tennessee, reception address at, 297

Mt. McGregor, New York, birthday dinner speech, 510

Muncie, Indiana, reception address at, 272

Muskegon, Michigan, to delegation from, 159

Newburgh, New York, reception address at, 494

New York City, Washington centenary speech, 204
Centennial banquet address, 209

Ninth Indiana Cavalry, address to survivors, 134

Noblesville, Indiana, reception address at, 104

Normal, Illinois, to students from, 152

North Vernon, Indiana, reception address at, 236

Northen, Gov. Wm. J., welcomes the President, 303

Nortonville, Kansas, reception address at, 263

Notification committee, personnel of, 36

Oakland, California, reception address at, 395

Ogden, Utah, committee escorts President, 430

Omaha, Nebraska, reception address at, 465
addresses to school children, 470

Ontario, California, reception address at, 340

Orange, California, reception address at, 351

Oregon City, Oregon, reception address at, 406

Orrville, Ohio, reception address at, 281

Osceola, Pa., reception address at, 231

Ottumwa, Iowa, speech at Coal Palace, 255

Oxford College, Ohio, visit from students, 186

Palestine, Texas, received by Gov. Hogg, 319

Parke County, Indiana, to delegation from, 143

Pasadena, California, reception address at, 356

Paxton, Illinois, to delegation from, 89

Pendleton, Oregon, reception address at, 423

Pennsylvania gas men, address to, at Indianapolis, 151

Peo, Umatilla chief, his unique address to President, 423

Peoria, Illinois, reception address at, 242

Peru, Indiana, reception address at, 102

Philadelphia, speech at Independence Hall, 491
remarks at Gen Meade's grave, 492

Phillipsburg, Pa., reception at, Sept. 20, 1890, 234

Plainfield, Indiana, to delegation from, 26

Plainfield, Vermont, reception address at, 530

Pocatello, Idaho, reception address at, 429

Pomona, California, reception address at, 342

Porter-Columbian Club, address to members, 158

Portland, Oregon, reception address at, 408
Secretary Rusk's address, 411
Postmaster-General Wanamaker's speech, 410

Proctor, Vermont, farewell to New England, 546

Provo City, Utah, reception address at, 434

Pueblo, Colorado, address to school children, 448
Mineral Palace speech, 449

Puget Sound, remarks on board steamship, 415

Pullman, Illinois, to delegation from, 166

Put-in Bay, Ohio, reception address at, 97

Puyallup, Washington, reception address at, 420

Railroad Club of Terre Haute, address to, 73

Railroad clubs of Indiana, address to, 185

Railroad employees of Indianapolis, address to, 47

Railroad employees should be protected, message, 559

Randolph County, Indiana, to delegation from, 137

Ransom Post, G. A. R., address to delegation from, 119

Red Bluff, California, reception address at, 398

Redding, California, reception address at, 399

Redwood City, California, reception address at, 375

Republican State Convention, speech before, 81

Richmond, Indiana, reception address at, Feb. 25, 1889, 192
reception address at, May 14, 1891, 483

Richmond, Vermont, reception address at, 524

Riverside, California, reception address at, 352

Roanoke, Virginia, reception address at, 290

Rush County, Indiana, to delegation from, 86

Rusk, Gov. J. M., names Gen. Harrison for a second term, 120

Rusk, Secretary, speech of, at Portland, Oregon, 411

Rutland, Vermont, reception address at, 544

Sacramento, California, address at State House, 391

Salem, Oregon, address at Capitol, 403

Salida, Colorado, reception address at, 445

Salt Lake, Utah, reception address at, 431
Chamber Commerce speech, 433
address to children, 434

San Antonio, Texas, reception address at, 329

San Bernardino, California, reception address at, 353

San Buena Ventura, California, reception address at, 359

San Diego, California, to Indiana residents, 347
at citizens' reception, 349
response to Gov. Torres, 350

San Fernando, California, reception address at, 358

San Francisco, the arrival address, 371
Sutro Heights speech, 372
at Phi Delta Theta banquet, 373
launch of the _Monterey_, 374
reception at Senator Stanford's, 375
Chamber Commerce speech, 383
address to veterans, May 1, 384
Palace Hotel banquet speech, 386
at Union League reception, 396
farewell to California, 397

San José, California, reception address at, 376

Santa Ana, California, reception address at, 351

Santa Barbara, California, reception address at, 361

Santa Cruz, California, reception address at, 380

Santa Paula, California, reception address at, 358

Saratoga, New York, reception address at, 511
House of Pansa reception, 512

Seattle, Washington, reception address at, 417
Mr. Wanamaker's address, 419

Second Indiana Cavalry, address to survivors, 134

Seventieth Indiana Infantry, reunion address, Sept. 13, 1888, 116
reunion address, Aug. 23, 1889, 216

Seventh Indiana Cavalry, address to survivors, 131

Seventy-ninth Indiana Infantry, address to survivors, 176

Seymour, Indiana, reception address at, 237

Shelby County, Indiana, to delegation from, 54

Shenandoah, Iowa, reception address at, 471

Shoals, Indiana, reception address at, 238

Sisson, California, reception address at, 400

Soldiers' Monument, Indianapolis, dedicatory address, 214

South Chicago, Illinois, to delegation from, 166

Springfield, Ohio, to delegation from, 180

Springfield, Illinois, to delegation from, 52
at Lincoln's tomb, 473
State House address, 475

Springville, Utah, reception address at, 436

State Fair, Indianapolis, address to exhibitors, 136

St. Albans, Vermont, reception address at, 521

St. Johnsbury, Vermont, reception address at, 531

St. Joseph, Missouri, reception address at, 258

St. Louis, Missouri, delegation from Ransom Post, 119
Loyal Legion delegation, 171
Merchants' Exchange speech, 268
at Jockey Club banquet, 270

Sullivan, Indiana, reception address at, 238

Sutro, Hon. Adolph, presentation address to President, 372

Tacoma, Washington, reception address at, 413
Mrs. Harrison's thanks, 414

Tallapoosa, Georgia, reception address at, 307

Terre Haute, Indiana, to Railroad Club from, 74
response to chair presentation, 187
reception address at, 239

Texarkana, Arkansas, reception address at, 318

Texas G. A. R. veterans, visit to Gen. Harrison, 122

The Dalles, Oregon, reception address at, 422

Tiffin, Ohio, to delegation from, 159

Tippecanoe County, Indiana, to delegation from, 78

Tipton, Indiana, reception address at, 104

Tipton County, Indiana, to delegation from, 146

Toledo, Ohio, reception address at, 95

Topeka, Kansas, address to veterans, 261

Tower, Minnesota, to delegation from, 156

Troy, New York, reception address at, 500

Tucson, Arizona, reception address at, 337

Tulare, California, reception address at, 364

Tuscola, Illinois, reception address at, 478

Twenty-sixth Indiana Infantry, address to survivors, 134

Union City, Indiana, reception address at, 274

Union ex-prisoners war address to delegates, 130

Valley Falls, Kansas, reception address at, 264

Vanderberg County, Indiana, to delegation from, 79

Vergennes, Vermont, reception address at, 518

Vermilion County, Indiana, to delegation from, 90

Vermilion County, Illinois, to delegation from, 126

Wabash County, Indiana, to veterans from, 42
to delegation from, July 12, 1888, 43
to delegation from, Sept. 25, 1888, 143

Wanamaker, Hon. John, address at Atlanta, 306
address at Portland, 410
address at Seattle, 419

Washington, D. C., to Augusta Exposition Committee, 549
to Methodist Ecumenical Conference, 551
the return to, May 15, 1891, 489

Waterbury, Vermont, reception address at, 525

Watsonville, California, reception address at, 378

Wells County, Indiana, to delegation from, 163

Western tour, 1890, personnel of party, 234

Whitehall, New York, reception address at, 513

Winchester, Indiana, reception address at, 274

Windsor, Vermont, reception address at, 537

Wooster, Ohio, reception address at, 280

Xenia, Ohio, reception address at, 486

Transcriber's Note

Obvious typographical errors have been corrected. Inconsistent
spelling and hyphenation in the original document have been
preserved.

End of Project Gutenberg's Speeches of Benjamin Harrison, by Benjamin Harrison