Chapter III: Part 3

_Gentlemen_--Your visit is very gratifying to me, and is full
of significance and interest. If I read aright the language of
your lanterns you have signalled the Republican train to go ahead.
[Applause and cries of "And she is going, too!"] You have concluded
that it is freighted with the interests and hopes of the workingmen of
America, and must have the right of way. [Cheers and cries, "That's
true!" and "We don't have to take water on this trip, either!"]
The train has been inspected; you have given it your skilled and
intelligent approval; the track has been cleared and the switches
spiked down. Have I read your signals aright? [Cheers and cries of
"You have!" and "There's no flat wheels under this train!"] You
represent, I understand, every department of railroad labor--the
office, the train, the shop, the yard, and the road. You are the
responsible and intelligent agents of a vast system that, from a
rude and clumsy beginning, has grown to be as fine and well adapted
as the parts of the latest locomotive engine. The necessities and
responsibilities of the business of transportation have demanded a
body of picked men--inventive and skilful, faithful and courageous,
sober and educated--and the call has been answered, as your presence
here to night demonstrates. [Cheers.] Heroism has been found at the
throttle and the brake, as well as on the battle-field, and as well
worthy of song and marble. The trainman crushed between the platforms,
who used his last breath, not for prayer or message of love, but to
say to the panic-stricken who gathered around him, "Put out the red
light for the other train," inscribed his name very high upon the
shaft where the names of the faithful and brave are written. [A voice:
"Give him three cheers for that!" Great and enthusiastic cheering.]

This early and very large gathering of Republican railroad men
suggests to me that you have opinions upon public questions which are
the product of your own observations and study. Some one will say that
the railroad business is a "non-protected industry," because it has
to do with transportation and not with production. But I only suggest
what has already occurred to your own minds when I say that is a very
deceptive statement. You know there is a relation between the wages
of skilled and unskilled labor as truly as between the prices of two
grades of cotton cloth; that if the first is cut down, the other, too,
must come down. [Cries of "That's just so!"] You know, also, that if
labor is thrown out of one line or avenue, by so much the more will
the others be crowded; that any policy that transfers production from
the American to the English or German shop works an injury to all
American workmen. [Great cheering.]

But, if it could be shown that your wages were unaffected by our
system of protective duties, I am sure that your fellowship with your
fellow toilers in other industries would lead you to desire, as I do
and always have, that our legislation may be of that sort that will
secure to them the highest possible prosperity [applause]--wages that
not only supply the necessities of life, but leave a substantial
margin for comfort and for the savings bank. No man's wages should
be so low that he cannot make provision in his days of vigor for the
incapacity of accident or the feebleness of old age. [Great cheering.]

I am glad to be assured to-night that the principles of our party
and all things affecting its candidates can be safely left to the
thoughtful consideration of the American workingmen--they will know
the truth and accept it; they will reject the false and slanderous.
[Applause.]

And now let me say in conclusion that my door will always be open
to any of you who may desire to talk with me about anything that
interests you or that you think will interest me. I regret that Mrs.
Harrison is prevented by a temporary sickness from joining with me in
receiving you this evening. [Great cheering.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 14.

A notable visit was that of two hundred and twenty members of the Lincoln Club, one of the most influential political organizations of Cincinnati. They were escorted by the First Regiment Band and led by their President, Hon. A. C. Horton, with Col. James I. Quinton, Marshal of the day. Among other prominent members in line were Col. Leo Markbreit, Senator Richardson, Dr. M. M. Eaton, Hon. Fred Pfeister, W. E. Hutton, Samuel Baily, Jr., Albert Mitchell, H. M. Zeigler, B. O. M. De Beck, W. T. Porter, Harry Probasco, John Ferinbatch, Geo. B. Fox, J. E. Strubbe, Dr. S. V. Wiseman, Joseph H. Thornton, C. H. Rockwell, Lewis Wesner and Col. Moore. Hon. Drusin Wulsin, Vice-President of the club, was the orator. General Harrison, who had been ill for two days, replied:

_Mr. Wulsin and Gentlemen of the Lincoln Club of Cincinnati_--I
thank you very much for this visit, and I wish I found myself in
condition to talk to you with comfort to-night. I cannot, however,
let the occasion pass, in view of the kind terms in which you have
addressed me through your spokesman, without a word. I feel as if
these Hamilton County Republicans were my neighbors. The associations
of my early life were with that county, and of my student life largely
with the city of Cincinnati. You did not need to state to me that Ohio
supported John Sherman in the convention at Chicago [laughter] simply
to couple with it the suggestion that it was a matter of State pride
for you to do so. I have known him long and intimately. It was my good
fortune for four years to sit beside him in the Senate of the United
States. I learned there to value him as a friend and to honor him as
a statesman. There were reasons altogether wider than the State of
Ohio why you should support John Sherman in the convention. [Applause
and cries of "Good!" "Good!"] His long and faithful service to his
country and to the Republican party, his distinguished ability, his
fidelity as a citizen, all entitled him to your faithful support; and
I beg to assure you, as I have assured him both before and since the
convention, that I did not and would not, upon any consideration, have
made any attempt against him upon the Ohio delegation. [Applause.]
I have known of your club as an organization that early set the
example of perpetuating itself--an example that I rejoice to see is
being largely followed now throughout our country. If these principles
which are being urged by our party in these contests are worthy of our
campaign enthusiasm and ardor, they are worthy to be thought of and
advocated in the period of inter-campaign. They affect the business
interests of our country, and their full adoption and perpetuation,
we believe, will bring prosperity to all our individual and social
and community interests. Therefore, I think it wise that in those
times, when men's minds are more open to conviction and are readier of
access, you should press upon the attention of your neighbors through
your club organizations these principles to which you and I have given
the allegiance of our minds and the devotion of our hearts. I thank
you again for this visit. We are glad that you have come; therefore, I
welcome you, not only as Republicans, but as friends. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 18.

Howard County sent a delegation of six hundred citizens this day, led by Major A. N. Grant. The Lincoln League Club of Kokomo was commanded by its President, John E. Moore. Other prominent citizens in the delegation were Hon. J. N. Loop, J. A. Kautz, J. E. Vaile, John Ingalls, W. E. Blackledge, B. B. Johnson, J. B. Landen, Dr. James Wright, H. E. McMonigal, Edward Klum, Charles Pickett, and A. R. Ellis. Rev. Father Rayburn, a voter in the campaign of 1840, was spokesman. General Harrison, in reply, said:

_Father Rayburn and my Howard County Friends_--I think I may accept
this demonstration as evidence that the action of the Republican
convention at Chicago has been accepted with resignation by the
Republicans of Howard County. [Loud cheers.] You are the favored
citizens of a favored county. Your county has been conspicuous among
the counties of this State for its enterprise and intelligence. You
have been favored with a kindly and generous soil, cultivated by an
intelligent and educated class of farmers. Hitherto you have chiefly
drawn your wealth from the soil. You have had in the city of Kokomo
an enterprising and thrifty county town. You have been conspicuous
for your interest and devotion to the cause of education--for your
interest in bringing forward the coming generations well equipped for
the duties of citizenship. I congratulate you to-day that a new era of
prosperity has opened for your county in the discovery of this new and
free fuel to which Mr. Rayburn has alluded. A source of great wealth
has been opened to your people. You have already begun to realize what
it is to your county, though your expectations have hardly grasped
what it will be when the city of Kokomo and your other towns have
reached the full development which will follow this discovery. You
will then all realize--the citizens of that prosperous place as well
as the farmers throughout the county--the advantage of having a home
market for the products of your farms. [Cheers.] You may not notice
this so much in the appreciation of the prices of the staple products
of your farms, but you will notice it in the expansion of the market
for those more perishable products which cannot reach a distant market
and must be consumed near home. Is it not, then, time for you, as
thoughtful citizens, whatever your previous political affiliations
may have been, to consider the question, "What legislation will most
promote the development of the manufacturing interests of your county
and enlarge the home market for the products of your farm?" I shall
not enter upon a discussion of this question; it is enough to state
it, and leave it to your own intelligent consideration. [Cheers.]

Let me thank you again for this kindly visit, and beg you to excuse
any more extended remarks, and to give me now an opportunity of
thanking each of you personally for the kind things your chairman has
said in your behalf.

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 19.

Illinois sent three large delegations this date from Springfield, Jacksonville and Monticello. Conspicuous in the column was the famous "Black Eagle" Club of Springfield, led by its President, Sam H. Jones, and the Lincoln Club, commanded by Capt. John C. Cook.

In the Springfield delegation were twenty-one original Whigs who voted for Gen. Wm. Henry Harrison, among them Jeriah Bonham, who wrote the first editorial--Nov. 8, 1858--proposing the candidacy of Abraham Lincoln for President. Others among the prominent visitors from Springfield were: Col. James T. King, C. A. Vaughan, Major James A. Connelly, Paul Selby, Hon. David T. Littler, Jacob Wheeler, Gen. Charles W. Pavey, Robert J. Oglesby, Ira Knight, C. P. Baldwin, James H. Kellogg, Alexander Smith, Geo. Jameson, Augustus C. Ayers, Jacob Strong, Dr. F. C. Winslow, Fred Smith, Charles T. Hawks, Hon. Henry Dement, Col. Theo. Ewert, Jacob Bunn, J. C. Matthews, J. R. Stewart, H. W. Beecher, Andrew J. Lester, Dr. Gurney, and Howes Yates, brother of the great war Governor.

The Jacksonville visitors were represented by Hon. Fred H. Rowe, ex-Mayor Tomlinson, Judge T. B. Orear, J. B. Stevenson, Dr. Goodrich, Professor Parr of Illinois College, J. W. Davenport, and Thomas Rapp.

Attorney-General Hunt spoke on behalf of all the visitors. General Harrison's reply was one of his happiest speeches. He said:

_General Hunt and my Illinois Friends_--I thank you for this cordial
expression of your interest in Republican success. I thank you for the
kindly terms in which your spokesman has conveyed to me the assurance,
not only of your political support, but of your personal confidence
and respect.

The States of Indiana and Illinois are neighbors, geographically.
The river that for a portion of its length constitutes the boundary
between our States is not a river of division. Its tendency seems
to be, in these times when so many things are "going dry" [cheers],
rather to obliterate than to enlarge the obstruction between us.
[Cheers.] But I rejoice to know that we are not only geographically
neighbors, but that Indiana and Illinois have been neighborly in the
high sentiments and purposes which have characterized their people.
I rejoice to know that the same high spirit of loyalty and devotion
to the country that characterized the State of Illinois in the time
when the Nation made its appeal to the brave men of all the States to
rescue its flag and its Constitution from the insurrection which had
been raised against them was equally characteristic of Indiana--that
the same great impulse swept over your State that swept over
ours--that Richard Yates of Illinois [cheers] and Oliver P. Morton of
Indiana [prolonged cheers] stood together in the fullest sympathy and
co-operation in the great plans they devised to augment and re-enforce
the Union armies in the field and to suppress and put down treasonable
conspiracies at home.

As Americans and as Republicans we are glad that Illinois has
contributed so many and such conspicuous names to that galaxy of
great Americans and great Republicans whose deeds have been written
on the scroll of eternal fame. I recall that it was on the soil of
Illinois that Lovejoy died--a martyr to free speech. [Cries of "Hear!"
"Hear!"] He was the forerunner of Abraham Lincoln. He died, but his
protest against human slavery lived. Another great epoch in the march
of liberty found on the soil of Illinois the theatre of its most
influential event. I refer to that high debate in the presence of your
people, but before the world, in which Douglas won the senatorship and
Lincoln the presidency and immortal fame. [Loud cheers.]

But Lincoln's argument and Lincoln's proclamation must be made good
upon the battle-field--and again your State was conspicuous. You gave
us Grant and Logan [prolonged cheers] and a multitude of less notable,
but not less faithful, soldiers who underwrote the proclamation with
their swords. [Cheers.] I congratulate you to-day that there has
come out of this early agitation--out of the work of Lovejoy, the
disturber; out of the great debate of 1858, and out of the war for
the Union, a Nation without a slave [cheers]--that not the shackles
of slavery only have been broken, but that the scarcely less cruel
shackles of prejudice which bound every black man in the North have
also been unbound.

We are glad to know that the enlightened sentiment of the South
to-day unites with us in our congratulations that slavery has been
abolished. They have come to realize, and many of their best and
greatest men to publicly express, the thought that the abolition of
slavery has opened a gateway of progress and material development to
the South that was forever closed against her people while domestic
slavery existed.

We send them the assurance that we desire the streams of their
prosperity shall flow bank full. We would lay upon their people no
burdens that we do not willingly bear ourselves. They will not think
it amiss if I say that the burden which rests willingly upon our
shoulders is a faithful obedience to the Constitution and the laws.
A manly assertion by each of his individual rights, and a manly
concession of equal right to every other man, is the boast and the law
of good citizenship.

Let me thank you again and ask you to excuse me from further
public speech. I now ask an opportunity to meet my Illinois friends
personally [Loud and prolonged cheers.]

The second speech of the day was delivered at 9 o'clock at night to an enthusiastic delegation of fifteen hundred Republicans from Shelbyville, Shelby County, led by Hon. H. C. Gordon, J. Walter Elliott, C. H. Campbell, James T. Caughey, C. X. Matthews, J. Richey, E. S. Powell, E. E. Elliott, L. S. Limpus, Orland Young, and Norris Winterowd. Judge J. C. Adams was their spokesman. General Harrison touched upon civil service; he said:

_Judge Adams and my Shelby County Friends_--This is only a new
evidence of your old friendliness. My association with the Republicans
of Shelby County began in 1855, when I was a very young man and
a still younger politician. In that year, if I recollect right,
I canvassed every township of your county in the interest of Mr.
Campbell, who was then a candidate for County Clerk. Since then I have
frequently visited your county, and have always been received with the
most demonstrative evidence of your friendship. But in addition to
these political associations, which have given me an opportunity to
observe and to admire the steadfastness, the courage, the unflinching
faithfulness of the Republicans of Shelby County [cheers], I have
another association with your county, which I cherish with great
tenderness and affection. Two companies of the Seventieth Indiana were
made up of your brave boys: Company B, commanded by Captain Sleeth,
and Company F, commanded by Captain Endsley, who still lives among
you. [Cheers.] Many of the surviving members of these companies still
dwell among you. Many others are in the far West, and they, too, from
their distant homes have sent me a comrade's greeting. I recollect
a little story of Peach Tree Creek that may interest you. When the
Seventieth Indiana, then under command of Col. Sam Merrill, swung
up from the reserve into the front line to meet the enemy's charge,
the adjutant-general of the brigade, who had been directed to order
the advance, reported that the left of the Seventieth Indiana was
exposed. He said he had ordered the bluff old captain of Company F,
who was commanding the left wing, to reserve his left in order to
cover his flank, but that the old hickory had answered him with an
expletive--which I have no doubt he has repented of--that he "could
not see it," that he proposed that his end of the regiment should get
to the top of that hill as quick as the other end. [Prolonged cheers.]

We will venerate the memory of the dead of these companies and their
associate companies in other commands who gave up their lives in
defence of the flag.

But I turn aside from these matters of personal recollection to
say a word of more general concern. We are now at the opening of a
presidential campaign, and I beg to suggest to you, as citizens of
the State of Indiana, that there is always in such campaigns a danger
to be avoided, viz. That the citizen may overlook the important
local and State interests which are also involved in the campaign. I
beg, therefore, to suggest that you turn your minds not only to the
consideration of the questions connected with the national legislation
and national administration, but that you think deeply and well of
those things that concern our local affairs. There are some such now
presented to you that have to do with the honor and prosperity of the
State.

There are some questions that ought not to divide parties, but
upon which all good men ought to agree. I speak of only one.
The great benevolent institutions--the fruit of our Christian
civilization--endowed by the bounty of the State, maintained by public
taxes, and intended for the care and education of the disabled classes
of our community, ought to be lifted above all party influences,
benefit or control. [Cheers.] I believe you can do nothing that will
more greatly enhance the estimation in which the State of Indiana
is held by her sister States than to see to it that a suitable,
well-regulated, and strict civil service is provided for the
administration of the benevolent and penal institutions of the State
of Indiana. I will not talk longer; I thank you for this magnificent
evidence that I am still held in kindly regard by the Republicans of
Shelby County, and bid you good-night. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 24.

On the twenty-fourth of July Champaign County, Illinois, contributed a large delegation under the direction of Hon. F. K. Robeson, Z. Riley, H. W. Mahan, and W. M. Whindley. Their parade was conspicuous for the number of log-cabins, cider-barrels, coons, eagles, and other campaign emblems.

Prominent members of the delegation were Rev. I. S. Mahan, H. M. Dunlap, F. M. McKay, J. J. McClain, James Barnes, Rev. John Henry, H. S. Clark, M. S. Goodrich, A. W. McNichols, Capt. J. H. Sands and three veterans of 1836, the Rev. S. K. Reed, Stephen Freeman, and W. B. Downing. Hon. Frank M. Wright delivered the address on behalf of the visitors. General Harrison responded:

_My Friends_--I feel very conscious of the compliment which is
conveyed by your presence here to-day. You come as citizens of an
adjoining State to manifest, as your spokesman has said, some personal
respect for me, but much more, I think--your interest in the pending
contention of principles before the people of the United States. It
is fortunate that you are allowed, not only to express your interest
by such popular gatherings as these, but that you will be called upon
individually, after the debate is over, to settle this contention by
your ballots. An American political canvass, when we look through the
noise and tinsel that accompanies it, presents a scene of profound
interest to the student of government. The theory upon which our
Government is builded is that every qualified elector shall have an
equal influence at the ballot-box with every other. Our Constitutions
do not recognize fractional votes; they do not recognize the right
of one man to count one and a half in the determination of public
questions. It is wisely provided that whatever differences may exist
in intelligence, in wealth, or in any other respect, at the ballot-box
there shall be absolute equality. No interest can be truly subserved,
whether local or general, by any invasion of this great principle.
The wise work of our fathers in constructing this Government will
stand all tests of internal dissension and revolution, and all tests
of external assault, if we can only preserve a pure, free ballot.
[Applause.] Every citizen who is a patriot ought to lend his influence
to that end, by promoting necessary reforms in our election laws and
by a watchful supervision of the processes of our popular elections.
We ought to elevate in thought and practice the free suffrage that
we enjoy. As long as it shall be held by our people to be the jewel
above price, as long as each for himself shall claim its free exercise
and shall generously and manfully insist upon an equally free
exercise of it by every other man, our Government will be preserved
and our development will not find its climax until the purpose of
God in establishing this Government shall have spread throughout the
world--governments "of the people, by the people, and for the people."
[Cheers.]

You will not expect, nor would it be proper, that I should follow
the line of your spokesman's remarks, or even allude to some things
that he has alluded to; but I will not close without one word of
compliment and comradeship for the soldiers of Illinois. [Applause.]
I do not forget that many of them, like Logan--that fearless and
first of volunteer soldiers--at the beginning of the war were not
in sympathy with the Republican national administration. You had a
multitude of soldiers besides Logan, one of whom has been immortalized
in poetry--Sergeant Tillman Joy--who put their politics by "to keep
till the war was through;" and many, I may add, like Logan, when they
got home found new party associations. But we do not limit our praise
of the loyalty and faithfulness of your soldiers to any party lines,
for we realize that there were good soldiers who did resume their
ante-war politics when they came back from the army. To such we extend
a comrade's hand always, and the free and untrammelled exercise of his
political choice shall not bar our comradeship. It happened during the
war that three Illinois regiments were for some time under my command.
I had opportunity to observe their perfection in drill, their orderly
administration of camp duties, and, above all, the brilliant courage
with which they met the enemy. And, in complimenting them, I take
them as the type of that great army that Illinois sent out for the
preservation of the Union and the Constitution. Let me thank you again
for your friendly visit to-day; and if any of you desire a nearer
acquaintance, I shall be glad to make that acquaintance now.

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 25.

Two thousand visitors from Edgar and Coles counties, Illinois, paid their respects to the Republican nominee this day.

The excursion was under the auspices of the John A. Logan Club of Paris, Charles P. Fitch, President. There were many farmers in the delegation, also eighty-two veterans of the campaign of 1840, and the watchwords of the day were "Old Tippecanoe and young Tippecanoe." The reception took place at University Park, notable from this time forward for many similar events. Prominent among the visitors were Geo. F. Howard, Capt. F. M. Rude, J. W. Howell, E. R. Lodge, Capt. J. C. Bessier, M. Hackett, James Stewart, and Mayor J. M. Bell of Paris; C. G. Peck and J. H. Clark of Mattoon; and Hon. John W. Custor of Benton. State Senator George E. Bacon delivered the congratulatory address. General Harrison replied:

_Senator Bacon and my Illinois Friends_--Some of my home friends
have been concerned lest I should be worn out by the frequent coming
of these delegations. I am satisfied from what I see before me
to-day that the rest of Illinois is here [laughter], and the concern
of my friends will no longer be excited by the coming of Illinois
delegations. [A voice, "We are all here!"] That you should leave the
pursuits of your daily life--the farm, the office, and the shop--to
make this journey gives me the most satisfactory evidence that your
hearts are enlisted in this campaign. I am glad to welcome here to-day
the John A. Logan Club of Paris. You have chosen a name that you will
not need to drop, whatever mutations may come in politics, so long as
there shall be a party devoted to the flag and to the Constitution,
and pledged to preserve the memories of the great deeds of those who
died that the Constitution might be preserved and the flag honored.
[Applause.] General Logan was indeed, as your spokesman has said, "the
typical volunteer soldier." With him loyalty was not a sentiment; it
was a passion that possessed his whole nature.

When the civil war broke out no one did more than he to solidify
the North in defence of the Government. He it was who said that all
parties and all platforms must be subordinated to the defence of the
Government against unprovoked assault. [A voice, "That's just what
he said!"] In the war with Mexico, as a member of the First Illinois
Regiment, and afterwards as the commander of the Thirty-first Illinois
in the civil war, he gave a conspicuous example of what an untrained
citizen could do in the time of public peril. In the early fight at
Donelson he, with the First Illinois Brigade, successfully resisted
the desperate assaults that were made upon his line; twice wounded, he
yet refused to leave the field. The courage of that gallant brigade
called forth from a Massachusetts poet the familiar lines:

"Thy proudest mother's eyelids fill,
As dares her gallant boy,
And Plymouth Rock and Bunker Hill
Yearn to thee, Illinois."

[Applause.] He commanded successively brigades, divisions, corps
and armies, and fought them with unvarying success. I greet these
veterans of the campaign of 1840. You recall the pioneer days, the
log cabin days of the West, the days when muddy highways were the
only avenues of travel and commerce. You have seen a marvellous
development. The State of your adoption has become a mighty
commonwealth; you have seen it crossed and recrossed by railroads,
bringing all your farms into easy communication with distant
markets; you have seen the schoolhouse and church brought into every
neighborhood; you have seen this country rocked in the cradle of war;
you have seen it emerge from that dreadful trial and enter upon an era
of prosperity that seems to surpass all that had gone before.

To these young men who will, for the first time this year, take part
as citizens in determining a presidential election, I suggest that
you have become members of a party of precious memories. There has
been nothing in the history of the Republican party, nothing in the
platform of principles that it has proclaimed, that is not calculated
to stir the high impulses of your young hearts. The Republican party
has walked upon high paths. It has set before it ever the maintenance
of the Union, the honor of its flag, and the prosperity of our people.
It has been an American party [great cheering] in that it has set
American interests always to the front.

My friends of the colored organization, I greet you as Republicans
to-day. I recall the time when you were disfranchised; when your race
were slaves; when the doors of our institutions of learning were
closed against you, and even admittance to many of our Northern States
was denied you. You have read the story of your disfranchisement, of
the restoration to you of the common rights of men. Read it again;
read the story of the bitter and bigoted opposition that every statute
and constitutional amendment framed for your benefit encountered. What
party befriended you when you needed friends? What party has stood
always as an obstruction to the development and enlargement of your
rights as citizens? When you have studied these questions well you
will be able to determine not only where your gratitude is due, but
where the hopes of your race lie. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 26.

From Clay County, Indiana, came three thousand coal-miners and others, this day, under the auspices of the Harrison Miners' Club of Brazil. Their parade, with dozens of unique banners and devices, was one of the most imposing of the campaign. Prominent in the delegation were Dr. Joseph C. Gifford, L. A. Wolfe, Jacob Herr, P. H. Penna, John F. Perry, C. P. Eppert, E. C. Callihan, W. H. Lowery, Rev. John Cox, A. F. Bridges, William Sporr, Carl Thomas, Geo. F. Fuller, John Gibbons, Sam'l Blair, Thomas Washington, and Judge Coffey of Brazil. Major William Carter and Edward Wilton, a miner, delivered addresses; Rob't L. McCowan spoke for the colored members of the delegation. General Harrison, in response, said:

_Gentlemen and Friends from Clay County_--I thank you for this
enthusiastic demonstration of your interest. I am glad to be assured
by those who have spoken for you to-day that you have brought here,
and desire to evidence, some personal respect for me; but this
demonstration has relation, I am sure, rather to principles than to
men. You come as representatives of the diversified interests of
your county. You are fortunate in already possessing diversified
industries. You have not only agriculture, but the mine and factory
which provide a home market for the products of your farms. You come
here, as I understand, from all these pursuits, to declare that in
your opinion your interests, as farmers, as miners, as mechanics,
as tradesmen, are identified with the maintenance of the doctrine
of protection to American industries, and the preservation of the
American market for American products. [Cheers.] Some resort to
statistics to show that the condition of the American workman is
better than that of the workman of any other country. I do not care
now to deal with statistics. One fact is enough for me. The tide of
emigration from all European countries has been and is towards our
shores. The gates of Castle Garden swing inward. They do not swing
outward to any American laborer seeking a better country than this.
[Cries of "Never!"]

My countrymen, these men, who have toiled at wages in other lands
that barely sustained life, and opened no avenue of promise to them or
to their children, know the good land of hope as well as the swallow
knows the land of summer. [Applause.] They testify that here there
are better conditions, wider and more hopeful prospects for workmen
than in any other land. The next suggestion I have to make is this:
that the more work there is to do in this country the higher the
wages that will be paid for the doing of it. [Applause.] I speak to
men who know that when the product of their toil is in demand in the
market, when buyers are seeking it, wages advance; but when the market
for your products is depressed, and the manufacturer is begging for
buyers, then wages go down. Is it not clear, then, that that policy
which secures the largest amount of work to be done at home is the
policy which will secure to laboring men steady employment and the
best wages? [Cheers and cries of "That is right!"] A policy which will
transfer work from our mines and our factories to foreign mines and
foreign factories inevitably tends to the depression of wages here.
[Applause and cries of "That is true!"] These are truths that do not
require profound study.

Having here a land that throws about the workingman social and
political conditions more favorable than are found elsewhere, if we
can preserve also more favorable industrial conditions we shall secure
the highest interests of our working classes. [Great cheering.] What,
after all, is the best evidence of a nation's prosperity, and the
best guarantee of social order, if it is not an intelligent, thrifty,
contented working class? Can we look for contentment if the workman
is only able to supply his daily necessities by his daily toil, but
is not able in the vigor of youth to lay up a store against old age?
A condition of things that compels the laborer to contemplate want,
as an incident of sickness or disability, is one that tends to social
disorder. [Applause and cries of "That is so!"] You are called upon
now to consider these problems. I will not debate them in detail,
others will. I can only commend them to your thoughtful consideration.
Think upon them; conclude for yourselves what policy as to our tariff
legislation will best subserve your interests, the interests of your
families, and the greatness and glory of the Nation of which you are
citizens. [Cheers.]

My colored friends who are here to-day, the emancipation of the
slave removed from our country that which tended to degrade labor. All
men are now free; you are thrown upon your own resources; the avenues
of intelligence and of business success are open to all. I notice
that the party to which we belong has been recently reproached by the
suggestion that we have not thoroughly protected the colored man in
the South. This has been urged as a reason why the colored people
should join the Democratic party. I beg the gentlemen who urge that
plea to answer this question: Against whom is it that the Republican
party has been unable, as you say, to protect your race? [Applause and
cries of "Good! Good!"] Thanking you again for this demonstration and
for your friendly expressions, I will, if it be your pleasure, drop
this formal method of communication and take my Clay County friends by
the hand. [Great cheering.]

The Clay County miners had not concluded their reception before a delegation of several hundred arrived from Bloomington, Illinois, headed by the John A. Logan Club, under the lead of General Geo. F. Dick, William Maddox, John A. Fullwiller, M. B. Herr, and Dr. F. C. Vandervoort. Their orator was Dr. W. H. H. Adams, formerly President of the Illinois Wesleyan University. General Harrison, replying, said:

_My Bloomington Friends_--When I received here, yesterday, a very
large delegation from Illinois, I expressed the opinion that they
must be the "rest of the people of Illinois that had not been here
before." I suppose you are a remnant that could not get into line
yesterday. I thank you as I have thanked those who preceded you, for
the interest which the people of your State have manifested, and
for your cordial fellowship with Indiana. I will not discuss the
issues of the campaign. You have already thought upon the platforms
of the two parties. Some of you have perhaps taken your politics by
inheritance. It is now a good time to review the situation. We have
the same interests as citizens. Let us all consider the history and
declarations of the great parties and thoughtfully conclude which is
more likely to promote the general interests of our people. That is
the test. The British Parliament does not legislate with a view to
advance the interests of the people of the United States. [Cries of
"No, never!"] They--rightly--have in view the interest of that empire
over which Victoria reigns. Should we not, also, as Americans, in our
legislation, consider first the interests of our people? We invite
the thoughtful attention of those who have hitherto differed with us
as to these questions. Our interests are bound together. That which
promotes the prosperity of the community in which you dwell in kindly
association with your Democratic friends promotes your interests and
theirs alike. Thanking you for this visit, I will ask you to excuse me
from further speech. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 27.

Kosciusko County, Indiana, contributed two thousand visitors on the twenty-seventh of July, under the leadership of Capt. C. W. Chapman, James H. Cisney, Reub. Williams, Louis Ripple, J. E. Stevenson, Wm. B. Wood, T. Loveday, John Wynant, Charles Adams, Nelson Richhart, Captain A. S. Miller, Clinton Lowe, P. L. Runyon, James A. Cook, Frank McGee, and John Burbaker, all of Warsaw. Judge H. S. Biggs made the presentation address. General Harrison replied as follows:

_Mr. Biggs and my Kosciusko County Friends_--I did not need to be
assured of the friendliness of the Republicans of your county. It has
been evidenced too many times in the past. Before the convention at
Chicago the Republicans of your county gave me the assurance that my
nomination would meet the cordial approbation of your people. I am
glad to welcome you here to-day, and regret that your journey hither
has been so tedious. You are proud of the State in which you dwell;
proud of her institutions of learning; proud of her great benevolent
institutions, which I notice by one of these banners you have pledged
yourselves to protect from party spoliation and degradation. [Applause
and cries of "Good! Good!"] But while we have much that is cause for
congratulation, we are not enjoying that full equality of civil rights
in the State of Indiana to which we are entitled.

Our Government is a representative government. Delegates in Congress
and members of our State Senate and House of Representatives are
apportioned to districts, and the National and State Constitutions
contemplate that these districts shall be equal, so that, as far as
possible, each citizen shall have, in his district, the same potency
in choosing a Member of Congress or of our State Legislature as is
exercised by a voter in any other district. We do not to-day have that
condition of things. The apportionment of our State for legislative
and congressional purposes is unfair, and is known to be unfair to
all men. No candid Democrat can defend it as a fair apportionment. It
was framed to be unequal, it was designed to give to the citizens of
favored districts an undue influence. It was intended to discriminate
against Republicans. It is not right that it should be so. I hope the
time is coming, and has even now arrived, when the great sense of
justice which possesses our people will teach men of all parties that
party success is not to be promoted at the expense of an injustice to
any of our citizens. [Applause.] These things take hold of government.
If we would maintain that respect for the law which is necessary to
social order, our people must understand that each voter has his full
and equal influence in determining what the law shall be. I hope this
question will not be forgotten by our people until we have secured
in Indiana a fair apportionment for legislative and congressional
purposes. [Cheers.] When the Republicans shall secure the power of
making an apportionment, I hope and believe that the experiment of
seeking a party advantage by a public injustice will not be repeated.
[Great applause and cries of "Good! Good!"]

There are some other questions affecting suffrage, too, to which my
attention has, from circumstances, been particularly attracted. There
are in the Northwest several Territories organized under public law
with defined boundaries. They have been filled up with the elect of
our citizens--the brave, the enterprising and intelligent young men
from all the States. Many of the veterans of the late war have sought
under our beneficent homestead law new homes in the West. Several of
these Territories have been for years possessed of population, wealth,
and all the requisites for admission as States. When the Territory
of Indiana took the census which was the basis for its petition for
admission to the Union we had less than 64,000 people; we had only
thirteen organized counties. In the Territory of South Dakota there
are nearly half a million people. For years they have been knocking
for admission to the sisterhood of States.

They are possessed of all the elements of an organized and
stable community. It has more people, more miles of railroad, more
post-offices, more churches, more banks, more wealth, than any
Territory ever possessed when it was admitted to the Union. It
surpasses some of the States in these particulars. Four years ago,
when a President was to be chosen, the Committee on Territories in
the Senate, to meet the objection of our Democratic friends that the
admission of Dakota would add a disturbing element to the Electoral
College, provided in the Dakota bill that its organization should be
postponed until after the election; now four years more have rolled
around, and our people are called again to take part in a presidential
election, and the intelligent and patriotic Dakota people are again to
be deprived of any participation. I ask you why this is so? Is not the
answer obvious? [Cries of "Yes!"] They are disfranchised and deprived
of their appropriate influence in the Electoral College only because
the prevailing sentiment in the Territory is Republican. [Cries
of "That's right!" "That's the reason!"] The cause of Washington
Territory is more recent but no less flagrant. If we appropriately
express sympathy with the cause of Irish home rule, shall we not
also demand home rule for Dakota and Washington, and insist that
their disfranchisement shall not be prolonged? [Applause.] There is a
sense of justice, of fairness, that will assert itself against these
attempts to coin party advantage out of public wrong. The day when men
can be disfranchised or shorn of their political power for opinion's
sake must have an end in our country. [Cheers.] I thank you again for
your call, and if you will observe the arrangement which has been
suggested I will be glad to take each of you by the hand. I know that
some of you are fasting, and therefore we will shorten these exercises
in order that you may obtain needed refreshments. [Cheers.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 28.

Jennings County, Indiana, was represented on the above date by a large delegation under the auspices of the Harrison and Morton Clubs of Vernon and North Vernon. The leaders of their delegation were Fred H. Nauer, J. C. Cope, C. E. Wagner, W. G. Norris, Dr. T. C. Bachelder, T. A. Pearce, P. C. McGannon, and Prof. Amos Saunders. Hon. Frank E. Little, President of the North Vernon Club, delivered the address. General Harrison, in response, said:

_My Friends_--It is a source of regret to me that I can do so
little to compensate those who take the trouble to visit me. I need
hardly say to you that I very highly appreciate this evidence of your
friendliness and also the kind words which you have addressed to me
through your representative. Jennings County has a history of which
it may well be proud. It has contributed to the city of Indianapolis
some of our most distinguished and useful men. Your spokesman has
not exaggerated the fidelity and steadfastness of the people of your
county. Your republicanism has been as straight as the walls of your
cliffs [applause] and as solid as the limestone with which your hills
are buttressed. [Applause.]

You have said to me that you are in favor of a free and equal
ballot the country over. We are so related in our Government that
any disturbance of the suffrage anywhere directly affects us all. Our
Members of Congress pass upon questions that are as wide as the domain
over which our flag floats. Therefore, our interest in the choice of
these representatives is not limited to our own districts. If the
debate upon public questions is to be of value the voter must be free
to register his conclusion. The tribunal which is to pronounce upon
the argument must not be coerced.

You have said to me that you favor the doctrine of protection. The
Republican party stands for the principles of protection. We believe
in the preservation of the American market for our American producers
and workmen. [Applause and cries of "That's it!"] We believe that
the development of home manufactures tends directly to promote the
interest of agriculture by furnishing a home market for the products
of the farm, and thus emancipating our farmers from the transportation
charges which they must pay when their products seek distant markets.
[Applause.]

We are confronted now with a Treasury surplus. Our position is
exceptional. We are not seeking, as many other nations are, new
subjects of taxation, new sources of revenue. Our quest is now how,
wisely, to reduce our national revenue. The attempt has been made to
use this surplus as a lever to overturn the protective system. The
promoters of this scheme, while professing a desire to diminish the
surplus, have acted as if their purpose was to increase it in part by
opposing necessary and legitimate appropriations. I agree that there
is danger that a surplus may promote extravagance, but I do not find
myself in sympathy with that policy that denies the appropriation
necessary for the proper defence of our people, and for the convenient
administration of our public affairs throughout the country, in order
that the threat of a surplus may be used for a sinister purpose. I
believe that in reducing our revenues to the level of our needful
and proper expenditures we can and should continue to favor and
protect our industries. I do not like to entrust this work to those
who declare protective duties to be vicious "legalized robbery." The
Republican party has by its legislation shown its capacity wisely to
reduce our revenues and at the same time to preserve the American
system. [Applause.] It can be trusted to do the work that remains, and
to do it wisely. [Applause.]

INDIANAPOLIS, JULY 31.

The last delegation in July came from Henry County, Indiana, two thousand strong, headed by C. S. Hernley, W. H. Elliott, Hon. Eugene Bundy, Judge Mark E. Forkner, A. Abernathy, A. D. Osborn, O. P. M. Hubbard, David Luellen, O. B. Mooney, and Captain Armstrong, all of New Castle. Gen. William H. Grose was their orator.

In his response General Harrison at this early day out-lined his views upon reciprocal trade relations with South American nations--views which were afterwards successfully, and with great profit to our people, put into effect through the celebrated reciprocity treaties with Brazil, Venezuela and other countries.

Repeated outbursts of enthusiasm punctured his address. He said:

_Comrade Grose and my Henry County Friends_--If we have here any
discouraged statesman who takes a despondent view of the future of the
country, I think he would recover his hopefulness if he could look,
once in a while, into the face of an audience like this. [Applause.]

You came from a county that has been a bulwark of republicanism
since the party was organized. You had an early element in your
population that has done much to promote your material interests, and,
much more, to lift up those principles that relate to the purity of
the home and to the freedom of men. The Friends, who have been and
are so large and so influential an element in your population and in
the counties surrounding it, are a people notable for the purity of
their home life and for their broad and loving sympathy with all men.
They were the early enemies of slavery, and they have always naturally
been the strength of the Republican party in the community where they
reside. Your spokesman has expressed your continued interest in the
party to which some of you gave the confidence of your matured powers
and some of you the early devotion of your youth. The Republican party
has accomplished for the country a great work in the brief period of
its life. It preserved the Nation by a wise, courageous and patriotic
administration. What that means for you and your posterity, what it
means for the world, no man can tell. It would have been a climax of
disaster for the world if this Government of the people had perished.
The one unsolved experiment of free government was solved. We have
demonstrated the capacity of the people and a citizen soldiery to
maintain inviolate the unity of the Republic. [Applause.]

There remain now, fortunately, chiefly economic questions to be
thought of and to be settled. We refer to the great war, not in any
spirit of hostility to any section or any class of men, but only
because we believe it to be good for the whole country that loyalty
and fidelity to the flag should be honored. [Great applause.] It was
one of the great triumphs of the war, a particular in which our war
was distinguished from all other wars of history, that we brought the
vanquished into the same full, equal citizenship under the law that we
maintained for ourselves.

In all the addresses which have been made to me there has been some
reference to the great question of the protection of our American
industries. I see it upon the banners which you carry. Our party
stands unequivocally, without evasion or qualification, for the
doctrine that the American market shall be preserved for our American
producers. [Great applause.] We are not attracted by the suggestion
that we should surrender to foreign producers the best market in the
world. Our sixty millions of people are the best buyers in the world,
and they are such because our working classes receive the best wages.
_But we do not mean to be content with our own market. We should seek
to promote closer and more friendly commercial relations with the
Central and South American States._ [Applause.] And what is essential
to that end? Regular mails are the first condition of commerce.

The merchant must know when his order will be received, and when his
consignment will be returned, or there can be no trade between distant
communities. What we need, therefore, is the establishment of American
steamship lines between our ports and the ports of Central and South
America. [Applause.] Then it will no longer be necessary that an
American minister, commissioned to an American State, shall take an
English ship to Liverpool to find another English ship to carry him to
his destination. We are not to be frightened by the use of that ugly
word "subsidy." [Laughter.] We should pay to American steamship lines
a liberal compensation for carrying our mails, instead of turning them
over to British tramp steamships. [Applause.] We do not desire to
dominate these neighboring governments; we do not desire to deal with
them in any spirit of aggression. _We desire those friendly political,
mental, and commercial relations which shall promote their interests
equally with ours._ We should not longer forego those commercial
relations and advantages which our geographical relations suggest and
make so desirable. If you will excuse me from further public speech I
will be glad to take by the hand my Henry County friends. [Cheers.]

Mr. Harrison arrived home--after the Henry County reception in University Park--in time to welcome his guest, Gen. R. A. Alger of Michigan, the distinguished gentlemen meeting for the first time. In the afternoon several hundred of the Henry County visitors, escorted by the local clubs, marched to the Harrison residence to pay their respects to General Alger.

In introducing his guest General Harrison said: