Chapter II: Part 2

Sanchez y Leon states that the most usual sacrifice was a child. The heart was taken out, and the blood was sprinkled toward the four cardinal points as an act of adoration to the four winds, copal being burned at the same time, as an incense.[45-3]

A leading feature in their ceremonial worship was the sacred dance, or, as the Spanish writers call it, _el baile_. The native name for it is _xahoh_, and it is repeatedly referred to in the _Annals_. The legendary origin of some of these dances, indeed, constitute a marked feature in its narratives. They are mentioned by the missionaries as the favorite pastime of the Indians; and as it was impossible to do away with them altogether, they contented themselves with suppressing their most objectionable features, drunkenness and debauchery, and changed them, at least in name, from ceremonies in honor of some heathen god, to some saint in the Roman calendar. In some of these, vast numbers of assistants took part, as is mentioned by Xahila (Sec. 32).

Magic and divination held a very important place in Cakchiquel superstition, as the numerous words bearing upon them testify. The form of belief common to them and their neighbors, has received the name _Nagualism_, from the Maya root _na_, meaning to use the senses. I have traced its derivation and extension elsewhere,[46-1] and in this connection will only observe that the narrative of Xahila, in repeated passages, proves how deeply it was rooted in the Cakchiquel mind. The expression _ru puz ru naval_, should generally be rendered "his magic power, his sorcery," though it has a number of allied significations. _Naval_ as a noun means magician, _naval chee_, _naval abah_, the spirit of the tree, of the stone, or the divinity embodied in the idols of these substances.

Another root from which a series of such words were derived, was _hal_, to change. The power of changing or metamorphosing themselves into tigers, serpents, birds, globes of fire, etc., was claimed by the sorcerers, and is several times mentioned in the following texts. Hence the sorcerer was called _haleb_, the power he possessed to effect such transformations _halibal_, the change effected _halibeh_, etc.

Their remarkable subjection to these superstitions is illustrated by the word _lab_, which means both to divine the future and to make war, because, says Ximenez, "they practiced divination in order to decide whether they should make war or not."[47-1]

These auguries were derived frequently from the flight and call of birds (as in the _Annals_, Secs. 13, 14, etc.), but also from other sources. The diviner who foretold by grains of maize, bore the title _malol ixim_, the anointer or consecrator of maize (_Dicc. Anon_[TN-4]).

The priesthood was represented by two high priests, elected for life by the ruler and council. The one who had especial custody of religious affairs wore a flowing robe, a circlet or diadem on his head ornamented with feathers, and carried in his hand a rod, or wand. On solemn occasions he publicly sacrificed blood from his ears, tongue, and genital organ.

His associate was the custodian and interpreter of the sacred books, their calendars and myths, and decided on lucky and unlucky days, omens and prognostics.

In addition to these, there were certain old men, of austere life, who dwelt in the temples, and wore their hair in plaited strands around their heads (_trenzado en circulo_), who were consulted on ordinary occasions as diviners.[47-2]

The funeral rites of the Cakchiquels have been related at considerable length by Fuentes, from original documents in the Pokoman[TN-5] dialect.[48-1] The body was laid in state for two days, after which it was placed in a large jar and interred, a mound being erected over the remains. On the mound a statue of the deceased was placed, and the spot was regarded as sacred. Father Coto gives somewhat the same account, adding that these mounds were constructed either of stone or of the adjacent soil, and were called _cakhay_ or _cubucak_.[48-2] He positively asserts that human sacrifices accompanied the interments of chiefs, which is denied by Fuentes, except among the Quiches. These companions for the deceased chief on his journey to the land of souls, were burned on his funeral pyre. A large store of charcoal was buried with the corpse, as that was supposed to be an article of which he would have special use on his way. Sanchez y Leon mentions that the high priest was buried in his house, clothed and seated upon his chair. The funeral ceremonies, in his case, lasted fifteen days.[48-3]

_The Cakchiquel Language._

The Cakchiquel tongue was reduced to writing by the Spanish missionaries, and therefore, in this work, as in all the MSS, the following letters are used with their Spanish values,--a, b, c, ch, c, e, i, l, m, n, o, p, q, r, t, y.

The following are not employed:--

d, f, g, j, s, n, z.

The following are introduced, but with sounds differing from the Spanish:--

_h._ This is always a decided rough breathing or forcible expiration, like the Spanish j, or the strong English h; except when it follows c or [c], when it is pronounced as in the Spanish, _cha_, _che_, etc.

_k._ This has never the sound of c, but is a rough palatal, the mouth being opened, and the tongue placed midway, between the upper and lower walls of the oral cavity, while the sound is forcibly expelled.

_v._ This letter, whether as a consonant (_v_) or a vowel (_u_), is pronounced separately, except when it is doubled, as in _vuh_ (_uuh_), book or paper, when the double vowel is very closely akin to the English _w_.

_x._ In Cakchiquel and its associated dialects, this letter represents the sound of _sh_ in the English words _she_, _shove_, etc.

Besides the above, there are five sounds occurring in the Cakchiquel, Quiche and Tzutuhil, for which five special characters were invented, or rather adopted, by the early missionary Francisco de la Parra, who died in Guatemala, in 1560. They are the following:--

[c,] [c,]h [c] [t] [tz]

The origin and phonetic value of these, as given by the grammarian Torresano, are as follows:[49-1]--

[t] This is called the _tresillo_, from its shape, it being an old form of the figure three, reversed, thus, . It is the only true guttural in the language, being pronounced forcibly from the throat, with a trilling sound (_castaneteando_).

[c] From its shape this is called the _cuatrillo_, Parra having adopted for it an old form of the figure 4. It is a trilled palatal, between a hard _c_ and _k_.

[c,] The name applied to this is, the _cuatrillo con coma_, or the 4 with a comma. It is pronounced somewhat like the _c_ with the cedilla, c, only more quickly and with greater force--_ds_ or _dz_.

[tz] This resembles the "4 with a comma," but is described as softer, the tongue being brought into contact with the teeth, exactly as _tz_ in German.

[c,]h A compound sound produced by combining the cuatrillo with a forcible aspirate, is represented by this sign.

Naturally, no description in words can convey a correct notion of these sounds. To learn them, one must hear them spoken by those to the manner-born.

Dr. Otto Stoll, who recently made a careful study of the Cakchiquel when in Guatemala, says of Parra's characters:--

"The four new signs added to the European alphabet, by some of the old writers on Cakchiquel (Parra, Flores), viz: [t], [c], [c,], [c]h, are but phonetic modifications of four corresponding signs of the common alphabet. So we get four pairs of sounds, namely:--

c and [c];
k and [t]
ch and [c]h
tz and [c,]

forming two series of consonants, the former of which represents the common letters, and the latter their respective "cut letters," which may be described as being pronounced with a shorter and more explosive sound than the corresponding common letter, and separated by a short pause from the preceding or following vowel."[51-1]

The late Dr. Berendt illustrated the phonetic value of such "cut" letters, by the example of two English words where the same letter terminates one word and begins the next, and each is clearly but rapidly pronounced, thus, the [t] is pronounced like two gutteral[TN-6] _ks_ in "brea_k_ _k_ettle;" the [c] like the two _cs_ in "magic candle,"[TN-7] etc.

There would appear to have been other "cut" letters in the old dialects of Cakchiquel, as in Guzman we find the _pp_ and _thth_, as in the Maya, but later writers dropped them.

I may dispense with a discussion of the literature of the Cakchiquel language, having treated that subject so lately as last year, in the introduction to the _Grammar of the Cakchiquel_, which I then translated and edited for the American Philosophical Society. As will be seen by reference to that work, it is quite extensive, and much of it has been preserved. I have examined seven dictionaries of the tongue, all quite comprehensive; manuscript copies of all are in the United States. None of these, however, has been published; and we must look forward to the dictionary now preparing by Dr. Stoll, of Zurich, as probably the first to see the light.

The Maya race, in nearly all its branches, showed its intellectual superiority by the eagerness with which it turned to literary pursuits, as soon as some of its members had learned the alphabet. I have brought forward some striking testimony to this in Yucatan,[52-1] and there is even more in Central America. The old historians frequently refer to the histories of their own nations, written out by members of the Quiche, Cakchiquel, Pokomam and Tzendal tribes. Vasquez, Fuentes and Juarros quote them frequently, and with respect. They were composed in the aboriginal tongues, for the benefit of their fellow townsmen, and as they were never printed, most of them became lost, much to the regret of antiquaries.

Of those preserved, the _Popol Vuh_ or National Book of the Quiches, and the _Annals_ of the Cakchiquels, the latter published for the first time in this volume, are the most important known.

The former, the "Sacred Book" of the Quiches, a document of the highest merits, and which will certainly increase in importance as it is studied, was printed at Paris in 1861, with a translation into French by the Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg). He made use only of the types of the Latin alphabet; and both in this respect and in the fidelity of his translation, he has left much to be desired in the presentation of the work.

The recent publication of the _Grammar_ also relieves me from the necessity of saying much about the structure of the Cakchiquel language. Those who wish to acquaint themselves with it, and follow the translation given in this volume by comparing the original text, will need to procure all the information contained in the _Grammar_. It will be sufficient to say here that the tongue is one built up with admirable regularity on radicals of one or two syllables. The perfection and logical sequence of its verbal forms have excited the wonder and applause of some of the most eminent linguists, and are considered by them to testify to remarkable native powers of mind.[53-1]

_The Annals of Xahila._

The MS. from which I print the _Annals of the Cakchiquels_, is a folio of 48 leaves, closely written on both sides in a very clear and regular hand, with indigo ink. It is incomplete, the last page closing in the middle of a sentence.

What is known of the history of this manuscript, is told us by Don Juan Gavarrete, who, for many years, was almost the only native of Guatemala interested in the early history of his country. He tells us in his introduction to his translation of it, soon to be mentioned, that in 1844 he was commissioned to arrange the archives of the Convent of San Francisco of Guatemala, by order of the Archbishop Don Francisco Garcia Pelaez. Among the MSS. of the archives he found these sheets, written entirely in Cakchiquel, except a few marginal glosses in Spanish, in a later hand, and in ordinary ink. The document was submitted to several persons acquainted with the Cakchiquel language, who gave a general statement of its contents, but not a literal and complete translation.[54-1]

When, in 1855, the Abbe Brasseur (de Bourbourg) visited Guatemala, Senor Gavarrete showed him this MS., and the Abbe borrowed it for the purpose of making a full version, doubtless availing himself of the partial translations previously furnished. His version completed, he left a copy of it with Senor Gavarrete, and brought the original with him to Europe.[54-2] It remained in his possession until his death at Nice, when, along with the rest of the Abbe's library, it passed into the hands of M. Alphonse Pinart. This eminent ethnologist learning my desire to include it in the present series of publications, was obliging enough to offer me the opportunity of studying it.

Previous to its discovery in Guatemala, in 1844, we have no record of it whatsoever, and must turn to the document itself for information.

The title given it by Brasseur, and adopted by Gavarrete, _Memorial de Tecpan Atitlan_, was purely factitious, and, moreover, is misleading. It was, indeed, written at the town of Tzolola or Atitlan, on the lake of that name, the chief city of the Tzutuhils; but its authors were Cakchiquels; its chief theme is the history of their tribe, and it is only by the accident of their removal to Atitlan, years after the Conquest, that its composition occurred there. I have, therefore, adopted for it, or at least that portion of it which I print, the much more appropriate name, _The Annals of the Cakchiquels_.

I say "for that portion of it," because I print but 48 out of the 96 pages of the original. These contain, however, all that is of general interest; all that pertains to the ancient history of the nation. The remainder is made up of an uninteresting record of village and family incidents, and of a catalogue of births, baptisms and marriages. The beginning of the text as printed in this volume, starts abruptly in the MS. after seventeen pages of such trivialities, and has no separate title or heading.

The caption of the first page of the MS. explains the purpose of this miscellaneous collection of family documents. That caption is

VAE MEMORIA CHIRE [C]HAOH.

THIS IS THE RECORD FOR THE PROCESS.

The word _memoria_ is the Spanish for a record, memoir or brief, and the Cakchiquel _[c]haoh_, originally contention, revolt, was, after the Conquest, the technical term for a legal process or lawsuit. These papers, therefore, form part of the record in one of those interminable legal cases in which the Spanish law delighted. The plaintiffs in the case seem to have been the Xahila family, who brought the action to recover some of their ancient possessions or privileges, as one of the two ruling families of the Cakchiquel nation; and in order to establish this point, they filed in their plea the full history of their tribe and genealogy of their family, so far as was known to them by tradition or written record. It belongs to the class of legal instruments, called in Spanish law _Titulos_, family titles. A number of such, setting forth the descent and rights of the native princes in Central America, are in existence, as the _Titulo de Totonicapan_, etc.

The date of the present rescript is not accurately fixed. As it includes the years 1619-20, it must have been later than those dates. From the character of the paper and writing, I should place it somewhere between 1620 and 1650.

In his _Advertencia_ to his translation of it, Senor Gavarrete asserts that the document is in the handwriting of one of the native authors. This is not my opinion. It is in the small, regular, perfectly legible hand of a professional scribe, a notarial clerk, no doubt, thoroughly at home in the Cakchiquel language, and trained in the phonetic characters, introduced with such success by Father Parra, as I have already mentioned. The centre lines and catch-words are in large, clear letters, so as to attract the eye of the barrister, as

VAE MEMORIA CHIRE VINAK CHIJ.

THIS IS THE STATEMENT OF THE TORTS.

or,

VAE MEMORIA [T]ANAVINAKIL.

THIS IS A RECORD OF THE WITNESSES.

The document is made up of the depositions and statements of a number of members of the Xahila family, but that around which the chief interest centres, and that which alone is printed in this volume, is the history of his nation as written out by one of them who had already reached adult years, at the epoch of the first arrival of the Spaniards, in 1524. Unfortunately, his simple-hearted modesty led him to make few personal allusions, and we can glean little information about his own history. The writer first names himself, in the year 1582, where he speaks of "me, Francisco Ernantez Arana."[57-1] The greater part of the manuscript, however, was composed many years before this. Its author says that his grandfather, the king Hun Yg, and his father, Balam, both died in 1521, and his own marriage took place in 1522. As it was the custom of his nation to marry young, he was probably, at the time, not over 15 years of age.[57-2]

That Francisco Ernantez was not the author of the first part of the document seems evident. Under the year 1560 occurs the following entry:--

"Twenty days before the Feast of the Nativity my mother died; soon after, my late father was carried off (xchaptah) while they were burying my mother; my father took medicine but once before we buried him. The pest continued to rage for seven days after Easter; my mother, my father, my brother and my sister died this year."

It could not, of course, be the son of Balam, who died in 1521, who wrote this.

Under 1563 the writer mentions:--

"At this time my second son Raphael was born, at the close of the fourth year of the fourth cycle after the revolt."

The last entry which contains the characteristic words _ixnu[c]ahol_, "you my children," occurs in the year 1559, and is the last given in my translation. My belief is that the document I give was written by the father of Francisco Ernantez Xahila. The latter continued it from 1560 to 1583, when it was taken up by Francisco Diaz, and later by other members of the Xahila family.

The Abbe Brasseur was of the opinion that these _Annals_ carry the record of the nation back to the beginning of the eleventh century, at least. A close examination of the account shows that this is not the case. Gagavitz, the earliest ruler of the nation, can easily be traced as the ancestor in the eighth remove, of the author. The genealogy is as follows:--

1. Gagavitz, "he who came from Tulan."

2. His son, Cay Noh, who succeeded him.

3. Citan Qatu, son of Cay Noh, who also ruled.

4. His son, Citan Tihax Cablah, who does not seem to have enjoyed the leadership. It was regained by

5. His son, Vukubatz, by the aid of the Quiche king, Quikab.[TN-8]

6. Oxlahuh Tzii, eldest son of Vukubatz, died A. D., 1509.

7. Succeeded by his eldest son, Hun Yg, who died, together with his eldest son Balam, the father of the author, in the year 1521.

Allowing to these seven who outlived their parents an average survival of twenty years, we are carried back to about the year 1380, as that on which the migration, headed by Gagavitz, began its wanderings, little more, therefore, than the length of two lives as protracted as that of the author himself. This result is that generally obtained by a careful scrutiny of American traditions. They very rarely are so far-reaching as has usually been supposed. Anything spoken of as more than three or four generations distant, may safely be assumed as belonging to myth, and not to history.

It was the expressed intention of the Abbe Brasseur to edit the original text with his translation, but this he did not live to accomplish. He incorporated numerous extracts from it in his _Histoire des Nations Civilisees du Mexique et de l'Amerique Centrale_, and added a few paragraphs in the original at the end of the first volume of that work; but these did not give much idea of the document as a whole.

When, with the aid of the previous partial translations and the assistance of some intelligent natives, he had completed a version into French, of that portion composed by the first two writers he gave a copy of it to Don Juan Gavarrete. This antiquary translated it into Spanish, and published it serially, in the _Boletin de la Sociedad Economica de Guatemala_, beginning with No. 29, September, 1873, and continuing to No. 43. Copies of this publication are, however, so scarce that I have been unable to learn of a complete file, even in Guatemala. The dissolution of the Sociedad Economica by order of the late President Barrios, scattered the copies in its own archives.

_Synopsis of the Annals of Xahila._

The work opens with a statement that the writer intends to record the ancient traditions of his tribe, as handed down from their early heroes, Gagavitz and Zactecauh. He begins with a brief genealogical table of the four sub-tribes of the Cakchiquels (Secs. 1-3), and then relates their notions of the creation of man at one of the mythical cities of Tulan, in the distant west (4, 5). Having been subjected to onerous burdens in Tulan, they determine to leave it, and are advised to go by their oracles (6-14).

They cross the sea, proceeding toward the east, and arrive at a land inhabited by the Nonoualcats, an Aztec people (15-17). Their first action is formally to choose Gagavitz and Zactecauh as their joint rulers (18-19), and under their leadership they proceed to attack the Nonoualcats. After a severe conflict the Cakchiquels are defeated, and are obliged to seek safety in further wanderings. At length they reach localities in Guatemala (20). At this point an episode is introduced of their encounter with the spirit of the forests, Zakiqoxol (21, 22).

They meet with various nations, some speaking a totally different language; others, as the Mams and Pokomams, dialects of their own. With the last mentioned they have serious conflicts (23-29). During one of their journeys, Zactecauh is killed by falling down a ravine (30). An episode here relates the traditional origin of one of their festivals, that in honor of Gagxanul, "the uncoverer of the fire" (31, 32).

Their first arrival at Lake Atitlan is noted (33), and the war that they waged with the Ikomags (34). Here an episode describes the traditional origin of the festival of Tolgom (35-37). A peaceful division of the lake with the Tzutuhils is effected, and marriages take place between the tribes (38).

The Cakchiquels, Quiches and Akahals now settle permanently in their towns, and develop their civilization (39, 40). They meet with numerous hardships, as well as internal dissensions, the chief Baqahol at one time obtaining the leadership. They succeed in establishing, however, family life and a fixed religious worship, though in almost constant war with their neighbors (41-46).

Gagavitz, "he who came from Tulan," dies, and is followed by Cay Noh and Cay Batz (47). These acknowledge the supremacy of Tepeuh, the king of the Quiches, and are sent out by him to collect tribute from the various tribes. They are seduced and robbed by the Tzutuhils, and conceal themselves in a cave, out of fear of Tepeuh. He forgives them, however, and they continue in power until their death (49-59).

After this, a period of strife follows, and the names of four successive rulers are mentioned, but none of the occurrences of their reigns (60-66).

The narrative is resumed when Qikab, king of the Quiches, orders the Cakchiquels to settle at the town of Chiavar. He appoints, as their rulers, the warriors Huntoh and Vukubatz. A revolt agains[TN-9] Qikab, headed by his two sons, results in his defeat and death (67-81). During this revolt, a contest between the Cakchiquels takes place, the close of which finds the latter established in their final stronghold, the famous fortress of "Iximche on the Ratzamut" (82-85).

At the death of Huntoh and Vukubatz, they are succeeded by Lahuh Ah and Oxlahuh Tzii, who carry on various wars, and especially defeat the Quiches in a general engagement, which is vividly described (86-93). They also conquer the Akahals, killing their king Ichal, and the Tzutuhils, with their king Caoke (94-98).

During their reign, a sanguinary insurrection occurred in Iximche, of such importance that the author adopts its date as the era from which to reckon all subsequent events (99-104). This date corresponded to the year 1496, A. D.(?)

The following years are marked by a series of unimportant wars, the outbreak of a destructive pestilence, and finally, in 1524, twenty-eight years after the Insurrection, by the arrival of the Spanish forces under Alvarado (105-144).

The later pages are taken up with an account of the struggles between the natives and the whites, until the latter had finally established their supremacy.

_Remarks on the Printed Text._

In printing the MS. of Xahila, I have encountered certain difficulties which have been only partially surmounted. As the Cakchiquel, though a written, is not a printed tongue, there has no rule been established as to the separation of verbs and their pronominal subjects, of nouns and their possessive pronouns, of the elements of compound particles, of tense and mode signs, etc. In the MSS. the utmost laxity prevails in these respects, and they seem not to have been settled points in the orthography of the tongue. The frequent elisions and euphonic alterations observable in these compounds, prove that to the native mind they bore the value of a single word, as we are aware they did from a study of the structure of this class of languages. I have, therefore, felt myself free to exercise in the printed page nearly the same freedom which I find in the MS. At first, this will prove somewhat puzzling to the student of the original, but in a little while he will come to recognize the radical from its augment without difficulty.

Another trouble has been the punctuation. In the original this consists principally of dashes and commas, often quite capriciously distributed. Here also, I have been lax in reducing the text to the requirements of modern standards, and have left much latitude to the reader to arrange it for himself.

Capital letters are not often used in the original to distinguish proper names, and as the text has been set up from a close copy of the first text, some irregularities in this respect also must be anticipated.

The paragraphs numbered in the text are distinctly marked in the original, but are not numbered there. The numerals have been added for convenience of reference.

FOOTNOTES:

[10-1] Dr. Otto Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, p. 157 (Zurich, 1884), on the phonetic laws which have controlled the divergence of the two tongues, Cakchiquel and Maya. See the same writer in his "Supplementary Remarks on a Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language," translated by Dr. D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, for 1885.

[10-2] _Recordacion Florida, Discurso Historial, Natural, Material, Militar y Politico del Reino de Goathemala._ Lib. II, Chap. I.

[10-3] _Myths of the New World_, p. 181; _American Hero-Myths_, pp. 44, 73, 80, 162, etc.

[11-1] "Cuatro generosos mancebos, nobles hermanos," says Fuentes y Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. I, Cap. II. The story of the four brothers who settled Guatemala is repeated by Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, Lib. XI, Cap. XVII, and other writers.

[11-2] _The Maya Chronicles_, 109-122 (Library of Aboriginal American Literature, Vol. I). For the evidence of the wholly mythical character of the Toltecs, and of their "King," Quetzalcoatl, see my _American Hero-Myths_, Chapter III. (Philadelphia, 1882).

Sanchez y Leon, quoting apparently some ancient Cakchiquel refrain, gives as the former name of their royal race, _ru tzutuh Tulan_, the Flower of Tulan, which wondrous city he would place in Western Asia. _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 2.

[12-1] Herrera observes of the natives of Guatemala, that the Nahuatl tongue was understood among them, though not in use between themselves. "Corre entre ellos la lengua Mexicana, aunque la tienen particular." _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. IV, Lib. VIII, Cap. VIII.

[12-2] I have in my possession the only grammar of this dialect probably ever written: _Arte de la Lengua Vulgar Mexicana de Guatemala_, MS., in a handwriting of the eighteenth century, without name of author.

[13-1] The four names are given in this form in the _Requete de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d' Atitlan a Philippe II_, 1571, in Ternaux-Compans, _Recueil des Pieces relatives a la Conquete du Mexique_, p. 419. The spelling of the last is there _Tecocitlan_. For their analysis, see Prof. Baschmann,[TN-10] _Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 719.

[14-1] "Si bien se advierte, todo cuanto hacian y decian, era en orden al maiz, que poco falto para tenerlo por Dios, y era, y es, tanto el encanto y embelezo que tienen con las milpas que por ellas olvidan hijos y muger y otro cualquiera deleite, como si fuera la milpa su ultimo fin y bienaventuranza." _Chronica de la S. Provincia del Santissimo Nombre de Jesus de Guattemala_, Cap. VII. MS. of the seventeenth century, generally known as the _Cronica Franciscana_.

[14-2] See Francisco Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de esta Provincia de Guatemala_, p. 191. (Ed. Scherzer, London and Vienna, 1857).

[14-3] Their first conqueror, the truculent Captain Pedro de Alvarado, speaks of the _muy grandes tierras de panes_, the immense corn fields he saw on all sides. _Relacion hecha per Pedro de Alvarado a Hernando Cortez_, in the _Biblioteca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459.

[15-1] "Hay mucho algodon, e son las mugeres buenas hilanderas e hacen gentiles telas dello." Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdes, _Historia General y Natural de las Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV. "De la fertilidad de la tierra e gobernacion de Guatimala."

[15-2] "Son muy dados a edificar, y en lo que hoy vemos erigido de los antiguos, reconocemos ser maquinas soberbias." Fuentes y Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. II, Cap. I.

[15-3] "Esta ciudad es bien obrada y fuerte a maravilla." _Relacion de Pedro de Alvarado_, in _Bib. de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 459. So Herrera wrote from his authorities: "En Utlatan (_i. e._, the city of Gumarcaah, capital of the Quiches), havia muchos, i mui grandes templos de sus dioses, de maravillosos edificios." _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XIX.

[16-1] _The Lineal Measures of the Semi-Civilized Nations of Mexico and Central America_, by D. G. Brinton, in _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, and separately.

[16-2] "En la Provincia de Utlatan, junto a Guatemala, se averiguo _por las Pinturas, que los Naturales tenian de sus antiguedades, demas de ochocientos anos_, etc." Herrera, _Historia de las Indias Occidentales_, Dec. III, Lib. IV, Cap. XVIII.

[17-1] "Son amigos de hacer colloquios y decir coplas en sus bailes." Thomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_. MS. sub voce, _Poesia_.

[17-2] "Son flecheros y no tienen hierba." Oviedo, _Historia General de Indias_, Par. III, Lib. III, Cap. IV.

[18-1] This word is doubtful, as I do not find it in the dictionaries, and judge of its meaning from its derivation and context. See the Vocabulary. Sanchez y Leon speaks of the "very long lances pointed with flint," used by these people. _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 27.

[19-1] The statement of Gavarrete, in his notes to Sanchez y Leon, _Historia de Guatemala_, p. 3, that the Xahils and Zotzils were two branches of the ruling family, the one residing at Iximche, the other at Solola, rests on a misapprehension, as will be seen from the _Annals_ published in this volume.

[20-1] It is interesting in this connection to observe how widespread was the symbolic significance of the canopy, or sun shade, as a mark of dignity. The student of Shakspeare will recall the lines in his 125th sonnet--

"Were it aught to me I bore the canopy,
With my extern the outward honouring;"

while the ethnologist may consult Richard Andree's suggestive essay, _Der Schirm als Wuerdezeichen_, in his _Ethnographische Parallelen und Vergleiche_, p. 250 (Stuttgart, 1878).

[21-1] Alvarado writes "La tierra es muy poblada de pueblos muy recios." _Relacion_, etc., ubi supra, p. 459. The following extract is quoted from Las Casas, _Historia Apologetica_, MS., by Mr. Squier, in his notes to Palacio:--

"En el Reyno de Guatemala, en la parte que va por la Sierra, estaban ciudades de caba muy grandes, con maravillosos edificios de cal y canto, de los cuales yo vi muchos; y otros pueblos sin numero de aquellas sierras."

Sanchez y Leon states that there were, in all, thirty independent native states in the former confines of Guatemala. _Historia de Guatemala_, p. 1.

[22-1] On the derivation of Guatemala, see Buschmann, _Ueber die Aztekischen Ortsnamen_, p. 719. That this is probably a translation of the Cakchiquel _Molomic chee_, which has the same meaning, and is a place-name mentioned in the _Annals_, I shall show on a later page.

[22-2] See the _Otra Relacion hecha por Pedro de Albarado a Hernando Cortes_, printed in the _Bibliotheca de Autores Espanoles_, Tom. XXII, p. 460.

[23-1] Bernal Diaz, _Historia Verdadera de la Conquista de la Nueva Espana_, Cap. CXCIII.

[23-2] _Historia de Guatemala, o Recordacion Florida_, Lib. XV, Cap. V. The _Recordacion_ was first printed at Madrid, 1882-83, edited by Don Justo Zaragoza, as one of the numbers of the _Biblioteca de los Americanistas_.

[27-1] _Incidents of Travel in Central America, Chiapas and Yucatan_, Vol. II, Chap. IX. I am inclined to believe that the original stone, evidently supposed to be of great value, had been stolen, and this piece of slate substituted. It was sewed up in a bag, which makes the supposition probable, as it offered facility to conceal the theft.

[28-1] They are referred to by the Archbishop Garcia Pelaez, in these words: "Los planos y vistas tomadas por el comisionado y el informe que las acompana, muestran vestijios de adoratorios, fortificaciones y trazas de edificios, calles y plazas ajustadas a dimensiones y con elecion de materias en su estructura."--_Memorias para la Historia del Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala_. Por Don Francisco de Paula Garcia Pelaez, Tom. I, p. 15, (Guatemala, 1851).

[28-2] The names applied to these intercalary days are analyzed differently by various authorities. For the etymology given of _nemontemi_, I have followed M. Remi Simeon, in his notes to Dr. Jourdanet's translation of Sahagun's _Historia de Nueva Espana_; the Cakchiquel _[tz]api_ is undoubtedly from _[tz]ap_, fault, evil, crime.

[31-1] _May_ is allied to the verb _meho_, to go somewhere and return again. Hence _may_ came to mean a cycle of years, months or days.

[31-2] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 28.

[32-1] "_Chinamitl_, seto o cerca de canas," from _chinantia_, to build a fence, to enclose.--Molina, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Mexicana_.

[32-2] Torresano, in his _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., gives this word as _ca_, which indicates its probable derivation from the verb _cae_, to join together, to unite, "those united by a common tie."

[32-3] Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., sub voce, _Cunado_.

[32-4] Coto, u. s., s. v. _Alguacil_. The word _[c,]alam_ is now applied to the canvas or tablets on which are painted the saints in the churches. It also means a box or chest.--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._

[32-5] See Brasseur, _Hist. du Mexique et l' Am. Cent._, Tom. II, pp. 489-90.

[33-1] "Tienen tambien renombres de sus chinamitales o parcialidades que tambien son de signos vel nombres senalados, como Xahila, etc."--Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. _Renombre_.

[34-1] _Hist. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 84.

[34-2] Their names are given in the _Titulos de la Casa de Ixcuin Nehaib_, p. 3. They are called "pueblos principales, cabezas de calpules." The Nahuatl word, _calpulli_, here used, meant the kinsfolk actual and adopted, settled together. They were the gentes of the tribe. See Ad. F. Bandelier, _On the Social Organization and Mode of Government of the Ancient Mexicans_, for a full explanation of their nature and powers.

[34-3] _The Lenape and their Legends_, p. 139.

[37-1] Father Coto, in his MS., _Vocabulario Cakchiquel_, gives the rendering "mandadero," and states that one was elected each year by the principals of each _chinamitl_, to convey messages. He adds: "Usan mucho de este nombre en el Pueblo Atitlan."

[37-2] Compare my edition of the _Cakchiquel Grammar_, p. 58. Brasseur translates this title erroneously, "decorated with a bracelet."--_Hist. des Nations Civilisees_, etc., Tome. II, p. 515.

[37-3] "El retorico, platico." Pantaleon de Guzman gives the fuller form, _naol ah uchan_, which means "he who knows, the master of speech."--_Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS.

[37-4] Usually written by ellipsis, _atzih vinak_. Brasseur translates it "distributor of presents," but it appears to be from _tzih_, word, speech. The vocabularies are, as usual, very unsatisfactory. "_Atzijh vinak_, Principal deste nombre."--_Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon._

[38-1] _Dicc. Cakchiquel Anon_,[TN-11] MS., sub voce.

[38-2] _Requete de Plusieurs Chefs Indiens d'Atitlan a Philippe II_, in Ternaux-Compans, _Recueil de Pieces relatives a la Conquete du Mexique_, p. 418.

[38-3] Not "of the bird's nest," "ceux du nid de l'oiseau," as Brasseur translates it (_Hist. du Mexique_, Tome. II, p. 89), nor "casa de la aguila," house of the eagle, as it is rendered by Fuentes y Guzman, _Recordacion Florida_, Tom. I, p. 21. _[c,]iquin_ is the generic term for bird.

[39-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths of Central America_, in the _Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, 1881.

[40-1] "Chamalcan u bi qui gabauil Cakchequeleb, xa Zotz u vachibal."--_Popol Vuh_, p. 224.

[40-2] _Hist. des Nations Civ. du Mexique_, Tom. II, p. 173.

[40-3] "El quinto _Cam_, esto es; amarillo, pero su significado es culebra."--Ximenez, _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios de Guatemala_, p. 215. There are two errors in this extract. The name is not _Cam_, but _Can_, and it does not mean yellow, which is _[t]an_.

[41-1] I have suggested an explanation of this strange term to apply to the highest and most beneficent of their divinities, in a short article in the _American Antiquarian_, 1885, "The Chief God of the Algonkins in his Character as a Cheat and a Liar."

[42-1] Pantaleon de Guzman, _Compendio de Nombres en Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS. On the role of the Tzitzimime in Aztec mythology see my _American Hero-Myths_, p. 78.

[42-2] "Al duende que anda en los montes llaman _ru vinakil chee_ vel _caki[c]oxol_."--Coto, _Vocabulario_, MS., s. v. Monte. _Zak_, white; _[c]ox_, to make fire. Brasseur's translation, "Le blanc abime de feu," is indefensible.

[42-3] See a paper entitled "The Folk Lore of Yucatan," contributed by me to the _Folk-Lore Journal_, Vol. I, 1883.

[43-1] For an interesting note on the _zaztun_, see Apolinar Garcia y Garcia, _Historia de la Guerra de Castas en Yucatan_, p. XXIV (folio, Merida, 1865).

[43-2] For the derivation of Xibalbay, and for the myths referred to in the text, see my article, before referred to, _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths_, pp. 27, 28.

[44-1] _The Maya Chronicles_, pp. 110, 111. Vol. I of the _Library of Aboriginal American Literature_.

[45-1] Brasseur, Juarros, Fuentes y Guzman, etc.

[45-2] Thomas Coto, _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., 1651. Sub voce, _Sacrificar hombres_, quoting Varea.

[45-3] "Sacandole el corazon y asperjando, con la sangre de la victima a los cuatro vientos cardinales."--_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 26.

[46-1] _The Names of the Gods in the Kiche Myths_, pp. 21, 22.

[47-1] "_Labah_, agorar y guerrear, porque agoraban si la hacian o no."--Ximenez, _Vocabulario de las Tres Lenguas_, sub voce.

[47-2] These particulars are from the work of Jose Sanchez y Leon, _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, pp. 26, 27.

[48-1] _Recordacion Florida_, Lib. IX, Cap. VII.

[48-2] _Vocabulario de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS. (1651).

[48-3] _Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 27.

[49-1] Fr. Estevan Torresano, _Arte de la Lengua Cakchiquel_, MS., in my possession.

[51-1] _Supplementary Remarks to the Grammar of the Cakchiquel Language, edited by D. G. Brinton.--Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society_, 1885.

[52-1] See _The Maya Chronicles_, p. 67, and note.

[53-1] "Die bewundernswuerdige Feinheit und consequente Logik in der Ausbildung des Maya Zeitwortes setzt eine Kultur voraus, die sicherlich weit ueber die Zeitraeume hinaus zurueckreicht, welche man bis jetzt geneight war, der Amerikanischen Civilization zuzuschreiben."--Otto Stoll, _Zur Ethnographie der Republik Guatemala_, s. 148 (Zurich, 1884). Compare the remarks of Wilhelm von Humboldt on the Maya conjugation, in his essay on the American verb, as published in my _Philosophic Grammar of the American Languages, as set forth by Wilhelm von Humboldt_, pp. 35-39 (Philada., 1885).

[54-1] Gavarrete's words are, "Paso por manos de muchos personas versadas en los idiomas indigenos sin que pudiese obtenerse una traduccion integra y exacta de su testo, habiendo sido bastante, sin embargo, lo que de su sentido pudo percibirse, para venir en conocimiento de su grande importancia historica."--_Boletin de la Sociedad Economica_.

[54-2] The Abbe says that Gavarrete gave him the original (_Bibliotheque Mexico-Guatemalienne_, p. 14). But that gentleman does not take to himself credit for such liberality. He writes "El testo original quedo sin embargo en su poder," etc. Ubi supra.

[57-1] As the slight aspirate, the Spanish _h_, does not exist in the Cakchiquel alphabet, nor yet the letter _d_,the[TN-12] baptismal name "Hernandez," takes the form "Ernantez."

[57-2] "Se casan muy ninos," says Sanchez y Leon, speaking of the natives.--_Apuntamientos de la Historia de Guatemala_, p. 24.

THE ANNALS

OF

THE CAKCHIQUELS.

BY

A MEMBER OF THE XAHILA FAMILY.

[Cross]

1. VAE XTINU[c,]IBAH HALAL QUITZIH HE NABEY

Ka tata ka mama, heri xeboco vinak oher mahaniok ti la[t]abex vae huyu ta[t]ah; [c]a ruyon ok umul [c,]iquin [c]oh, que cha, ha ok ki xquila[t]abeh huyu ta[t]ah he [c]a ka tata ka mama, yx nu[c]ahol, pa Tulan.

[Cross]

1. Here I am going to write a few of the sayings of our earliest
fathers and ancestors, those who begot men of old, before the hills
and plains here were inhabited; then only rabbits and birds were
here, they say, when they took possession of the hills and plains,
they, our fathers and ancestors from Tulan, oh my children.

2. Xtinu[c,]ibah [c]a quitzih ri ki he nabey ka tata ka mama [t]a[t]avitz rubi, Cactecauh ru bi hunchic, he [c]oh quitzih que cha [c]a [c]haka palouh xoh pevi, pa Tulan ru bi huyu, xoh alax xoh [c]aholax vi pe ruma ka tee, ka tata, yxka[c]ahol, quecha ri oher tata mama, [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh qui bi, ri ki xepe pa Tulan he cay chi achij heri xoh boco, oh Xahila.

2. And I shall write the sayings of our earliest fathers and
ancestors, Gagavitz the name of one, Zactecauh the name of the
other; and these are the sayings they spake as we came from the
other side of the sea, from the land of Tulan, where we were
brought forth and begotten by our mothers and our fathers, oh my
children, as said of old the fathers, the ancestors, Gagavitz and
Zactecauh by name, the two heroes who came from Tulan and begot us,
the Xahila.

3. Va[c]a quibi ru hay ru chinamitee [t]eka[c]uch, Ba[c]ahola, Cibakihay. 1. [c]atun [c]hutiah qui bi xeboco Ba[c]ahola. 1. Tzanat [t]u[t]uchom quibi xeboco [t]eka[c]uchij; Daqui ahauh [c]hahom ahauh xeboco Cibakihayi, xaoh cahi chi chinamit ok xohpe pa Tulan, ri oh Cakchiquel vinak, yxka[c]ahol, quecha.--[c]a x[c]amar [c]a vave ri Caveki Totomay Xurcah qui bi xeboco.--Xavi [c]a x[c]amar vave ri Ahquehayi, Loch, Xet, quibi, xeboco;--xavi [c]a x[c]am ri ahPak, Telom, [c]oxahil, [c]obakil quibi xeboco; quere navipe ri Ikoma[t]i, xavi [c]a x[c]amar; he[c]a cah [c]hob ri [c]a xe[c]amar vave he ama[t].

3. These are the names of the houses and clans of Gekaquch,
Bagahola and Cibakihay. 1. Qatun and Qhutiah by name, begat
Bagahola. 2. Tzanat and Guguchom by name, begat those of Gekaquch.
3. The chief Daqui and the chief Ghahom begat those of Cibakihay.
Thus we were four clans when we came from Tulan, we, the Cakchiquel
people, as we are told, oh my children. Those of Cavek, Totomay and
Xurcah by name, also married and begat; also those of Quehay, Loch
and Xet by name, married and begat; those of Pak, Telom, Qoxahil
and Qobakil by name, also married and begat; and also those of
Ykomag married; and these four divisions which thus married are the
tribes so-called.

4. He [c]a [c]oh quitzih ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh xe re [c]aki ru xe quitzih vae quecha [c]ari [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh: Cahi xpe vi vinak pa Tulan; chi relebal [t]ih, hun Tullan: hun chi [c]a chi Xibalbay, hun [c]a chu kahibal [t]ih chi ri [c]a xoh pevi chukahibal [t]ih, hun chi vi [c]a chi [c]abovil. Quere[c]a cahi vi Tullan ri yxka[c]ahol, quecha; chu kahibal [c]a [t]ih xoh pa vi Tullan, [c]ha[c]a palouh; [c]a[c]o viri Tullan chiri[c]a xohalax vi ul xoh [c]aholax vipe ruma ruma ka tee ka tata quecha.

4. These are the sayings of Gagavitz and Zactecauh, and these are
the very words which Gagavitz and Zactecauh spoke: "Four men came
from Tulan; at the sunrise is one Tullan, and one is at Xibalbay,
and one is at the sunset; and we came from this one at the sunset;
and one is where is God. Therefore there are four Tulans, they say,
oh our sons; from the sunsetting we came, from Tullan, from beyond
the sea; and it was at Tullan that arriving we were brought forth,
coming we were produced, by our mothers and our fathers, as they
say.

5. Tan [c]a talax ri chay abah, ruma raxa Xibalbay [t]ana Xibalbay, tan[c]ati [c,]ak vinak ruma [c,]akol bitol; tzukul richin ri chay abah ok x[c,]ak ri vinak pan pokon [c]a xutzin vinak, xtiho chee, xtiho [c]a xaki ruyon uleuh xrah oc; mani [c]a x[c]hao, mani xbiyin, mani [c]a ru quiquel ru tiohil xux, quecha e nabey ka tata ka mama, yxnu[c]ahol; mani [c]a xcanay rixoc, [c]arunah [c]a xcanay rixoc: xae chay chi chicop etamayon [c]o vi ri echa pam Paxil ru bi huyu [c]ovi hari chicop Utiuh, Koch qui bi. Xa[c]a pa rachak xcanay vi, tok xcamicax [c]a ri chicop utiuh xpo[c]hel chupam ri yxim tan [c]a tibe canox yo[t]bal richin ruma chicop tiuh tiuh rubi, [c]a chupam palouh xpe vi ruma tiuh tiuh ru quiquel tixli cumatz xoc xyo[t]bex richin ri yxim: x[c,]akbex richin ru tiohil vinak ruma [c,]akol bitol [c]a ha ki etamayom ri [c,]akol bitol alom [c]aholom he xe [c,]ako vinak [c,]ak que cha xutzin [c]a vinak [c,]ak, oxlahuh achij, cahlahuh [c]a ixok xux; x[c]ohe ruvi, [c]ate [c]a ok xe[c]hao xebiyin, x[c]ohe qui quiquel qui tiohil. Xe[c]ulu[c]u xin [c]a he [c]a cay ri xhayil hun xux. Quere[c]a xla[t]o vi vinak ri quecha oher vinak, yxka[c]ahol; xemealan xe[c]aholan [c]a ri he nabey vinak. Quere[c]a ru banic vinak rij, quere navipe rubanic chay abah ri [c,]apal [c]a ruchi ri Tullan, xoh pe vi xahun chi co[c,] [c,]apibal ru chij ri Tullan xoh alax vi ul xoh [c]aholax vipe, xya vipe ri kikan chi [t]ekum chi a[t]a, yx ka[c]ahol; xecha can ri [t]a[t]avitz, Cactecauh, yxnu[c]ahol, xa[c]a mani xquimeztah ru tzihoxic. He [c]iyaley chi e ka mama; [c]oh quitzih oher takchibal [c]a quichin vae.

5. "And now is brought forth the Obsidian Stone by the precious
Xibalbay, the glorious Xibalbay, and man is made by the Maker, the
Creator; the Obsidian Stone was his sustainer, when man was made in
misery, and when man was formed; he was fed with wood, he was fed
with leaves; he wished only the earth; he could not speak, he could
not walk; he had no blood, he had no flesh; so say our fathers, our
ancestors, oh you my sons. Nothing was found to feed him; at length
something was found to feed him. Two brutes knew that there was
food in the place called Paxil, where these brutes were, the Coyote
and the Crow by name. Even in the refuse of maize it was found,
when the brute Coyote was killed as he was separating his maize,
and was searching for bread to knead, (killed) by the brute Tiuh
Tiuh by name; and the blood of the serpent and the tapir was
brought from within the sea by means of Tiuh Tiuh, with which the
maize was to be kneaded; the flesh of man was formed of it by the
Maker, the Creator; and well did they, the Maker and the Creator,
know him who was born, him who was begotten; they made man as he
was made, they formed man as they made him, so they tell. There
were thirteen men, fourteen women; they talked, they walked, they
had blood, they had flesh. They married, and one had two wives.
Therefore the race copulated, this race of old, as they tell, oh
our sons. They brought forth daughters, they brought forth sons,
those first men. Thus men were made, and thus the Obsidian Stone
was made, for the enclosure of Tullan; thus we came to where the
Zotzils were at the gates of Tullan; arriving we were born, coming
we were produced, coming we gave the tribute, in the darkness, in
the night, oh our sons." Thus spoke Gagavitz and Zactecauh, oh my
sons, and what they said has not been forgotten. They are our great
ancestors; these are the words with which they encouraged us of
old.

6. Tok xoh pixabax [c]a pe ruma ka tee ka tata oxlahu [c]hob [c]a vukama[t] oxlahu [c]hob [c]a ahlabal ok xohpe pa Tullan chi [t]ekum chi a[t]a ok xya pe ri kikan, tok xu[c]am rikan vuk ama[t] ahlabal, xoh chole na chu xocou [c]a Tullan x[c]ohe viri vuk ama[t]: chiriki[t]a [c]a Tullan x[c]ohe viri xcholevi ahlabal. Nabey na xu[c]am rikan vuk ama[t], [c]ate [c]a xu[c]am chic rikan ahlabal. Xa[c]a ruyon xit puak [t]u[t]uraxon [c]ubul chactit ru[c]in [c]a [c,]ibanic [c]otonic, qui yanic xul, bix, [c]hol [t]ih, may [t]ih, pek cacouh, xa ruyon [t]inomal xrikah pe pa Tullan a[c]a ri ahlabal xa ruyon [c]ha pocob xa cetecic chee xa [t]iom ah rikan ok xpe pa Tulla.

6. Then we were ordered to come by our mothers and fathers, we the
thirteen divisions and the seven tribes, the thirteen divisions of
warriors; and we came to Tulan in the darkness and the night, and
coming gave our tribute; they took tribute from the warriors of the
seven tribes; they were drawn up in order on the left of Tulan
where were the people of the seven tribes; on the right-hand of
Tulan were arranged the warriors. First the tribute was taken from
the seven tribes, next the tribute was taken from the warriors. But
it was only jade and silver, and green feathers worked and sewed
together, together with articles painted and articles sculptured,
and for gifts, flutes, songs, astrological calendars and reckoning
calendars, fine and common cacao; only such riches were paid in
Tulan, and the only riches the warriors bore from Tulan were their
bows, their bucklers and their rounded shields.

7. Tok xpixa [c]a ka tee ka tata xcha: [c]a ohix [c]a, yxnu[c]ahol, yxnumeal, ree yvikan ree [c]a y tzukuh y[t]ohee; xucheex [c]ari chay abah: ohix [c]a ti vi la y huyubal y ta[t]ahal [c]a chila [c]a [c]haka palouh [c]oh vi y huyubal y ta[t]ahal, yxnu[c]ahol, [c]a chila [c]a tica vi ruvach. Ree yvikan mixuyael, y [t]inomal y vahauarem, xeucheex [c]a ri oxlahu [c]hob vukama[t], oxlahu [c]hob ahlabal, ok xyape ri mi[c]hbal quichin ri chee abah, xqui kahpe pa Tullan Xibalbay [c]a xyaope ri chee abah, chikichin que cha ri he nabey ka tata ka mama, ri [t]a[t]avitz Cactecauh: he ki xe ykan pe, he navipe ki [c]o quitzih.

7. Then to our mothers and fathers it was commanded and said: "You,
my sons, you, my daughters, these are your burdens which you shall
sustain and maintain." So spoke the Obsidian Stone. "There are your
hills and plains; there, beyond the ocean, are your hills and
plains, oh you my sons, there it is that you shall lift up your
faces. These are the burdens which I shall give you, your riches,
your majesty;" thus it was said to the thirteen divisions, the
seven tribes, to the thirteen divisions of warriors, and then was
given them the wood and stone which deceive; as they descended from
Tulan and Xibalbay, were given to them the wood and stone (idols),
as related those our first fathers and ancestors Gagavitz and
Zactecauh. These, in truth, were their burdens, and these were
their very words.

8. Vuk ama[t] [c]a nabey xpeul pa Tullan, que cha, [c]a xambey xohpe oh ahlabal ru [c]amom chi [c]a rikan ronohel vuk ama[t] ahlabal tok xhak [c]a ru chi Tullan.

8. They say that the seven tribes arrived first at Tulan, and we
the warriors followed, having taken up the tributes of all the
seven tribes when the gate of Tulan was opened.