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Chapter V: Part 5

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And now of late tyme a peas finalle was made and take withe king Charlis the sext, and the whiche finalle peas made solempnelie at Trois in Champayne, the .xxj. day of Maij the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xx., and registred in the court of parlement, confermed that alle divisions and debates betwene the roiaume of Englande and the roiaume of Fraunce shulde for ever cease; and the saide finalle peas heelde not fullie .ij. yeris, but brake sone after the decese of that victorioux prince king Harry the .v^{the}., upon his mariage withe quene Katerin.

[Sidenote: De infractione treugarum nota hoc.]

And now last of alle the gret trewes taken and made at Towris betwene Henry the sext, the innocent[132] prince, and Charlis the .vij^{the}., youre adversarie of Fraunce, in the said .xxiiij. yere of his reigne, solempnely sworne and sealed, and sone after broken be the Frenshe partie.

[Sidenote: De continuacione hereditatis ducatus Normandiae. Rollo dux vocatus Robertus filius magnifici d'ni in regno Daciae vocati Byercoteferre.]

[Sidenote: Nota causam &c.]

[Sidenote: Nota optime.]

And none of alle these trewes hathe ben observed ne kept, notwithstanding any sacremente, othes, [or] promisses made by youre adversarie and be his dukes, erlis, and barones of the seide Frenshe partie, but alway brake the saide trewes whan they coude take any avauntage ayenst us, as it shewethe openly, and may be a mirroure for ever to alle cristen princes to mystrust any trewes taking by youre saide adversarie or his allies and subjectis, be it the duke of Breteyne, the duke of Orliens, or any suche other his complisses: for where as youre noble progenitours were seased and possessid of the said duchie of Normandie sithe that duke Rollo of the nacion of Denmarke, the yere of Crist .ix^cxij. conquerid it upon Charlis le Simple, to whome he gave his doughter in mariage withe the seide duchie, and so hathe continued from heire to heire .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere, but after as it may be cast it was .cc.iiij^{xx}xj. yere that it was nevor in no king of Fraunce is hande tille it was lost in king Johan is daies of Englande. And than for suche inconvenientis as was used now be mysfortune under {40} [the umbre of trewes and for puttyng down Arthur of Breteyn,[133]] it was lost and yoven up to the seide king Phelip dieudonne in the yere of Crist M^l.cc.iij., about the first [and second[133]] yere of the seide king Johan. And frome the saide first yere of king Johan the possession of the saide duchie of Normandie discontynued .C.xxxvj. yere, that was to the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.xxxix., that youre right and possession was refourmed by youre noble progenitoure king Edwarde the thrid, whiche by many yeris leide segis and had batailes withe Philip de Valois and Johan of Fraunce, occupieris of that kingdom.

How king Edwarde the thrid made first grete alliaunces withe gret astatis or he began to make werre in Fraunce.

[Sidenote: Nota de auxilio regis Edwardi.]

[Sidenote: Conciderand'.]

[Sidenote: In cronicis Frodsard.]

[Sidenote: Pax finalis sperata fuit.]

[Sidenote: .1360.]

[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]

[Sidenote: Consideracio.]

And therto king Edwarde allied hym withe fulle mighty princes to socour and reliefe hym in his werres or he began to set on hem: first withe Lowes emperoure of Allemayne, to whome he rewardid fifty thousande sak wolle for perveaunce, and soulde men of werre that he shulde make to helpe king Edward the thrid in his conquest; and after allied hym to the erle of Heynew and to the erle of Flaundres, and also withe the duke of Bretein; the whiche alliaunces was a fulle gret socoure and helpe to his conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, for he wanne at the first raise that he made over the see M^l.M^l.v^c. townes and castellis, and soforthe reigned and continued in armes .xxxiiij. yeris, by putting the Frenshe king and his allies in gret subgeccion for the right of his enheritaunces, like as who so lust rede the booke [of] his actis clepid [mayster[133]] Froddesarde more plainly may perceyve. And so alle his daies contynued tille unto the tyme that be dissimulacion of the gret peas taken atwix hym and his prisoner king Johan of Fraunce, made at Bretigny the yere of Crist M^l.iij^c.lx., that undre umbre of the seid trewes Charles le Sage his sonne, after the decese of king Johan, did put king Edwarde thrid out of alle his said conquest in Fraunce and Normandie, and partie of Guyen. And sithen more effectuelle laboures and dedis of armes {41} hathe be done by that victorioux prince Henry the .v^{the}., he being parsonelly bothe at many sieges, leyng at assautes, at batailes, and journeis frome the second yere of his reigne [exclusyfe[134]] into the day of his trespassement the space of .vij. yere. Whiche labouris parcellis of them briefly bene specified before. And there youre obeisaunt subgeitis and trew liege peple be put owt of their londis and tenementis yoven to hem by youre predecessoures, as wel as be that highe and mighty prince Richarde duke of Yorke youre father, being at two voiages lieutenaunt and gouvernaunt in Fraunce, for service done unto hem in theire conquest, not recompensed ayen to theire undoing. Heh allas! thei did crie, and woo be the tyme they saide, that ever we shulde put affiaunce and trust to the Frenshe partie or theire allie[gh] in any trewes keping, considering so many folde tymes we have ben deceived and myschevid thoroughe suche dissimuled trewes as is late before specified. And yet not for alle these inconvenientis that have falle to us be conspiring of deceitis undre umbre of suche dissimuled trewes, late it be out of doubte that, thoughe they holde theym never so proude, puissaunt, and strong, ne so sotill and crafty in suche deceitis conspiring, they by Goddis might shalbe overcome and brought to the right astate that it oughte be, where as the title and clayme of thenheritaunce of Fraunce is verray trew, whan dew diligence have be shewed by us in executing the saide right, as it is verefied briefly by examples here before.

[Sidenote: Divina concideracio enodanda per theologos.]

How be it that at som tymes that God suffrithe the partie that hathe a true title and right to be overcome, yet for alle that a man shulde not be discouraged alway to sew his right.

[Sidenote: .1450.]

[Sidenote: Infortunium bellum apud Fermenye ultima vice.]

[Sidenote: Gyen.]

[Sidenote: Burdeux.]

[Sidenote: De sancto Lodovico rege Fraunciae.]

And albeit that at som tymes God suffrethe the partie that hathe right and a trew title, and that livethe after his lawes, to be gretly parsecuted, and to be put to over gret aventure, laboure, and peyne, some tyme to be overthrow, some tyme to be prisoner or slaine in {42} bataile be divine providence whan hym lust to be Juge, thoughe the peple be never so goode, ne the querelle, title, and right never so trew; and yet not for no suche adversite and as have fallen the yere of Crist M^l.iiij^c.l., be the last overthrow of a notable arme at Fremyny, where ser Thomas Kirielle knight, lieftenaunt in that voiage, [was take prysoner wyth many othyrs to the nombre about .ix^c.,[135]] a grete caus was that the pety capteins wolde not obbey at the day of that journay at that sodeyne recountre to her chieftein, and taried lengir in his voiage after he was londed or he came to any strong holde was present.[136] Also another gret armee and voiage fordone for defaut and lak of spedy payment this yere of Crist M^l.cccclj., whiche were at last redy to goo to Gyen, the armee taried upon the see coostis in Englande almost a quarter of a yere or theire payment was redie. And the cite of Burdeux lost in the meane tyme for lak of rescue. Yet God defende that thoroughe suche adversitees we shulde be utterly discoraged. Late us take example in according to this. It is wretin in the booke of Machabeus, in the .viij. chapitre, how the worshipfull Judas Machabeus, seeyng Goddis peple gretly febled and abashed be divers discomfitures of theym, seide to his knightis, A, a, It is bettir to us to avaunce us forthe and rather to die in bataile then lengre to suffre the gret passions and troubles of oure infortune. And fro thens forthe by the wille of God, good corage and comfort taken to theyme, they were made conquerours and had the victorie in alle theire batailes. Also another example by seint Lowes king of Fraunce, whiche in encresing the cristyn feithe made gret armees into the holy land in [about[135]] the yere of Crist M^l.ij^c.lxx., and suffrethe gret adversiteis among the Sarresyns, he and his knightis overthrow and take prisoneris to the Soudan of Babilon, and the king put to gret raunsom paide, his peple died up by gret mortalite of pestilence, suffred famyne, hungur, and thurst, yet God at the last releved hym, and [he] came into Fraunce withe gret worship.

{43}

[Sidenote: Animacio.]

An nother exhortacion of the historier.

O ye highe and myghtifulle prince, king of Englande and of Fraunce, and alle ye other noble princes and other puissaunt lordes and nobles of divers astates olde or yong, of so auncien a stok and of so worthy a lineage, as of the noble Trojan is blode descendid, as it is auctorised and may appere by many croniclers and histories of noble doctours enacted and registred, that ye alonly have ever ben halden without note of errour or deformite of the law withe the most puissaunt and of power thoroughe alle regions cristen or hethen, haveng alway under youre regencie and governaunce the habondaunce of noble men of chevalrie, passing alle othir landes after the quantite and afferaunt of youre roiaume, lete then be as a mirrour noted and had before youre eyen by contynuell remembraunce to thentent that the excersising of theire noble actis in conquestis may the more vigorously endeuce you to succede the prowesse and vaillauntnesse of youre highe predecessoures in armes, like as it shewethe welle at this tyme of what worship they have bene by here victorious dedis, for they in difference of other nacions have ever ewred and shewed the renomme and excellence of youre highe and mighty antecessours' corages, aswelle in straunge regions as among the Sarrazyns in the region of Sirie and Turkie, as in the said neere regions of Fraunce, Spayne, Lumbardie, Spruce, and other countrees. And therfor ye shulde yeve laude and praisingis alway to God, for, sithe the trespassement of prince Edwarde and good Henry duc of Lancaster that was, [ther wer but few like to hem in armys.[137]]

Here is brieflie made mencion of the recomendacion of acyn[138] worship of Henry the .v^{the}. and his bretheryn Thomas, Johan, and Humfrey, .iiij. noble princes.

Where was he of late daies descendid of noble bloode that was so corageous in dedis of armes as was that mightifull prince of renommee of {44} youre noble lynage Henry .v^{te}. and his said thre full mighty and noble princes his brethern, and next .ij. cosyns germayns of youre kynne, that in here daies were as the pilours and chief postis of the holders up of the [last conquest, and of the[139]] possession of youre rightfulle enheritaunce, bothe of youre roiaumes of Fraunce as of justice keping, tranquillite and pease in youre roiaume of Englonde, also of the duchies of Normandie, Gascoigne, Guyen, and of the counte of Mayne.

[Sidenote: Dux Clarence.]

[Sidenote: Conciderandum est.]

For as for a brief advertisement and remembraunce how Thomas the duc of Clarence in his yong age, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.iij., lieutenaunt of alle Irelonde, and after that lieutenaunt and governoure of youre duchees of Gascoyne and Guien, defending the true subgettis frome theire adversaries, holding up youre right and keping youre peple and subgettis under youre lawes. And after [the seyd duc,[139]] in company of the victorioux prince Henry the .v^{te}., labourid in armes upon that noble conquest in Fraunce and the duchie of Normandie, there being lieutenaunt for that marchis, where as he in bataile among youre adversaries in the duchie of Anjou at Bowgee most worshiplie at a sodeyn recountre fighting withe a few felouship of lordes and nobles, levyng his hoste behynde, not abiding theire comyng, ayenst a gret multitude of fighters, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxj. among the Frenshemen and Scottis was slayne; whiche not long after God thoroughe power suffred the seid capteyns of Scottis to be overthrow bothe at the batailes of Cravant, also at the bataile of Vernelle, and [also[139]] at the bataile of Rouverey.

[Sidenote: J. dux Bedfordie regens regni Frauncie.]

[Sidenote: Conquestus comitatus de Mayn.]

[Sidenote: .1435.]

Also youre second cousyn Johan duc of Bedforde, that in his grene age was lieutenaunt of the marchis, werrid ayenst the Scottis, keping them in subgeccion, havyng gret journeis and batailes ayenst them. After that made admirall and kepar of the see, havyng a gret mortal bataile and victorie ayenst the carrakes, galeis, and othir gret shippis. Beyng also a certayn tyme lieutenaunt and protectoure in this lande; and sethe yeede upon youre said conquest into Fraunce and {45} Normandie, therof being regent and gouvernoure in the daies of the devout prince Henry the sext over alle the subgeitis of Fraunce and Normandie .xiij. yeris, and conquerid the counte of Mayne, defending, keping, and gouvernyng the said countreis in gret tranquillite and peace, to the gret worship of bothe roiaumes, and there made his faire ende at Rone, where he liethe tombid, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxxv., the .xiiij. day of Septembre.

[Sidenote: Dux Glouc'.]

[Sidenote: Comes de Marche. Comes Suff'.]

[Sidenote: Calix.]

[Sidenote: .1436.]

[Sidenote: .1447.]

And how the thrid brother Humfrey duc of Gloucestre, withe a notabille power, was upon youre conquest in Normandie withe his said brother, and at the bataile of Agyncourt was sore woundid, and after he wanne [with help of the noble erle of Marche and the erle of Suffolk acompanyed,[140]] brought in subjeccion, beforce of siegislieng among youre adversaries, base Normandie, the castelle of Chierbourgh, the cite of Bayeux, Costances, withe all the close of Costantyne and Averances, Seynt Lowe, Carenten, and Valoignez, withe alle othir forteressis and villages in that marcher. And over that sithe he was protectoure and defendoure of your roiaume of Englond, in the tyme of the said Henry the sext of grene age, keping gret justice, tranquillite, and peace withyn youre saide roiaume. And after whan youre nobille castelle and towne of Calix was beseigid in the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxxvj., without long respit or tarieng, he puissauntly rescued it. And many other souvereyne and princely condicions he used in this youre roiaume of Englonde, as in [bokys yovyng as yt ys seyd to the value of M^l. marks of all the .vij. sciences, of dyvinite, as of lawe spirituell and cyvyle, to the universite of Oxford, and[140]] cherisshing the noble clergie of youre said roiaume. And also havyng gret charge and cost aboute the gret tendirnesse and favoure shewed and done to alle straungiers, were they ambassatours, messangiers, and other noblesse that sought worship of armes, that of divers regions visited this lande, for whiche favoure and bounteous chier, withe gret rewardes done to theym, the renome of his noble astate and name sprad thoroughe alle cristyn roiaumes {46} and in hethynesse. And after he had by many wyntris lyved in worship, he making his ende at the towne of Bury, the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xlvij., the .xxv. day of Februarie.

And over alle these puissaunt dedis done and meynteyned by the foreseid .iiij. noble princes in theire daies, and now sithen many of youre noble bloode, as cosins germayns and other allie[gh] of youre nere kyn, as dukis, erlis, barons, bene deceasid sithe the tyme of the last conquest of Fraunce and Normandie.

[Sidenote: Nota de ordine militum de la Gartere.]

For what cause the knightys of the order and felouship of saint George was ordeigned.

[Sidenote: Non sunt oblivio tradend'.]

[Sidenote: Nobilitas Johannis Chaundos de comitatu Herefordie, senescalli de Peytou.]

[Sidenote: Senlys]

[Sidenote: .1431.]

[Sidenote: Parys.]

And also of the vaillaunt chosen knightes of the noble and worshipfulle ordre of the Garter, founded by the right noble prince king Edward thrid, and to bere about his legge a tokyn of the Garter, in the castelle of Wynsore, the .xxiij. yere of his reigne. And [as yt ys seyd[141]] in token of worship that he being in bataile what fortune fille shuld not voide the feeld, but abide the fortune that God lust sende. Whiche for gret prowesse and here manlynesse approved in armes was founded for her gret labouris in werre and vaillaunt dedis of armes be now passid to God and ought be put in memorialle, that in what distresse of bataile or siege that they have ben yn for the righte title in the crowne of Fraunce they alway avaunsid hem forthe withe the formost in example of good corage gyvyng to alle theire felouship, to opteyne the overhande of here entreprise. He allas! sethe that none suche were never sene withdrawers or fleers frome batailes or dedis of worship, but rather vigorouslie foryeting theymsilfe, as did the full noble knight, a felow of the Garter, ser Johan Chaundos, as a lion fighting in the feelde [at the bataylle of Fizar, yn Spayn, wyth prince Edward[141]] of the lion condicion, and defendid youre roiaume of Fraunce frome youre adversaries, preservyng theire prince's right and theire subgettis, avaunced youre conquest of Fraunce and Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, and the noble duchie of Gascoigne and Gyen, {47} and maynteyned theire honoure and astate, to the welle of youre bothe roiaumes and relief of youre treu subgettis of this lande. And thereto they have ben of the condicions of lyons fighting withe gret strenght, puissauntlie and stifly sett to withestande youre ennemies, notwithestanding gret part of the said adverse partie have voided, fledd, and forsake the feeld and theire felouship at suche tyme as they sought to abide. In example, of the fulle noble jorney late had in the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xxxj., at Senlys, where youre lieutenaunt and youre power being present, and Charlis the .vij^{the}, youre gret adversarie of Fraunce withe alle his power to the nombre of .l^{ti}.M^l. fighters on his side, and embatilled by thre daies in the feeld, fled and voided unfoughten at the said jorney of Senlis, youre saide kynnesman Johan duc of Bedford being then lieutenaunt, and present in the feeld before hym thre daies. And also sone after the saide worshipfull journey of Senlis, your saide adversarie of Fraunce, after that made his entreprise, comyng before the noble cite of Paris, with alle his roialle power to have entred the said cite, and to put out youre saide cosyn duke of Bedford; whiche havyng knowlege therof incontinent disposed hym (albeit he had upon so soden warnyng but a few felouship) to mete ayen withe youre saide adversarie, and put hym in gret aventure, and entred in youre saide cite of Paris to relief and defende theym as he promised, and sent worde unto hem late before to theire grettist yoie and comfort. And youre said adversarie, that ententid to gete the saide cite, besieging theym withe a grete nombre, mightilie resisted withe men and ordenaunce, so grevously hurt, being fayne to voide incontinent.

And as in this maner it shewithe evidently that youre true obeisaunt lordis, and noble chieveteins, also true subgettis, have abandonned theire bodies, putting them in gret jupardie unto the parelle of dethe, or to be taking prisoneris, and yet God hathe served hem soo, that thoroughe His grace and theire manhod withe wise governaunce [they] have had the overhande of youre adversaries, and kept bothe the saide citee and the feelde withe other good men that aboode, whan theire partie contrarie have ben nombred double or treble {48} moo than youris, as is before expressid. And at whiche tyme the saide citee was so mightly besegid, ser John Radclif knight, withe his felouship, had gret worship.

[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]

[Sidenote: Nota. 1449, 1450.]

[Sidenote: Tempus ultimi conquestus.]

[Sidenote: De pace finali apud Bretygnye.]

[Sidenote: .1371.]

O ye right noble martirs! whiche that for youre verray righte of the coroune of Fraunce, and for the welfare of the kingis highenesse, and for the worship of his bothe roiaumes of Englond and Fraunce, ye forto susteyne righte and forto wynne worship, have ben often put in gret aventure, as was often tymes of the worshipfulle Romayns. And therfore of you may be saide that ye were alway stedfast and obeieng youre souvereyn unto the jupardie and perille of dethe. So wolde Jhesus that in the brief seson of the sodeyne and wrecchid intrusion late had by the unmanly disseising and putting oute of Fraunce, Normandie, Angew, and Mayne, withe the duchies of Gasquien and Guyen, whiche is done bethin the space of .j. yere and .xiiij. wekis, that is to wete frome the .xv. day of Maij in the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.xlix. unto the .xv. day of the monithe of August the yere of Crist M^l.cccc.l, that every castelle, forteresse, and towne defensable of the said duchiees [were delyvered upp by force or composicion to the adverse partye.[142]] And if they had be alway furnished and stuffed withe suche suffisaunt nombre of men of armes, with ordenaunce, vitaile, and wages duely kept and be paied, that they myght couraged and enforced hem to have bene kept stille the possession,[143] and they so being of the lyonns kynde as to have bene of soo egir courage and so manly and stedfast as they were before this tyme in that parties of Normandie, conquering, keping, and defending it as they did by the space of .xxxv. yeris complete and .vij. daies frome the begynnyng of the last conquest the thrid yere of king Henry the .v^{the}., and not the whele of fortune turned ayenst this lande as it hathe. Notwithestanding king Edwarde the thrid occupied not in his conquest of Fraunce and Normandie passe .xxxiiij. yere, whiche that after undre certayne condicions upon apoyntement of a smalle pease made atwix hym and king Johan of Fraunce was {49} graunted that the saide king Johan shulde be seased and possessid ayen of a part of the said roiaume and duchie for certeyne countees, baronnyes, and seignories that we shulde in chief halde in Guien and other contrees, whiche is more amplie declared in the saide finalle trety of pease made at Bretygny; yet for alle the othes, sacrementis, seles of bothe kingis and here lordis made, the said trety of pease was sone broken by the adverse partie when they couth take theire avauntage, about the yere of Crist M^l.ccc.lxxj.

[Sidenote: Exclamacio alia.]

[Sidenote: De amicicia per maritagia et alias alligancias fienda.]

[Sidenote: Nota bene.]

[Sidenote: Nota et concidera ad honorandum extraneos.]

He allas! we dolorous parsones suffring intollerabille persecucions and miserie, aswelle in honoure lost as in oure[144] lyvelode there unrecompensid, as in oure meveable goodes bereved, what shalle we doo or say? Shalle we in this doloure, anguisshe, and hevynesse contynew long thus? Nay, nay, God defende that suche intrusions, grete wrongis, and tiranye shuld be left unpunisshed, and so gret a losse unpunysshed and not repared! For one good moyen, undre correccion, may be this, and if youre lordis wolde enforce hem to renew theire olde allie[gh] of straunge regions and countrees, as the Romayns did whan they werrid in Auffrik ayenst the Cartages, and of late daies king Edwarde the thrid gafe example and sithe king Harry the .v^{te}. in oure daies, and also his noble brothir Johan duke of Bedford after hym; whiche allies be almost werid out and foryete to oure grete desolacion, whiche and they were renewed by meane of mariages of gret birthe, by cherisshing of lordis, nobles, and marchauntes of the regions that we have been allied unto, or desire to be gyvyng renomme and honoure in armes to the princes that we desire alliaunce, or[145] sending at suche tymes as the cas shalle require to the princes ambassiatours that be halden worshipfulle men of astate and degree that have sene worship in divers contreis, whiche prudently can purpose and declare the urgent cause and necessite of this royaume, it wolde be to think verralie than that tho yowre[146] people true subgettis of Fraunce were mynusshed or abated as it is, but oure saide allies wolde enforce hem withe alle hir power and might to the {50} reformacion of the saide intrusions, and under colour of trewes wrought ayenst us. In example of this matier, it bathe bene specified herebefore, and how it hathe be rad among the Romayne stories that, whan Haniballe, prince of Cartage, had so gret a descomfiture ayenst Camos, governour of the Romayne ooste, that the men of Cartage gaderid of the fingers of the ded Romayns three muys fulle of golde ringis. So it shewed that the power of Rome was gretly mynusshed and febled. Than, whan this tidingis come to Cartage, one Hamon, a wise man, a senatoure, demaunded if it so were that for alle so gret a discomfiture is

[At this place a leaf of the MS., or more, has been lost.]

[Sidenote: Tullius Cicero.]

[Sidenote: Boecius.]

[Sidenote: Constellacio non necessitat sed forte disponit mores hominum altor' bene vel contra, ac impressiones aeris et causa mere naturalia concernencia.]

[Sidenote: Contra fiduciam adhibendam in prophesiis. Nota conclusionem. Nisi fuerit sanctissimis viris.]

[Sidenote: Josephus. Orosius. Titus Livius.]

[Sidenote: Gyldas.]

[Sidenote: Deexpulsione Britonum in Walliam et Cornewaylle propter peccata. Destruccio regnorum.]

[Sidenote: Nynyve. Babylon. Troye. Thebes. Athenes.]

[Sidenote: Rome.]

[Sidenote: Jerusalem.]

[Sidenote: Picti gentes.]

[Sidenote: Saxones.]

[Sidenote: Danii. Normanni. Andegavenses.]

[Sidenote: Galfridus Plantagenest.]

[Sidenote: Lucius Valerius.]

[Sidenote: Boicius.]

[Sidenote: De republica custodienda.]

[Sidenote: De justicia.]

whiche may noie be, for Cicero seicthe in the booke that he made of Divinacion, and the famous doctour seint Austyn in the book of Fre wille, and also Boecius in his booke of Consolacion, or[147] Comforte ayenst mysfortune, accorden to the same, that we shuld not only trust that the thinges whiche sounethe to adversite or infortune, and the whiche comethe to us adversarily or on the lift side, for oure offenses not keping the lawes of God, that oft tymes comythe, they dyvynyng that they fallithe be casuelte of fortune, by prophesies, orellis thoroughe influence and constellacions of sterris of hevyn, whiche jugementes be not necessarilie true, for and if it were like to trouthe it were but as contingent and of no necessite, that is to sey, as likely to be not as to be. And if a constellacion or prophesie signified that suche a yere or bethin suche a tyme there shulde falle werre, pestilence, or deerthe of vitaile to a contree or region, or privacion of a contre, it is said but dispositiflie and not of necessite or certente, for than it shulde folow that the prophesies, constellacions, and influence of sterris were maistris over Goddis power, and that wolde soune to an herisie orellis to a gret erroure. And if suche {51} prophesies and influence of the seide constellacions might be trew, yet God hathe gyve that souvereynte in mannys soule that he, havyng a clene soule, may turne the contrarie disposicion that jugement of constellacion or prophesies signified. As it is verified by the famous astrologien Ptolome in his booke called Centilogie, the capitalle, seieng _quod homo sapiens dominatur astris_, that a man is sovereyn abofe suche domes of constellacions. And therfor ye oughte not deme ne conceyve the gret adversite that fallithe to us is not falle to us by prophesie or by influence of constellacion of sterris, but only for synne and wrecchidnes, and for lak of prudence and politique governaunce in dew tyme provided, and havyng no consideracion to the comen wele, but rathir to magnifie and enriche oure silfe by singler covetise, using to take gret rewardis and suffring extorcions over the pore peple, for whiche inconvenientis by the jugementis and suffraunce of God, and of his divine providence, the whiche by divers and of his secretis and as misteries unknowen to us he hathe suffred this mysfortune among us here, and privacion of the saide roiaume of Fraunce and contreis ther to falle upon us. And who so wolle considre welle the histories of olde croniclers, as of Josephas, libro Antiquitatum, Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, Titus Livius of the Romayne battelis, and such othirs, how that gret chaunge of roiaumes and countreis frome one nacion to another straunge tong hathe be, for synne and wrecchidnesse and mysgovernaunce reignyng in the roiaume so conquerid. And as it is made mencion in the olde historien called Gildas that for pride, covetice, and flesshely lustis used amongis the olde Breton bloode lordis of this roiaume, God suffred the Saxons of Duche ys tung, a straunge nacion, to dryve them out of this land in Angle in Cornewale and Walis. And where is Nynnyve, the gret cite of thre daies? and Babilon, the gret toure, inhabited now withe wilde bestis? the citeis of Troy [and] Thebes, .ij. grete magnified citeis? also Athenes, that was the welle of connyng and of wisdam? and Cartage, the victorioux cite of gret renomme, most doubtable, by the Romayns was brent to asshes. {52} And also Rome, so gloriously magnified thoroughe alle the world, overthrow the gret part of it; aswelle as was Jerusalem. And to take an example of the many overthrowes and conquestis of this lande by straunge nacions sithen the Breton bloode first inhabited, as withe peple callid Pictics, commyng out of ferre northe partie of the worlde. Then after the Saxones drove out the olde Breton bloode. Than after the Danys peple conquerid the Saxons, and than the Normans conquerid the Danys. And sone after the Angevyns of highe Fraunce, full noble knightis of renomme, Geffrey erle Plantagenet erle of Angew maried withe dame Maud, doughter of the duke of Normandie and king of Englande, Harry the second, whych doughter, called dame Maude emperesse, and so haldyn stille the Normandie bloode and the Angevyns into this tyme. And Job in his booke seithe that nothing fallithe or risithe on the erthe without a cause, as who saiethe that none adversite fallithe not to us, but only for wikkidnesse of lyvyng and synne that reignithe on us; as pride, envye, singuler covetice, and sensualite of the bodie now a daies hathe most reigned over us to oure destruccion, we not havyng consideracion to the generalle profit and universalle wele of a comynalte. And to bring to mynde how the worshipfulle senatours Romayns did gife us many examples, as Lucius Valerius, and also the noble juge cenatoure of Rome Boecius, [of the grete lofe[148]] had alway to the cite of Rome. For the saide Lucius Valerius despendid so gret good upon the comyn profit of the said cite, to kepe and maynteyne the honoure of the citee, defending the cite and contreis about from here ennemies, that he died in gret povertee, but by the cenatours relevyng, and for his worshipfulle dedis they buried hym in the most solempne wise according to his worship. And the said juge Boecius loved rightwisnesse to be kept, and the pore comyns of Rome in that susteyned and maynteyned that he spared nothir lord ne none astate. But suffred hym to stande in the daunger of the hethyn king of Rome, and to be in exile rathir {53} than he wolde offende justice. Notwithestanding the saide adversite and tribulacions felle unto hem for avaunsing and tendring the comyn wele, and alle men of worship may put hem in worshipfulle remembraunce among worthy princes to here gret renomme and laude. Also it is to be noted that was one of the gret causis that the princes Romayns were so gret conquerours and helde the straunge roiaumes so long in subjeccion, but only using of trouthe and justice keping in here conquestis.

[Sidenote: De justicia Camilli in obcidionibus historia gloriosa.]

A fulle noble historie how that Camillus the duke of Rome wolde use justice in his conquest.

[Sidenote: Quod princeps debet vincere cicius per justiciam quam per traditionem.]

[Sidenote: Titus Livius decade primo.]

[Sidenote: Florens cytee.]

[Sidenote: Camillus.]

[Sidenote: Conciderandum.]

[Sidenote: Proposicio ad Romanos gentes.]

In example I rede in the Romayns stories of Titus Livius in the booke of the first decade that a prince Romayn clepid Camillus, whiche did so many victorioux dedis, and loved so welle the comyn profit of the cite of Rome, that he was called the second Romulus whiche founded first Rome, besieged a gret cite of Falistes, whiche is nowe as it is saide called Florence, to have hem undre the governaunce of the Romayne lawes. And as he had leyne long at the siege, and after gret batailes and scarmysshes it fortuned that a maister of sciencis of Falliste called now Florence, the whiche had all the enfauntes and childryn of the gouvernours and worshipfulle men of the saide citee in his rule to lerne hem virtuous sciencis, thought to wynne a gret rewarde and thank of the noble prince Camillus, and by the umbre of treson ayenst justice that the said maistre wolde wirke to cause the senatours of Faliste [the rather[149]] to deliver up the cite to the prince, the said maister by flatering and blandishing wordis meoved his clerkis to desport bethout the cite in the feeldis, and so fedde hem forthe withe sportis and plaies tille he had brought hem withyn the siege and power of Camillus, and came to his presence, saiyng to hym that he had brought to hym the sonnes of the chief lordes and governours of the cite of Falliste, {54} whiche and he wolde kepe the said chyldryn in servage, the faderis of hem wolle deliver hym the cite bethout any more werre making. Than saide that just prince Camillus that it was not the Romayns condicions to werre and punisshe such innocentis as never offendid in werre, ne knew not what werre meoved; and wolde not suffre that the Falistes be defrauded of here contre and cite by unjust menes of treason or fals covyn or undew alliaunce, but as naturalle werre wol fortune by manhod and just dede of armes to take the cite. And there the saide prince comaunded the scolemaister for his gret deceite to be dispoilid and to be betyn nakid withe baleese and sharpe roddis withe his owne clerkis into the cite ayen; than the governours and maistres of the cite, havyng consideracion of the gret justice and manhod that he used in his conquest, sent to Camillus ambassatours withe the keies of the cite, and purposid unto him, saieng, O ye fathir and prince of justice, wher as the welle honoure and renommee of justice and of victorioux dedis reignithe among you Romaynes by using of justice, and that for asmoche they perceyved that princes Romayns used feithe and justice, and peyned theym to kepe theire peple conquerid hem to be subgettis to Rome by justice, they were fulle joifulle and glad to lyve undre theire lawes, and so delivered hym the [keys and the[150]] citee, to the gret renomme of the saide prince and to alle the Romayns gretly to be magnified.

Historie of dame Cristyn, declaring how a prince and a ledar of peple shulde use prudence and justice by example of the noble cenatoure called Fabricius.

[Sidenote: Res publica.]

And also as dame Cristyn[151] in the .xv. chapitre of the first partie of hir seid booke of Tree of Batailes leiethe a noble example that {55} among alle vertues that shulde long to a prince, a duke, a cheveteyne, or to a governoure of a contre, citee, or towne, or a leder of peple, rehersithe how it is necessarie that he shulde be a prudent man and a wise and of gret trouthe, as by example it is write of the noble and trew senatoure Fabricius, leder of the Roman oostis, the whiche for his gret trouthe, vailliaunce, and manhod, and wise governaunce, king Pirrus his adversarie offred to gyve hym the .iiij^{the}. part of his roiaume and of his tresoure and goodis, so that the saide Fabricius wolde yelden and turne to his partie and become his felow in armes. To whiche Pirrus the said Fabrisius answerd, that a trew man might not to over moche hate and dispreise tresoure and richesse by treason and falshed evylle getyn, where as by possibilite and alle liklinesse may be honourable and truly vanquisshid and wonne bye armes, and not in noo maner wise by untrouthe and falshed. In whiche matier verifieng, saiethe Vigecius in his booke of Chevalrie, to a chiefteyne, to whome is commytted so gret a thing as is deliverid hym the charge and governaunce of noblesse of chevalrie, the dedis and entreprises of a prince is office is principally comytted hym for the governaunce of comon publique of a roiaume, dukedom, erledom, barnage, or seignourie, castelle, forteresse, citee, and towne, that is clepid vulgarlie the comon profite, the suerte and saufegarde of alle the saide contreis. And if by the fortune of batailes he might not only have a generall consideracion and cure of alle his ooste or over alle the peple, contree, or citee that he hathe take the charge of, but he must entende to every particuler charge and thing that nedithe remedie or relief for his charge; and any thing myssfortune to a comon universall damage in defaut of oversight of remedie of a particuler and singuler thing or charge, thoroughe whiche might grow to an universall damage, than it is to be wited his defaute. {56} And therefore in conclusion of this, late it take example to folow the noble and fructufulle examples of the noble cenatours. And we ought so to kepe us frome the offending and grevyng of oure sovereyne Maker not to usurpe ayenst justice as hathe be doo, in suche wise that thoroughe oure synfulle and wrecchid lyvyng ayenst his lawes he be not lengir contrarie to us, suffring us this grevouslie for oure offensis to be overthrow, rebukid, and punished as we bee, but lyve and endure in suche clene life, observyng his .x. preceptis, that he have no cause to shew on us the rod of his chastising as he dothe.

[Sidenote: Deploracio contra iniquos malefactores prevalentes.]

Another exhortacion to kepe the lawes of God, for in doubte that ellis God wulle suffre oure adversaries punisshe us withe his rodde.

[Sidenote: Nota optime.]

O mightifulle God, if it be soo as holy scripture seiethe, the whiche is not to mystrust, have not we deserved cause this to be punished, seeyng so many wrecchid synnes as among us dailie uncorrectid hathe reigned, for whiche we ought know we be righte worthy of moche more chastising and grettir punishement of God, he being just and not chaungeable; for it is wretyn in the booke of Paralipomenon that for the gret synnes used be theym of Israelle, God of his rightwisnesse suffred the Phillistyns that were they never so eville ne in so eville a quarelle to be persecutours and destroiers of the lande of Judee and of Goddis peple, and the rathir that the saide Israelites had a law gyven hem by Moises and kept it not.

[Sidenote: De republica augmentanda.]

How every officer spirituelle and temporelle shulde put hym in his devoire to the avaunsing of the comon profite.

[Sidenote: Tullius in nova rethorica.]

And it is for to remembre among alle other thingis that is made mencion in this Epistille that every man after his power and degre shuld principallie put hym in devoire and laboure for the {57} avaunsment of the comon profit of a region, contre, cite, towne, or householde; for, as alle the famous clerkis writen, and inespecialle that wise cenatoure of Rome Tullius in his booke De Officiis [de Republica, that Novius Marcellus makyth mencion of yn dyvers chapiters,[152]] and in other bookis of his De Amicicia, Paradoxis, and Tusculanis questionibus, that Res publica welle attendid and observed, it is the grounde of welfare and prosperite of alle maner peple. And first to wete the verray declaracion of these .ij. termys Res publica, as seint Austyn seiethe in the .v. booke and .xxviij. chapitre of the Cite of God, and the saide Tullius the famous rethoricien accordithe withe the same, saieng in Latyn termes: "Res publica est res populi, res patriae, res communis; sic patet quod omnis qui intendit bonum commune et utilitatem populi vel patriae vel civitatis augere, conservare, protegere, salva justicia intendit et rempublicam augere et conservare." And it is forto lerne and considre to what vertues Respublica strecchithe, as I rede in a tretie that Wallensis, a noble clerk, wrote in his book clepid Commune loquium, C^o. 3^o. p^e partis, seithe quod, "Respublica ordinatur hiis virtutibus, scilicet, legum rectitudine, justiciae soliditate, equitatis concordia, unanimitatis fidelitate mutua adjuvante, concilio salubri dirigente, morum honestate decorante, ordinata intentione consumpnante." As for the first partie it is verified by Tullie in his Rethorik the first booke: "Omnes leges ad commodum reipublicae judicis referre oportet, et lex nichil aliud est quam recta racio et anima justa, imperans honesta, prohibens contraria." And it is right expedient that alle tho that be justices, governours, or rulers of contrees, citees, or townes, to a comon profit, must doo it by prudent counceile and good avise of auncien approved men; for a governoure of a comon profit were in olde tyme named amongis the Romayns, havyng the astate that at this daies bene used [by] alle tho that bene called to highe digniteis, the emperoure, kingis, princes, dukis, marques, erlis, vicountes, barons, baronettis, consules, chevalers, esquiers, and aldermannes, justices, {58} baillifis, provostis, maires, and suche othirs officers. And Tullius in the first booke of Offices seiethe: "Parva sunt foris arma ubi consilium non est domi."

How auncient men growen in yeris be more acceptable to be elect for a counceilour, or for to gouverne a cite for a comyn profit, than yong men.

[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.]

[Sidenote: Examplum amplum.]

[Sidenote: Experiencia, &c.]

[Sidenote: Job.]

Tullius in his book De Senectute saiethe that auncient men that bene growen in age bene more profitable in gyvyng counceile for the avaunsing and governyng a comon profit of a citee, towne, or village, as to bere offices, than othirs that bene yong of age, althoughe he be [of] mighty power of bodie. For an example he puttithe, as there be men in a ship som that be yonge of mighty power halithe up the ankirs, othirs goithe feersly aboute the ropis fastenyng, and some goithe to set up the saile and take it downe as the govenoure the maister avisithe hem. Yet the eldist man that is halde wisist among hem sittithe and kepithe the rothir or sterne [of] the ship, and seethe to the nedille for to gide the ship to alle costis, behofefulle to the savyng of the ship frome dangers and rokkis, whiche dothe more profit and grettir avauntage to the vesselle than alle tho yong lusty men that rennen, halithe, or clymethe. Wherfor it may be concluded that the auncien approved men by long experience, made governours and counceilours of roiaumes, contrees, citeis, and townes, done grettir dedis by theire wise counceile, than tho that labouren in the feelde, cite, or towne by mighty power of her hand. And it is saide by Job, .12^o. that Roboam, whiche forsooke the counceile of olde men, and drew after the counceile of yong men, lost the kingdom [of] whiche he had the gouvernaunce; and whiche example is right necessarie to be had in remembraunce in every wise governoure is hert. And so wolde the mightifulle God that every governoure wolde have a verray parfit love to the governaunce of a comon wele by wise and goode counceile, and to folow the pathis and weies and examples {59} of the noble senatours of Rome, how they were attending to the commyn profit, setting aside singular availe. So tho famous region and citeis aboute undre theire obeissaunce reigned alle that tyme by many revolucion of yeris in gret worship and prosperite, as I shalle in example put here in remembraunce, and is founden writen in divers stories, as of one among othir ys

[Sidenote: De preferramento rei publice.]

How Fabius the noble cenatoure set by no worship of vayne glorie, but only laboured for the comon profit of Rome.

[Sidenote: Fabius cenator dexspexit vanam gloriam.]

[Sidenote: Quomodo Romani gentes fuerant divinatores et auguriste pro conservacione rei publice.]

Tullius de Senectute the first partie maketh mencion of a noble prince Romayne clepid Fabius, whiche had gret batailes and journeis withe Hanibal prince of Cartage, to kepe the conquest of Romayne contreis, and to see theire libertees and fraunchises observed and kept for the wele of alle maner peple; whiche Fabius despraised renommee and vayne glorie, but onlie gafe his solicitude, thought, and his bisy cure about the comon profit of Rome; for whiche cause the saide Fabius after his dethe was put in gret renomme and more magnified among the Romayns than he was in his liffe tyme. And the saide Fabius, after the right and usage was in tho daies, did gret diligence to lerne and know by augures and divinacions of briddis and by other causes naturell after the ceasons of the yeris and in what tymes prosperite, welthe, and plente, derthe, or scarsite of cornes, wynes, [and] oilis shulde falle to the contre of Romayns, to his grettist comfort for the avauncement of the comon wele. And he delited gretly to rede actis and dedis of armes of straunge nacions, to have a parfiter remembraunce and experience to rule a comon wele, that was moche bettir than before his daies ne sithe was no consulle like to his governaunce except the worthy Scipion's. And it were fulle necessarie that princes and lordis shuld know by naturalle cause of philosophie the seasons and yeris of prosperite or adversite falling to the region that he is of, to th'entent he might make his provision thereafter; but more pite is few {60} profound clerkis in this lande ben parfitelie grounded in suche workis or they fauten her principales in scolis, so they have no sufficient bookis, orellis they taken upon them the connyng of judicielle mateiris to know the impressions of the heire and be not expertid, and be this maner the noble science of suche judicielle mater in causis naturelle concernyng the influence of the bodies of hevyn ben defamed and rebukid.

How Lucius Paulus Fabricius and Curius Cornicanus, cenatours, in her grete age onlie studied and concellid for the proferring of the comon wele.

Also to bring to mynde for to folow the steppis of the full noble consulle of Rome Lucius Paulus, whiche the wise Caton is sonne maried the doughter of the saide Lucius Paule. Also the senatours clepid Fabricius and Curiois Cornecanois, that they aswelle as the forsaide Fabius in her grete age did none othir bisinesse but only by theire counceile and by theire auctorite counceiled, avised, and comaunded that that shulde bee to the comon profit of the saide cite of Rome.

How Appius the highe preest of the tempill of Mynerfe, albeit he was blinde, of good corage purposid tofore the Romains to make werre withe king Pirrus then to be com subjet to her auncient ennemy king Pirrus.

[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.]

[Sidenote: Ennius poeta.]

In like wise the [hyghe[153]] preest of the tempille of Mynerve of Rome clepid Appius, after he was for gret age blinde and feble, whan king Pirrus, king of Epirotes, werrid so ayenst Rome that he had [febled and[153]] werried them so sore and wan upon hem so gret contreis, that the Romains ayenst theire worship wolde have made pease and alliaunces withe hym to her uttermost dishonoure, {61} but the said Appius purposid tofore the noble senatoures Romayn and required hem to doo after the counceile of Ennius the wise consul, that the Romains shulde take good hert to hem, and not to abate here noble courages, to become subjet to theire auncient adversarie Pirrus; and that they shulde take new entreprinses upon Pirrus and destroie his gret armees; whiche the saide senatours were revived in theire courages thoroughe the wise exhortacions of Appius, and had the victorie of Pirrus.

[Sidenote: De Officiis Catonis.]

This chapitre declarithe how many gret offices of highe dignite Caton was called and auctorised for his gret manhode and wisdom, and how he in his age couraged the yong knightis to goo to feelde to venquisshe Cartage or he died.

Also the noble senatoure of Rome Caton, that was so manlie, prudent, and of holsom counceile, whiche in his yong daies occupied the office of a knight in excersising armes, anothir season he occupied the office of tribune as a chief juge among the Romayns, another season was a legat as an ambassatoure into ferre contreis, yet anothir tyme in his gret auncien age, that he might not gretlie laboure, was made consul of Rome to sit stille and avise the weies and meenys how the Romayns might alway be puissaunt to resist ayenst Cartage, whiche he hopid verralie or he died to see the saide cite destroied. And the said Caton, in presence of yong Scipio and Lelius, .ij. noblest yong knightis of Rome that visited Cato to here of his wise conduit and counceile, he being then of full gret age, tendred so ferventlie the well of comon profit of Rome, that he required and besought the immortalle godis[154] of licence that he might not die till he might know Cartage destroied by victorie of bataile, and to be avengid of the servage and miserie of the noble Romayns whiche were prisoneris withe Quintus Fabius in Cartage xxxiij yere passed.

{62}

[Sidenote: Doctor militum in armis.]

Of a semblable noble condition of Quintus Fabius according to Caton.

And Quintus Fabius, albeit he might not in his gret age laboure, left the usage that he in his youthe taught yong knightis, as to renne, lepe, just withe speris, fight afoote withe axes, yet he had in his olde age alway gret solicitude and thought for the avauncement of the comon profit of the citee by counceile, by reason and by inure deliberacion of hymsilf and of the wise senatoure.

The diffinicion of the office that belongithe to the senate.

[Sidenote: Tullius de Senectute.]

And whiche terme senate is as moche for to say a companie of aged men assembled togither.

How Caton writithe that citeis and contreis that were governed by men of yong age were destroied, and they lost also theire lifelode wastefullie.

[Sidenote: Ita Officia danda juvenibus.]

And Caton saide that who so wolde rede in auncien histories he shulde finde that citeis whiche were conduit and governed by men of yong age, were destroied and brought to desert, as well Rome as othirs, and it was not revived ne encresid ayen, but onlie be the counceile of auncien men. And the saide Cato makithe a question to tho saide yong joly knightis, Scipion and Lilius, demaunding them why they and suche othir yong counceilours had wasted and brought to nought theire inheritaunce callid patrimonie, and the comon profit of theire cite and countre destroied. And Nennius the poet made answere for hem and saide, tho that were made counceilours for the {63} comon profit of the towne, also suche that were of Scipion and Lilius counceile, were but new [not expert[155]] drawen maistris, ignoraunt advocat[gh] and pledours, yong men not roted ne expert in the law ne in policie [of] governaunce, whiche by theire fole-hardiesse and be the proprete and nature of grene age causid the patrimonie of Lelius and Scipion to be lost, and also the countreis that they hadde to governaunce. And he that wolle have prudent avise and sure conceile must doo by counceile of men of gret age, aswelle in counceile of civile causes as in conduct of armees and oostis of men of armes in werre, for the defence of the comon publique.

[Sidenote: Agamenon.]

Of the answere and reson of Agamenon duke and leder of the Greekis hoost ayenst the Troiens.

For Agamenon the noble knight that was leder and governoure of the Grekis batailes ayenst the noble Troiens,

[Sidenote: Nestor.]

Of the wisdom of king Nestor a Troian.

[Sidenote: De conciliis antiquorum militum in experiencia preferrendorum.]

when he herde of king Nestor, how he was holden the wisist lyvyng of counceile yevyng and of gret eloquence in his auncien age,

[Sidenote: Ayax.]

Of the recomendacion of the prowesse of Ayax a knight of Grece.

and in like wise one Ayax a knight of Grece was halden the best fighter amonge the Grekis ayenst the Trojens; in so moche that the Grekis desired of the immortell goddis to have only but .xl. suche batellous knightis as Ayax is to fighte withe the Grekis ayenst the Troyens,

{64}

How duke Agamenon trusted so gretlie in the counceile of agid men, that he required the immortelle goddis to have suche .vj. olde kingis as Nestor is, doubted not to wynne Troie in short tyme.

but that noble duke Agamenon required of the goddis six suche wise viellars as was Nestor, that then he doubted not within short tyme that Troie shulde be take and destroied.

[Sidenote: Publius Decius.]

How that most noble centoure Publius Decius, so hardie an entreprennoure in the bataile, whan the Romains were almost overthrow, he avaunsid hym silfe so ferre in the bataile, to die to th'entent to make the Romains more gret, and felle for his dethe in fighting tille they had the victory.

[Sidenote: Nota bene diversitatem militum.]

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The Boke of NoblesseChapter V: Part 5

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