Chapter XVIII: Part 18

Now with these differences between the Croat and the Serb, does it not seem strange that the vast majority of them are for union, with a part of this majority in favour of a reasonable decentralization? But if we investigate the motives of the Serbs and Croats who would thwart this union, we will see that they have nothing of that faith which, after all these centuries, has moved the Yugoslav multitude. Some of the Serbs wish to keep aloof on the ground that Serbia in the last hundred years has borne the brunt of the battle--and this, whether they were or were not faced with a more difficult situation, is acknowledged by most of the Croats, who for that reason would never dream of wishing the more modern Zagreb to supplant Belgrade. Those few Croats who are not for Yugoslavia are moved by ecclesiastical prejudice or by their longing for the privileges which the Habsburgs granted them. But those who, for various reasons, criticize the central Government are by no means necessarily in favour of setting up a separate one. Whatever the impetuous Radi['c] may have said, he is out for Yugoslavia. Still one cannot be astonished that he was sometimes misunderstood. The Zagreb students who, towards the end of 1918, came to Svetozar Pribi[vc]evi['c] with the request that he would let them kill the demagogue, were for expressing in this way what Dr. Du[vs]an Popovi['c], the well-known deputy, expressed in another. It was at the Zagreb Provincial Parliament that he exclaimed, in the summer of 1918, that "This idea will be victorious and therefore I say publicly, in the presence of the whole people, that I am a Croat, a Serb and a Slovene, or, if you prefer it, none of them but merely a Yugoslav." In 1914 when Stambouluesky, the future Prime Minister of Bulgaria, was arrested and accused of Serbophilism, he declared: "I am neither Bulgar or Serb; I am a Yugoslav!" ... For at least a generation Zagreb will remain particularist, zealously preserving the differences--personal, social and religious--which distinguish her people from the dominant Serbs. The Croat officers who burned with shame at the Archduke's murder on Bosnian soil, the Croat regiments that in 1915 marched into Belgrade with bands playing and their colours flying, the Croat officials whose bread and salt came from the Habsburgs in administering Yugoslav countries during the War--all these will not forget a long, deep-rooted and honourable tradition. But Zagreb is now even as Munich was in 1866; after having been the Rome of the Yugoslav movement, the seat of its philosophy and the centre of its politics, the Croat capital has now an atmosphere of sad futility, for Belgrade is the beacon of the Yugoslav world. While comparing Zagreb with Rome one must add that she had also the misfortune to resemble Rome of the decadence--a good deal of outer polish was imparted by the Austrians, at the expense of their victims' backbone. The five centuries of Turkish domination had no such demoralizing influence upon the Serbs, especially not in the country places. In the opinion of a very close observer,[119] whom I quote, there is nothing that so thoroughly displays the dominance of Belgrade as the agrarian problem. The projected reforms, which have been based on the principle that no one should own more land than he can cultivate with the aid of his family, would dispossess large numbers of big landowners in Croatia and still larger numbers of men with moderate holdings, whose compensation would be "determined hereafter." The application of these reforms has been delayed for various reasons, but nowhere at any time has it been suggested that Croatia might reject them. In the old kingdom of Serbia, with much the greater part of the land in peasant possession, it may be said that there is no agrarian problem.... Those enemies of Yugoslavia, by the way, who have hoped that the particularism of Croatia would be something altogether different from what it is, should have mingled with the crowd at Zagreb on the evening of Prince Alexander's arrival in July 1920. The Prince interrupted his dinner, came out on to the balcony and made a speech. "Draga moja bratjo Hrvati," he said--"Croatians, my dear brothers." Not for a thousand years had a ruler of Croatia addressed his people in their own tongue. One immense roar of delight broke, as the _Morning Post's_ special correspondent tells us, from the assembled multitude; men fell on each other's necks, laughed, wept and kissed each other.... Such manifestations must not lead us to believe that all the internal problems of the young State are settled. Croatia (as also Slovenia) is jealous of her separate identity, suspicious to some extent of Serbia, her prestige and projects; she has no intention of allowing herself, after the hard fight against Magyarization, to be "Balkanized." But one thing was made clear by the Prince's visit: there can be no word or thought of separation.

* * * * *

We have spoken of the disaffection prevalent among the Croats, and on this the world has fixed its eyes, because of the large number of Croat deputies who have hitherto declined to come to Belgrade. Nevertheless there is a more general and more grievous discontent in Yugoslavia, since, after all, the Croats' attitude is of a temporary character--for it is probable that after the next general election their peculiar upbringing will not be so potent in determining their sentiments towards the State. More and more will they be ready to make common cause with Serbs and Slovenes; and their criticisms, which are now so negative, will be of a more useful kind. (They will recognize, for example, that if it costs 3000 dinars to open an inn in Serbia they were not justified in protesting when the fee in Croatia was raised from 5 crowns to 5 dinars.) That Yugoslavia gives ground for criticism no one, least of all her well-wishers, deny. And those who pray that she will prosper do so for the reason that the scattered Southern Slavs have for the first time now been able--most of them at any rate--to link their arms together; and we hope that with high qualities outweighing their defects the Southern Slavs will permanently take their place among the nations. But this will not be brought about unless those ailments which they suffer from are now confronted. Serbs themselves are often saying that their little Serbia was better than this fine new country which is thrice as large. She had fewer problems, she had fewer parties, and if people were corrupt they were so on a smaller scale. Traditions which are deprecatingly called Balkan, but which were at that time suited to a Balkan country, should not be allowed to spread across a country which is so much more than Balkan. Merit does not everywhere in this imperfect world advance you automatically, but an effort is required in Yugoslavia to resist the calls of friendship in appointing men to offices. The army of officials is too numerous; yet many of them are so badly paid that even if a great reformer could reduce by half their numbers he would be inclined to lay no hand upon the total sum they now enjoy. But this necessity of cleansing the public services is not peculiar to Yugoslavia. The politicians must have courage to lay heavier taxes on the peasants: the strange phenomenon is seen of peasants who assert that they are quite prepared for this, and on the other hand of politicians who are frightened lest it lose them many votes. The peasants generally are so prosperous that some, for instance, whom I know of near Kragujevac, men occupied in growing cereals, find that the fowls which they keep rather as a hobby do not have to lay them golden eggs in order to pay all the taxes. In that region it is usual nowadays for peasants not to count their bank-notes, but to weigh them; recently a man disposed of certain fields for his own weight in notes of ten dinars. The peasants are not only dissatisfied with the two chief parties, the Radicals and the Democrats, for not taxing them sufficiently--so that at the next general election they may give a good deal more support than hitherto to their own Peasants' party--but they complain that their interests are neglected although, as we have seen, the lawyers and other townsfolk of the Radical and Democrat parties are so anxious with respect to peasants' votes.

The difficult position of the Yugoslavs--observe how in the last year their exchange has fallen--is due in part to the deplorable activities of other peoples (vast amounts have had to be imported for reconstruction purposes, Rieka has been practically unavailable as a port, and conditions have been such that the Yugoslavs have had to keep a large army mobilized), partly their position is due to measures ill-advised but which they were compelled to take (such as their system of Agrarian Reform), partly to political inexperience and partly to their lack of organizing powers. Let us hope that from now onwards Yugoslavia will have to arm herself less heavily against the slings and arrows of the world, and that she will be able therefore to become a more proficient swimmer in this sea of troubles.

SERB AND BULGAR

A map of the Balkan migrations, with its curved lines leading almost everywhere, is a bewildering spectacle; but if we study the main clusters of lines we shall see that the people whose movements they chronicle have frequently preserved, in a remarkable fashion, certain common characteristics: thus a stream flowed from the south-west towards Valjevo in Serbia, and it is interesting to notice how the prominent men of that region, whose ancestors came from somewhere between Montenegro and the old frontiers of Serbia, have all of them certain characteristics--a talent for foreign languages, a subtlety of reasoning, originality but insufficient observation, and clever but fallacious minds. Similarly in the Bulgar there are qualities which even now can be ascribed to the Mongol blood. The Bulgar is more stolid than the Serb; he is less given to sympathy and on that account can be cruel. The Bulgar is benevolent because he is urged by kindliness, whereas the more impressionable Serb is under the influence both of sentiment, sentimentality and sympathy. These differences of temperament--and there are others, more or less distinguishable--do not seem to Balkan thinkers any reason why the two should keep apart. And a couple of months after the Great War, during which the Bulgars, as their best friends must acknowledge, were far from irreproachable in occupied Serbia--partly this was due to the vast number of new posts for which they had no suitable men--a few months afterwards a Bulgarian engineer was placidly working among the Serbs at [vC]a[vc]ak railway station, wearing his own uniform. And a Serbian butcher who emigrated to Bulgaria settled down at Ferdinand just before the War and has lived there unmolested up to this day, and that in spite of his not being very highly esteemed--for, as the police president told me, he had married a woman with more wealth than good fame; the president had been among her lovers.... One would not suppose that the contrasting public morality of the two countries will keep them apart. It is easy enough for us to argue that this morality is on a pretty low level, because a Bulgarian War Minister saw fit to sue, under a _nom de guerre_, a French armament firm which omitted to send him the stipulated commission; because another Minister, incarcerated on account of felony, could be liberated by the grace of Tzar Ferdinand and become Premier; because a Serbian Minister used to buy himself corner-houses, while his Bulgarian colleagues seem to own most of the houses in Sofia. There was a minor Serbian official over against whom I took my meals for about a month; one of his ways was to produce a pocket-knife and cut his bread with it. Certain other parts of his ritual did not appeal to me, but who knows whether I did not disgust him by breaking my bread with my fingers? And who knows what sentiments were awakened some years ago at the Orthodox monastery of Gromirija, in Croatia, when a foreign guest proposed to wash himself in water, though by the joyous custom of that house there was no other liquid on the premises but wine? If there is in both countries, in Serbia and Bulgaria, a movement against the cynicism which does not clothe its corruption with a decent Western drapery, that is something; if there is a further movement in the direction of probity, that is something more. And, whatever some Serbs may tell you, it is undeniable that honesty has made important strides in the public life of that kingdom, even without having added to the Statute Book those rigorous proposals of the newly-formed Peasants' party, one of which would punish a peculating official with death. It is, however, apparent that this party has not arrived at a sense of discretion, for it wants to terminate the practice of allowing pensions to officials, so that each man is obliged to make his own provision for old age. Bulgaria, the younger country, has made a proportionate progress; there is trustworthy German evidence to the effect that the corrupt Radoslavoff Government was despised by the people, not in the hour of disaster but in 1916, when the Bulgarian soldiers changed the words of an anti-Serb song and instead of "Our old allies are brigands" proclaimed that "the Liberals are brigands." This German, Dr. Helmut von den Steinen, the correspondent of the _Nordeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung_ (in which he was bound to speak favourably of Radoslavoff) used to deliver propaganda lectures in the Bulgarian language at Sofia during the War. He was very well acquainted with Bulgarian affairs and being summoned to Berlin at the end of 1917 he made a speech[120] _in camera_ to a committee of German savants and artists. In the course of this he lamented that his country had attached herself to Radoslavoff, who, said he, was hated and would at the next elections be swept away.

As one must repeat _ad nauseam_, the gulf between Serb and Bulgar has not been caused by an extreme divergence of their private or their public morals, academically considered, but by the various incidents which in the eyes of each of them testified to the other's depravity. And at the bottom of it all was Macedonia--Macedonia which now, being wisely administered, will be the foundation-stone of Yugoslavia.

At the end of his book, _Balkan Problems and European Peace_, Mr. Noel Buxton agrees that such a Yugoslav Federation has become a practical possibility. But his two alternative proposals with respect to what should meanwhile be the fate of Macedonia would indefinitely postpone that Federation. We have already dealt with the proposal of autonomy, put forward also by Mr. Leland Buxton. As for what Mr. Noel Buxton calls the ideal solution--"a plebiscite conducted by an impartial international commission over the whole of the historical province of Macedonia"--this is aiming no higher than at a perpetuation of the two distinct countries, Serbia and Bulgaria. We should probably have had more plebiscites in Europe if more Allied armies had been available, but the campaign of intimidation and every sort of ruthlessness which occurred in Upper Silesia and Schleswig make us look rather askance upon this method of registering the popular will. Mr. Buxton airily asks for a plebiscite over the whole of the historical province of Macedonia, ignoring altogether the special difficulty that "Macedonia" means something quite different to the Serb, the Bulgar and the Greek. He dismisses likewise the universal difficulty of plebiscites, which is to be just in laying down the limits of the various regions. But there is really no need for Mr. Buxton to take us on to those quagmires, since he knows, and is good enough to tell us, what the result of the plebiscite will be. "The Bulgarian sympathies," says he, "of the mass of the Macedonian population are apparent to every inquiring traveller." If Mr. Buxton were to encounter one of those pretty lawless Karaka[vc]an nomads, who from the Monastir district wander all over the Balkans, his recognition of the man's Roman and Thraco-Illyrian descent would be facilitated by the permanent cheesy odour which pervades his person. There is nothing so permanent about the Macedonian Slav. His sympathies, as is natural, have gone out to that Balkan country which cultivated him and since, as Dr. Milovanovi['c], the Serbian statesman, says, "the Serbs did not begin to think about Macedonia till 1885," it would indeed have been extraordinary if the Macedonian Slavs--whose ethnical position, as scientists agree, is such a vague one--had been generally drawn to Serbia. One cannot help feeling that in this book Mr. Buxton does a serious disservice to his reputation as a Balkan expert. He says that Serbia until the accession of King Peter was Austrophil; which is, to put it mildly, a very sweeping remark--only that party which called itself Progressive was identified with Milan's views. He praises the Bulgars for being devoted to their national Church, and praises them for producing a large number of Protestants, whose sincerity, etc., so that one presumes he would have praised them still more if the whole nation, as was once on the cards, had joined the Protestant Church. Save me from my friends! the Bulgars might say. What is perfectly sincere about them is their patriotism; and while some of those who now change their religion have doubtless no ulterior, personal motive, the entire country would probably have as little reluctance as Japan in adopting any religion which, like the Exarchist Church of to-day, would be an instrument of the national cause. Mr. Buxton's knowledge of the Balkan protagonists has its limitations; for example, prior to Bulgaria's entry into the War he was all for the removal of the British Minister on account of his pro-Serbian sympathies, but he says no word about M. Savinsky, the Russian Minister, who was left by his Entente colleagues to play the first violin. This capricious gentleman was no diplomat, but a courtier. He did not even protest when German munitions for Turkey passed through Roumania, and far too much of his time was spent in motoring with pretty girls in the neighbourhood of Sofia. Many good observers were of opinion that with a more competent Russian representative, such as M. Nekludoff, who in 1914 was transferred to Stockholm, the situation would have been saved. In their memorandum submitted in January 1915 to Lord (then Sir Edward) Grey, Messrs. N. and C. R. Buxton said that their experience of fifteen years convinced them that the Bulgarian sentiment of the Macedonians could not in a short time be made to give way to another national sentiment. If we rule out, as being slaves of circumstance, all the Macedonians who now tell you that from Bulgar they have changed to Serb, there is no reason why we should not credit those who are so weary of the rival activities of both parties that they wish for peace and nothing else. They would follow, not the Messrs. Buxton, but the priest of the Bulgarian village of Chuprenia, who told me that he held that one might pray to God for the success of the Bulgarian arms, without saying whether they were in the right or in the wrong. After the end of the war this priest sent a telegram, which was perhaps a little indiscreet, advocating that the Bulgarian people should join in Yugoslavia.

To prevent the Southern Slavs being torn by internal strife, it is necessary between Serbia and Bulgaria that one of them should for a time be paramount. We may be confident that Serbia will not abuse her position. In fact it is the opinion of a Roumanian lady at Monastir that the Serbs were uncommonly rash in taking into their service so many who once had called themselves Bulgars and now maintain that they are Serbs. But Serbia has become relatively so strong that she can be indulgent. She will even satisfy that Bulgarian professor who is said to have discussed the Macedonian question with the British military attache.

The attache suggested a division between Serbia and Bulgaria.

"No," said the professor; "let the country remain a whole, like the child before Solomon."

"Would you be satisfied?" asked the attache, "if this question were now decided once and for all?"

"Yes," said the professor, "if the judge be another Solomon."

Among the Bulgars who are looking forward to the day when their country will, in some form or other, join Yugoslavia, there are some who suggest that when comparative tranquillity has been assured upon the Macedonian frontiers (that is to say, between Macedonia and the Albanians) it would be as well to garrison the province with Croatian regiments, pending the employment in their own country of Macedonian troops. Gradually the time will come when, as one of the units of the Yugoslav State, Macedonia will enjoy the same amount of Home Rule as the other provinces. She will then, maybe, decide for herself such matters as the preservation of her dialects, local administration, police, etc.

* * * * *

Once on the banks of the Danube when I was going to sail from one of these countries to her neighbour with whom she had recently been at war, and some of the inhabitants had kindly come to see me off, I was presented, amongst other things, with an old gentleman's good wishes, which he had taken the trouble to express in French and in verse. I believe that he recited them, but there was a considerable tumult on the landing-stage. Then a very angry traveller appropriated one of my ears and began to tell me that they were for detaining him in this country; three or four natives of the country reported, simultaneously, into my other ear that he had been letting off his revolver and was altogether a dangerous man. I was to settle whether he should sail or not, and meanwhile his luggage had been put ashore. He waved his passport in my face. Both he and his opponents were gesticulating with great violence, and this they continued to do even after I filled their hands with most of the small and large bouquets which the friendly people had brought down for me. There was so much noise that the boat's whistle, which the captain started, was no more than a forest-tree soaring slightly over those around it. As I tried to disentangle myself from those who encircled me I caught sight of the old gentleman of the poem--in appearance he was a smaller edition of the late Dr. Butler of Trinity; he was clearly nervous lest I should depart without his lines, which he extended towards me, written on the back of one of his visiting-cards. I was just then being told by the agitated traveller that he had only been firing into the air because it was Easter, and that this was his invariable custom at midnight on Easter-Eve. The explanation was so satisfactory that everyone welcomed my suggestion that he should sail and that they should send his revolver on to him by parcel post. They all shook hands with him. The two nationalities were on excellent terms. And we may transfer the old gentleman's good wishes to them and the other Yugoslavs:

Oh! la belle journee de votre bonheur,
Souhaitons votre bon voyage tout-a-l'heure.
Couronne de grands succes du ciel je vous implore,
Allegresse, sante et prosperite je vous augure.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 116: Cf. _Modern Italy_, by Giovanni Borghese. Paris,
1913.]

[Footnote 117: Cf. _Through the Lands of the Serb_.]

[Footnote 118: Cf. _The Children of the Illuminator_, by Bishop
Nicholai Velimirovi['c]. London, 1919.]

[Footnote 119: _Edinburgh Review_, July 1920 (anonymous).]

[Footnote 120: Subsequently printed as a pamphlet with the
title, _Die Ausgestaltung des deutschen Kultur-Einflusses in
Bulgarien_. This was printed by the Opposition parties in
Sofia, who to circumvent the censor gave out that it was
written by an Englishman against Bratiano.]

INDEX OF VOLUME II

(_The Names of Books, Newspapers, and Ships are in Italics._)

Abbazia, Conditions at, 72 _et seq._

Achikou (Kol), brother of Anthony, 326.

Achikou (Prof. Anthony), the Mirdite, 285, 327 _et seq._

_Adeverul_, its claims, 363.

Agrarian Reform in Czecho-Slovakia, 136. -- -- in Hungary, 135. -- -- in Yugoslavia, 132 _et seq._

Ahmed Beg Mati, 282-3.

_Albanais_, _Les_, quoted, 352.

_Albanesische Studien_, quoted, 287.

Albanians against Austrian army, 100. -- compared with Basques, 294. -- -- -- Kurds, 311. -- of Dalmatia, 38. -- and the land in Yugoslavia, 136-7.

_Albanie Independente_, quoted, 292.

_Albanien und die Albanesen_, quoted, 288.

Alberti (Mario), his _L'Adriatico et il Mediterraneo_, 66.

Alexander (King) and the Communists, 221. -- -- and the Croats, 400. -- -- on the Italians, 60, 120.

Ambassadors' Conference, 273, 337 _et seq._, 349 _et seq._

Ambris (A. di) and the British boots, 219.

Anglo-Albanian Society, 296, 306, 323.

Apponyi (Count), on Hungary's neighbours, 371.

Asquith (H. H.) and Dalmatia, 92.

Austrian activities in Albania, 277-8, 281, 286, 292, 303, 316-7, 320.

Austrians in Montenegro, 97 _et seq._ -- their hospitals, 97-8.

Austrians, their parliamentary manners, 224.

Autonomists, the old party, 29, 35-6, 45-6, 159 _et seq._ --the Rieka party, 46, 54, 261.

Avramovi['c] of the Peasants' party, 242.

Badoglio (General) and the coal-supply, 215-6.

Balkan Committee, 347.

Banat, after the War, 124 _et seq._, 362 _et seq._

Baro[vs], _see_ Rieka.

Bartlett (C. A. H.) and Italy's rights, 139.

Basri Bey, 292-3.

Beaumont (A.), the correspondent, 47, 53, 55-6, 64.

Belloc (H.), his curious ideas, 25-6, 35.

_Bellum Gallicum_, quoted, 287.

Bencivenga (General) and the Albanians, 280.

Benelli (Sem), poet and warrior, 140.

Berati Bey, the delegate, 273.

Berlin Congress and two villages, 304.

_Bessa Shqyptare_, its existence, 285-6.

Bib Doda, Prenk, 291, 324-5.

Bissolati, the gallant Minister, 80 _et seq._, 85-6, 152.

Blakeney, for Rieka, 268.

Blood-vengeance, Monsignor Bumci on, 285. -- Miss Durham on, 287. -- how it may be washed out, 298. -- its high-water mark, 288. -- its prevalence, 293, 330. -- its relative decline, 283.

Bobrikoff (General), on religion in Serbia, 397-8.

Bogi['c] (Dr.), the victim, 149 _et seq._

Bojana, perilous for French boats, 96.

Bojani['c] (Dom Ivo), his protest, 175.

Borghese (Prince Livio), 375.

Bosnia and Agrarian Reform, 132-3, 221. -- after the War, 106 _et seq._, 220-1.

_Bosnische Post_, quoted, 95.

Boxich (Dr.), the results of truthfulness, 164-5.

Brodie (Captain), his exploit, 306 _et seq._

Brunhes (Prof. Jean), cited, 350.

Bryce (Roland), his Montenegrin report, 253 _et seq._

Bufani, of the Banat, 370.

Bukvich (Captain), the Intelligence Officer, 158 _et seq._

Bulgars, some characteristics, 403-4. -- and the future, 405 _et seq._

Bumci (Monsignor), the mild Regent, 281, 283, 284, 285, 290-1.

Buonfiglio (R.), the journalist, 176, 178, 182.

Buri['c] (V.), 193-4.

Burrows (the late Prof.) and the Albanians, 276.

Buxton (Noel), 347, 405 _et seq._ -- -- his _Balkan Problems and European Peace_, 405.

Cagni (Admiral) at Pola, 23-4, 44.

Candrea (Prof.), his map, 364.

Cappone (Colonel) of [vS]ibenik, 35, 145.

Carducci, quoted, 83.

Carinthia, hostilities, 124, 128 _et seq._ -- the plebiscite, 374 _et seq._

Cecil (Lord Robert) and the Albanians, 323, 327, 328-9.

[vC]ekoni['c] (Count) and the Dobrovoljci, 135.

Centurione, the deputy, 78.

Chauvinism, Serbian lack of, 348-9, 384.

_Chicago Tribune_, quoted, 198-9.

Chimigo (Prof.) and the Italians, 282.

Church in Albania, 291. -- -- in Croatia, 242-3, 245. -- -- in Serbia, 397-8.

Cicoli (Admiral) and Austria's collapse, 18-9.

Clemenceau (G.), 23, 93, 199, 213 _et seq._, 284.

[vC]okorilo and his undesirable newspaper, 109 _et seq._

Colajanni and the Slovenes, 388.

Communists in Yugoslavia, 221 _et seq._, 238, 254.

_Contemporary Review_, quoted, 15, 247-8.

_Corriere d'Italia_ (and _see_ Buonfiglio), 215.

Costume, Absence of, 287-8.

Cres, Italian measures at, 42, 56 _et seq._

Croats and Agrarian Reform, 133 _et seq._, 221. -- -- and Magyars, 246. -- -- their relations to the Serbs, 111 _et seq._, 220, 240 _et seq._, 244 _et seq._, 251-2, 397 _et seq._

Crosse (Rev. E. C.), his _The Defeat of Austria_, 14.

Cunnington (Captain Willett), his accusation, 306, 309.

Cviji['c] (Prof.), his views, 275.

_Daily Telegraph_, quoted, 47.

Dalmatia, why demanded by Italians, 87 _et seq._ -- -- deportations from, 152. -- -- population, 148-9, 230-1. -- -- how treated by Italians, 148 _et seq._

_Dalmazia_, a newspaper, 171 _et seq._

D'Annunzio, his absurdity, 86. -- -- the Holy Entry, 196. -- -- various exploits at Rieka, 208 _et seq._ -- -- his invective, 83. -- -- his munificence, 280-1. -- -- in temporary possession, 198 _et seq._ -- -- his thousand proclamations, 197. -- -- disapproves of Treaty of Rapallo, 234-5.

Darkovi['c], the respected deputy, 96.

Davidovi['c], leader of Democrats, 225.

Dell (Anthony) on the Italians, 15.

Delonga (Jakov), his testimony, 76.

Devine (A.) and his propaganda, 193-4, 227-8.

Djakovica, 293, 298 _et seq._

Djer Doucha, the villain, 307.

Djoni (Mark), President of the Mirditi, 324, 325, 328, 342.

Doci (Primo), the great Abbot, 324.

Doday (Father Paul), 286.

Doimi (Dr.) of Vis, 29.

Domiaku[vs]i['c] (Prof.) at [vS]ibenik, 144.

Donghi (Marchese), his assertions, 26-7.

Draghicesco (Dr.), his _Les Roumains de Serbie_, 356.

Dra[vs]kovi['c], his murder, 223-4.

Drin, river, as a frontier, 279, 302, 304, 321.

Durham (Edith), apologist, 289, 290. -- -- compared with Sir Charles Eliot, 310 _et seq._ -- -- disgusted with Great Britain, 313. -- -- her _Through the Lands of the Serb_, 395. -- -- her _Twenty Years of Balkan Tangle_, 310. -- -- her respect for Mr. Bottomley, 311. -- -- her wrath, 305. -- -- on Albanian medicine, 288. -- -- on the tyranny of Serbian schools, 297.

_Echo de l'Adriatique_, its suppression, 62-3.

_Edinburgh Review_, quoted, 230, 399.

_Edinost_, quoted, 123.

Eliot (Sir Charles), 274, 289, 310 _et seq._

Entente, Little, 269 _et seq._

_Epopea Shqyptare_, quoted, 284.

Essad and Essadists, 292-3, 336, 342-3, 345.

European War and the Albanians, 312-3, 317, 345-6.

Evangheli (Pandeli), 345.

Evans (Sir Arthur), 67, 184 _et seq._

Fan Noli, the versatile, 327-8.

Fascisti, 78, 217, 260 _et seq._

Fichta (Father), 284, 293.

Fisher (Rt. Hon. H. A. L.), 340 _et seq._

Fiume, _see_ Rieka.

Fodor (Prof. Dr.), on race, 8.

_Fortnightly Review_, quoted, 20, 26, 269, 275, 280, 324, 333.

Franchet d'Esperey (Marshal) and Albania, 274, 278-9, 350, 351. -- -- -- and Montenegro, 96, 103.

Frank party in Croatia, 114.

French, how they regarded the Italians, 63-4, 96, 199. -- how treated by the Italians, 42, 198-9.

Freund (Leo), the secret agent, 281.

Frontier, Yugoslav, with Albania, 273 _et seq._ -- -- with Austria, 374 _et seq._ -- -- with Bulgaria, 354-5. -- -- with Greece, 353-4. -- -- with Hungary, 370 _et seq._ -- -- with Italy, 383 _et seq._ -- -- with Roumania, 356 _et seq._

Gaeta army, 187, 228.

Gardner (E.), on Balkanic mentality, 236.

Gauvain, the publicist, 90.

Gavazzi (Dr. A.), on Rieka's population, 54.

_Gazzetta del Popolo_, quoted, 197.

"Geographie Humaine de la France," quoted, 350.

Germans, in Banat, 363 _et seq._ -- in Carinthia, 374 _et seq._

Giglioli (Prof.), his claim, 79, 80.

Giolitti, 78, 210, 219, 234.

Giuratti, the patriot, 264-5.

_Glasgow Herald_, on Treaty of Rapallo, 233.

Gloma[vz]i['c], the lame prefect, 105, 192.

Goad (H. E.), his explanations, 90, 269, 275, 280, 325, 333. -- -- his wrath, 231, 324, 350.

Godart (Justin), his work in Albania, 279, 334. -- -- his _L'Albanie en 1921_, 351.

Gorica, its population, 388-9.

Gothardi of Rieka, 46-7.

_Grazer Tagblatt_, 378.

Grazioli (General) at Rieka, 54, 62.

Grossich (Dr.) of Rieka, 48, 140, 258-9.

Grubi[vs]i['c] and his flag, 260.

Gusinje, its past and future, 304 _et seq._

Hahn (Consul), his labours, 287.

Halim Beg Derala, 285, 298.

Hanotaux (Gabriel), 294, 351.

Haumant (E.), his _La Slavisation de la Dalmatie_, 89.

Herbert (Hon. Aubrey, M.P.), 288. -- -- on Montenegro, 257. -- -- his propaganda, 327.

Herbert (Hon. Aubrey, M.P.), his request, 323. -- -- his testimony, 306. -- -- the 120 villages, 296.

Hickmann (Prof.), cited, 346.

_Histoire illustree de la guerre de 1914_, quoted, 351.

Hla['c]a (Karlo) of Cres, 56 _et seq._

Horthy (Admiral) at Pola, 17 _et seq._, 270.

_Hrvat_, on the Carinthian plebiscite, 382-3.

_Humanite_, 76.

_Hungarian Nation_, quoted, 8.

Hvar, its interesting names, 32-3. -- the Italians land on, 32 _et seq._

Imperiali (Marquis), his submission, 329.

Islamism, Fanatic, of some Albanians, 299. -- Superficial, of other, 281. -- Treatment of, by Greek Church, 301. -- Treatment of, by Montenegrins, 302.

Islands of Adriatic, demanded by Italy, 166 _et seq._ -- -- -- visited, 165 _et seq._

Istria, its population, 121, 386 _et seq._

Italianists of Dalmatia and Rieka, 35, 39, 40, 54, 137 _et seq._, 158, 175.

Italians (and _see_ Dalmatia) and Allied flags, 145, 155, 178. -- reprimanded by their Allies, 161-2. -- loyalty to Austria in the War, 159 _et seq._ -- system of bribery, 156 _et seq._, 163, 170, 176. -- land in Dalmatia, 29 _et seq._ -- discouragement in 1917, 11. -- conduct towards the French, 42, 52, 198-9. -- what they thought of the French, 94. -- generosity in Albania, 282, 328, 333, 344. -- Good and bad, on the islands, 168 _et seq._ -- incapacity, 275, 278, 319. -- intrigues, 274, 279, 280 _et seq._, 292, 303, 305, 329, 337-8, 351.

Italians land in Istria, 42 _et seq._ -- and the Dalmatians' money, 37-8, 147-8, 153-4, 163. -- in Montenegro, 94 _et seq._, 105, 187 _et seq._, 194-5. -- naval enterprise, 123-4. -- naval enterprise, lack of, 16 _et seq._, 27-8. -- measures at Rab, 59, 60. -- measures against Rieka, 262 _et seq._ -- measures at Rieka, 48, 52, 195 _et seq._ -- against the Serbo-Croat language, 57. -- retreat from Slovenia, 61. -- what they had to face in 1918, 12 _et seq._ -- how they regard the Yugoslavs, 16, 84. -- how they are regarded by the Yugoslavs, 15-6, 27-8, 201, 236-7. -- relations with Yugoslavs, 383 _et seq._ -- steps against Yugoslav churches and schools, 44, 57 _et seq._, 146-7, 152-3, 184.

_Italy in the Balkans at this Hour_, quoted, 292.

Jaray (Gabriel Louis), 352.

Jire[vc]ek (Dr. C.), his _Die Handelsstrassen, etc._, 33.

_Journal des Debats_, 76, 91, 329, 339.

Kadri (Hodja), 283.

Karl (ex-Emperor), his grand offer, 320.

Karolyi (Count Michael), 125.

Katarani (Prof.), 292.

Klementi, 316 _et seq._

Koch (Admiral), the active Slovene, 17 _et seq._

Korac, the remarkable Socialist, 117-8.

Kor[vc]ula, Italians land on, 31-2.

Koro[vs]ec (Monsignor), 115, 117, 119, 382.

_Koroski Slovenec_, 383.

"Kossovo" Committee, 326.

Kossovo in Yugoslavia, its condition, 287.

Kova['c]s (A.), turns to the Croats, 8.

Krk, the persecuted Bishop, 40 _et seq._ -- Proceedings at, 39 _et seq._

_Labour Monthly_ on the "White Terror," 224.

_Land and Water_, quoted, 25, 35.

Language of Bosnia, 89.

Laveleye (M. de), his _The Balkan Peninsula_, 203.

_Lavoratore_, quoted, 217, 386.

Lazari, his question, 187.

League of Nations, 323, 337 _et seq._

Leiper (R.), the shrewd observer, 104, 188-9, 242.

Lenac (Dr.) of Rieka, 45, 50, 52.

_Leonidas_, the American ship, 31-2.

Lesina, _see_ Hvar.

Leyland (John), the naval authority, 25.

Liga Nazionale, its schools, 59, 158, 184, 318.

Lin, a village, 342.

Lincoln, quoted, 209.

Lissa, _see_ Vis.

Ljocha (Alush) and his house, 283-4.

Lloyd George (D.) and the Adriatic, 93, 213-4. -- -- and the Serbo-Albanian frontier, 284, 336 _et seq._

Lovrana, 73-4.

Luzzatti, compares two civilizations, 172.

Macchiedo (Dr.), liberated from Sardinia, 152.

Macdonald (J. N.), his _A Political Escapade_, 199, 258, 327.

Macedonia, and the Communists, 222-3. -- its progress and future, 137, 202, 405 _et seq._

Magnanimity of the Serbs, 124 _et seq._, 270.

Magyar hopes, 270.

Mahni['c] (Bishop), _see_ Krk.

_Manchester Guardian_, quoted, 21, 186, 236, 313.

Mandirazza (F.) and his two masters, 84.

Markovi['c] (Dr. Lazar), 337.

Markovi['c] (Sima), the Communist, 223-4, 238.

Martini['c] (Count), his ruthlessness, 98-9.

Martinovi['c] (General), 346.

Massingham (H. W.), 192.

_Mattino_, quoted, 75.

Maximovi['c] (Colonel) at Rieka, 51-2.

Mazzini, and Vis, 82.

_Mercure de France_, quoted, 123.

Mileti['c] (Captain), his murder, 195.

Millo (Admiral), on Austrian currency, 153. -- -- on Dr. Boxich, 165. -- -- and d'Annunzio, 197, 209, 215. -- -- Homage to, 87. -- -- discourses on public order, 174. -- -- on the Slavs, 141 _et seq._

Milovanovi['c] (Dr.), on Macedonia, 406.

Minorities in Yugoslavia, 201 _et seq._

Mirditi, 290, 323 _et seq._, 340 _et seq._

M'Neill (Ronald, M.P.), champion of Montenegro, 95, 102, 191, 253 _et seq._

Montaigne, quoted, 194.

Montenegrins and Albanians, 136-7. -- and the Austrian army, 98 _et seq._ -- their culture, 393 _et seq._ -- their General Election, 253 _et seq._ -- as migrants, 228. -- misled, 94, 187-8.

Montesquieu, quoted, 90.

Moretti (Dr.), his pacific efforts, 180-1.

_Morning Post_, quoted, 88, 104, 188-9, 191, 218, 242, 257, 336, 400.

Moslems in Bosnia, 119, 202-3, 220-1, 225, 393.

Mousset (Albert), 339.

Mueller (Dr. Max) and Albanian affairs, 276 _et seq._

Narodna Uprava, 127.

_Nation_, quoted, 192, 267, 310.

_Nazione_, quoted, 261.

_Near East_, quoted, 257, 309, 337, 346-7.

_Neue Freie Presse_, quoted, 124.

_New Europe_, quoted, 79, 80, 84-5, 123, 369.

_New Statesman_, quoted, 296, 309.

Nicholas of Montenegro, his lack of courage, 9. -- -- deposed, 100 _et seq._ -- -- his downfall, 255 _et seq._

Nicholas of Montenegro, his methods with Albanians, 289. -- -- his methods with Europe, 304. -- -- and the Skup[vs]tina, 106.

Nikai (Dom Ndoc), 285.

_Nineteenth Century and After_, quoted, 25, 95, 102, 256.

Nitti and d'Annunzio, 196, 198, 201, 209, 210, 212-3, 215-6, 218.

Nopsca (Baron), 274, 288.

Novi Bazar, Sandjak, 108, 119, 316-7.

Obradovi['c] (Dositej), 315.

Obrovac, Divergent views concerning, 148.

_Observer_, quoted, 340.

_Obzor_, a newspaper, 115.

Orlando, the Premier, 78, 80, 85-6, 91, 138, 185.

Pact of Rome, 84 _et seq._, 185.

Paolucci (Lieut.), and the _Viribus Unitis_, 16, 20 _et seq._

Parkington (Sir R.), 194.

Parties, Political, in Yugoslavia, 117 _et seq._

Pa[vs]i['c], his astuteness, 85, 117, 240. -- his prudence, 133, 225.

Patchou (Dr.), of the triumvirate, 225, 282.

Paveli['c] (Dr. A.), dentist and politician, 114-5, 117, 119.

Pe['c], 293, 298.

Pelagosa, its amenities, 167.

Pericone (Captain) of Scutari, 280, 343.

Pistuli (Notz), his mission, 328.

Pivko (Prof.), his exploit, 13.

Plamenac (J.) and the Gaeta army 187. -- -- his unpopularity, 94-5.

Plav, 304 _et seq._

Podgorica Skup[vs]tina, 100 _et seq._

Poggi (Lieut.), at Kor[vc]ula, 31, 183.

Pojar (Dr.), his case, 390.

Pola, 16 _et seq._, 42, 44, 387-8.

Pombara (Captain Binnos de), his feat, 27-8.

Pommerol (Captain), on the islands, 165 _et seq._

Popovi['c] (Dr. Du[vs]an), 246-7, 399.

Popovitch (Dr. A.), his curious career, 356 _et seq._

_Posta e Shqypnis_, quoted, 284.

_Pravda_, quoted, 336.

_Pravi Dalmatinac_, 73.

Prekomurdje, what happened there, 372 _et seq._

Prennushi (Father Vincent), 286, 344.

Prezzolini (G.), on Dalmatia and Tripoli, 82. -- -- and Vis, 82.

Pribi[vc]evi['c] (Svetozar), the Minister, 44, 117-8, 225-6, 240-1,
245 _et seq._, 399.

_Primorske Novine_, quoted, 92.

Pri[vs]tina, Horrid conditions at, 298.

Proti['c], the statesman, 113, 225-6.

_Quarterly Review_, on Yugoslavia, 226, 247.

Race before religion, 390-1.

Ra[vc]i['c] (Pouni[vs]a), 278, 306 _et seq._, 330.

Radi['c] (S.) of Croatia, 111 _et seq._, 119, 135-6, 238 _et seq._, 399. -- -- his _Dom_, 242-3.

Rado[vs]evi['c] (Dr.), 118.

Radovi['c] (Andrija), 187-8.

Raineri (Admiral), 49 _et seq._

Rapallo, Treaty of, 83, 211, 232 _et seq._, 260 _et seq._, 384.

Rapp, his testimonial, 125.

_Rassegna Italiana_, quoted, 63.

Re-Bartlett (Mrs.), on Dalmatia, 230-1.

Red Cross, American, 189. -- -- International, 189. -- -- Italian, 216.

Regnault (E.), his _Histoire politique, etc._, 358.

Religion before race, 372.

Rieka, _see_ D'Annunzio and Vio. -- Americans at, 52. -- the Austrian stores, 216 _et seq._ -- Baro[vs] harbour, 260, 268. -- the C.N.I., 45 _et seq._, 49, 54, 61-2, 140, 197, 212, 216 _et seq._, 258 _et seq._ -- Croat mistakes, 48-9. -- Croat National Council, 45 _et seq._, 62-3. -- economic position, 66 _et seq._ -- the frenzy, 137 _et seq._ -- moribund under Italy, 259, 260. -- population analysed, 53 _et seq._ -- a few scandals, 216 _et seq._

Rieka and the Treaty of Rapallo, 234-5, 385 _et seq._

_Rije['c]_, quoted, 64.

Risti['c] (Colonel) and the komitadjis, 194-5.

Rossetti (Major) and the _Viribus Unitis_, 16, 20 _et seq._

Roth (Dr.), Lord of Teme[vs]var, 127-8.

Roumanians in Banat, 9, 10, 362 _et seq._ -- and their Jews, 203 _et seq._ -- in Serbia, 356 _et seq._

Rugovo, Reason for burning of, 305.

Ryan (T. S.) of the _Chicago Tribune_, 198-9.

Salis (Count de), his mission, 190-1.

Salonica, and the Serbs, 353-4.

Salvemini (Prof.), the anti-chauvinist, 87, 231-2, 234.

Salvi (Dr.) of Split, 159 _et seq._

_Samouprava_, quoted, 337.

San Marzano (General di), 51-2, 54, 61.

Sanctis (Lieut. de), his sanctions, 163.

Saseno, 295.

_Saturday Review_, 231.

Savinsky, the Russian Minister, 406.

Sazonov, and the Adriatic, 91-2.

Schanzer (Signor), on Rieka, 264-5.

Schools, _see_ Liga Nazionale. -- for Albanians, 300. -- in Carinthia, 377-8. -- at Cres, 57-8. -- in Dalmatia, 146-7. -- in Istria, 73-4. -- at Kor[vc]ula, 184. -- Militant, at Borgo Erizzo, 38. -- in Montenegro, 257. -- at Pola, 44. -- at Rieka, 53. -- at [vS]ibenik, 144-5. -- at Zadar, 35.

_Scotsman_, on Treaty of Rapallo, 233.

Scutari, its probable future, 296, 320, 335.

Sebenico, _see_ [vS]ibenik.

_Secolo_, on Montenegro, 257. -- on Treaty of London, 50.

_Secours des Enfants Serbes_, _Au_, 27.

Segre (General), his alleged request, 140.

_Sera_, quoted, 280.

Serbo-Croat Coalition, 245 _et seq._

Serbs, in relation to Albanians, 295 _et seq._ -- -- -- Croats (and _see_ Croats), 115 _et seq._, 397 _et seq._ -- -- -- Montenegrins, 188-9, 192-3, 253 _et seq._, 393 _et seq._

Sereggi (Archbishop), 281-4.

Seton-Watson (Dr. R. W.), 236, 347, 354.

Sforza (Count), his letter, 268.

[vS]ibenik, 30, 33 _et seq._, 144-5.

Siebertz, the traveller, 288, 291.

[vS]imunovi['c] (M.) and the Italians, 32.

Slovenes (_see_ Carinthia), their country, 120 _et seq._, 235-6, 245. -- their culture, 392-3. -- their political methods, 114-5, 374 _et seq._

Socialists, Italian, and Rieka, 211-2.

[vS]ojat (F.) and Dr. Vio, 69.

Sonnino (Baron), 28, 75 _et seq._, 85-6, 93, 122, 138, 167, 185, 374, 384.

_Spectator_, quoted, 230.

Sportiello (Captain) at Vis, 30.

Stadler (Lieut.-Colonel), the podesta, 74, 137.

Stambouluesky as a Yugoslav, 399.

Stamps, at Zagreb, 72.

Star[vc]evi['c] party in Croatia, 117, 119, 248.

Steed (H. Wickham), his letter, 77.

Steinen (Dr. H. von den) and the Bulgars, 404.

Steinmetz, the traveller, 290.

[vS]tigli['c] and the poor officials, 63.

Strossmayer, Radi['c] on, 239.

_Suisse_, _La_, quoted, 328.

Supilo, of Dalmatia, 92.

Su[vs]ak, 54-5.

Susmel (Edoardo), the writer, 62.

[vS]vegel (Ivan), on Italian shipping policy, 123-4.

Svibi['c] (Colonel) and the Italians, 61.

Sydenham (Lord), his lack of discretion, 95, 188-9.

Szeged, its position, 369.

_Tablet_, quoted, 40.

Tamaro (Dr. A.) and _Modern Italy_, 94.

Tardieu, his suggestion concerning Rieka, 195.

Taylor (A. H. E.), on Prekomurdje, 373.

Teme[vs]var in transition, 126 _et seq._, 367.

Temperley (Major H. W. V.), on Albania, 338-9. -- -- on Montenegro, 254-5. -- -- his _A History of the Peace Conference_, 354. -- -- his _The Second Year of the League_, 338.

_Tempo_, on the Rieka deputations, 212.

_Temps_, quoted, 213, 336.

Tesli['c] (Colonel), 50-1.

_Times_, quoted, 131, 344-5.

Tittoni, and Rieka, 195, 199.

Tomi['c] (Ja[vs]a), the old-fashioned, 116, 397.

Treaty of London, 28-9, 33, 50, 60, 75 _et seq._, 80, 82, 90 _et seq._, 120, 213, 278. -- -- Rapallo, _see_ Rapallo.

Tre[vs]i['c]-Pavi[vc]i['c] (Dr. A.), 19, 20.

Trevelyan (G. M.), on the Italians in Dalmatia, 235.

_Tribuna_, quoted, 75, 77.

_Tribune de Geneve_, quoted, 327.

Triest, what is desirable, 122. -- its future, 44, 386 _et seq._ -- Italians and Slovenes, 123. -- its population, 121.

Trogir, the great invasion, 200-1.

Trumbi['c] (Dr. A.), 86, 252, 321.

_Turkey in Europe_, quoted, 289.

_Under the Acroceraunian Mountains_, 327, 351.

_Unita_, quoted, 87.

Veglia, _see_ Krk.

Velika Kikinda, its necessities, 368.

Velimirovi['c] (Bishop), his _The Children of the Illuminator_, 398.

Venizelos and the Serbs, 353-4. -- and Thrace, 355.

Veprinac, its population, 44.

Verdinois (Major), his word, 179, 180.

_Verrath bei Carzano_, _Der_, 13.

Ver[vs]ac, the former Bishop's declaration, 202.

Ver[vs]ac, scene of Roumanian activities, 10.

Vesni['c] (Dr.) and the Italians, 233-4, 237.

Ve[vs]ovi['c] (General), his enterprises, 98, 228-9.

Vio (Dr.) of Rieka, 29, 45-6, 48, 54-5, 68 _et seq._

Vis, Italians land on, 29, 30. -- concerning its possession, 82-3.

Vivante (A.), his _L'irredentismo adriatico_, 122.

Vivian (H.), his ferocity, 191.

Volosca, 73-4.

_Vorstoss in die Nordalbanischen Alpen_, quoted, 290.

Vukoti['c] (Voivoda), his answer, 103.

Vukovi['c] (Admiral), his fate, 20 _et seq._

Westlake (Prof.), his _International Law_, 139.

Wied (Prince of), erstwhile Mpret, 276-7. -- (Princess of), her ladies criticized, 288.

Wilson (President), 63, 92-3, 125, 138-9, 213-4.

Xenia (Princess), 103.

Yastrebow, the Russian authority, 287.

Yugoslavia, conditions after the War, 226. -- her cohesion, 120, 229, 230, 249, 272. -- and the future, 236-7, 398-9.

Zadar, reception of Italians, 35. -- Schools at, 35. -- and Treaty of Rapallo, 234, 236, 268-9, 385. -- Wild doings at, 37-8.

Zagreb and the future, 398 _et seq._ -- and the stamps, 72.

_Zagreber Tagblatt_, 264-5.

Zanella (Prof.), 69, 217, 261 _et seq._

Zara, _see_ Zadar.

Zari['c] (Bishop), and Wilson, 91-2.

Zari['c] (Prof.), his removal, 169, 170.

Zena Beg, 282-3, 285.

Ziliotto (Dr.) of Zara, 36-7, 164-5.

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