Chapter VI: Part 6

[Sidenote: Publius Decius non est recomendandus in hoc negocio.]

In semblable wise Tullius writithe of that vaillaunt citezin Romayne Publius Decius, at a tyme he was chosen consulle and as a chiefteyne among the Romayne ostes, he saw how the Romayne oost was almost bete downe to grounde, he thought in his soule that he wolde put his bodie in jubardie frely to die, forto make the Romains more egir and fellir in that bataile to revive hem silfe thoroughe cruelte of his dethe. He tooke his hors withe the sporis, and avaunsing hym silfe among his adversaries, and at the last was so sore charged withe hem that he was fellid to grounde deede. The Romayns, havyng consideracion in theire courageous hertis how knyghtly he avaunsid hym in bataile fighting and suffered dethe for here sake, tooke courage and hert to hem, and recomforting hem foughten so vigorouslie ayenst theire adversaries that they hadde the victorie.

[Here is added in the margin the following anecdote:]

Hyt ys to remembre that I hafe herd myne autor Fastolfe sey, whan he had yong knyghtys and nobles at hys solasse, how that {65} there be twey maner condicions of manly men, and one ys a manlye man called, another ys an hardye man; but he seyd the manly man ys more to be commended, more then the hardy man; for the hardy man that sodenly, bethout discrecion of gode avysement, avauncyth hym yn the felde to be halde courageouse, and wyth grete aventur he scapyth, voydith the felde allone, but he levyth hys felyshyp destrussed. And the manly man, ys policie ys that, or he avaunce hym and hys felyshyp at skirmysshe or sodeyn racountre, he wille so discretely avaunce hym that he wille entend to hafe the ovyr hand of hys adversarye, and safe hymsylf and hys felyshyp. And therfore the aventure of Publius Decius ys not aftyr cristen lawes comended by hys willefulle deth, nother hys son.

How the son of the said Publius died in the same case.

And the sonne of the said Publius, that was foure tyme electe and and chose consul among the Romains, put hym in so gret jupardie of bataile, for the helthe, prosperitie, and welfare of the Romains, that he died in bataile in like wise.

Here folowithe the historie of the most noble recommendacion in
perpetuite of Marcus Actilius, a chief duke of the Romayne hostes, of
his gret providence using in hostes ayenst derthes and scarsetees[156]
of cornes, wines, [and] oilis; and how he of fortune of werre, being
prisoner in Cartage amongis his dedlie adversaries, albeit he was put
to raunson, suffred wilfullie for to die in prison, because he was so
gretly aged and wered in bataile, then to the Romains to pay so
infenite a somme for his finaunce and raunson.

[Sidenote: Autor rei publicae.]

Hit is historied also of worshipfulle remembraunce how that verray trew lover of the comon wele of the Romains, Marcus Actilius, that first yave hym to labouragis and approwementis of londes and {66} pastures, to furnisshe and store the saide countre withe plente of corne and vitaile; after, for his gret policie, wisdom, and manhod, was made consulle and conestable of the Romayne batailes, and fulle often sithis discomfited theire adversaries of Cartage. And he, at a tyme, by chaunge of fortune in bataile, was take prisoner into Cartage, being of gret age than. And for deliveraunce of whiche Actilius the governours of Cartage desired hym that he shulde laboure and sende to Rome forto deliver out of prison a gret nombre of yong men of werre of Cartage that were prisoneris in Rome, and he shulde goo frank and quite. And the saide Actilius denyed and refused it utterly, but that he wolde rather die in prison than to suffre the werrours of Cartage to be delyverid for his sake, for he loved the comon wele and proffit of Rome; and becaus that noble Actilius wolde not condescende to deliver the prisoneris of Cartage, they turmentid hym in prison in the most cruelle wise to dethe; that, and it were expressid here, it wolde make an harde hert man to falle the teris of his yen. The voluntarie dethe of whiche Marcus Actilius, for the welfare, prosperite, and comon profit of Rome, causithe hym to be an example to alle othir, and to be put perpetuelly in remembraunce for worship.

How the noble duke Scipion Affrican put hym in so gret aventure in his gret age ayens the Cartages, that he died upon,[157] rathir than to life in servage.

[Sidenote: Scypio Affricanus.]

[Sidenote: Scipio Asyanus.]

[Sidenote: Scipio Affricanus.]

Also to have in remembraunce to folow the steppis of the full noble and glorious champions two bretherin Scipion Africanus and Scipion Asian, whiche alle their lyve daies emploied and besied hem in divers entreprises of armees and batailes ayenst the Affricains, for the saufegarde and defense of the comon wele of theire contre. And the saide Scipion Affrican wilfully died in armes of chevalrie rathir than to lyve in servage and distresse among his adversaries in Cartage.

{67}

How Scipion Asian, a noble conqueroure for the Romayns, yet in his age he was envyed, accused to king Antiochus, [and] died pitouslie in prison for his rewarde.

And notwithestanding after many triumphes and victories done by Scipion Asian, that put in subjeccion the contre of Asie, and enriched gretlie the tresoure of Rome thoroughe his conquestis, he was by envious peple accused falsely to king Antiochus, that he hadde withehalde the tresoure of Rome, and was condempned to prison, where he endid his daies.

[Sidenote: Lucius Paulus.]

How Lucius Paulus, a cenatoure, in defaute that his hoste wolde not doo by counceile, he was slayne in bataile.

[Sidenote: Quod capitanei non debent renunciare concilia peritorum.]

Also Lucius Paulus, a noble consul Romayne, that spared not hym silfe to die in bataile in Puylle withe .ccc. noble Romains that were assemblid unwitting the saide Lucius Paulus, and alle for lak of counceile that the saide .iij^c. nobles Romayns wolde not be governed by hym: he seeng anothir consul Romayn toke the entreprise, was so overthrowen withe his felouship, the saide Lucius Paulus avaunced hym wilfully among his adversaries withe the residew of the Romains that [were] lefte, and there died withe them, to th'entent that it shulde be noted and know that the saide entreprise was not lost in his defaute.

[Sidenote: Marcus Marcellus.]

[Sidenote: Haniballe.]

How Marcus Marcellus, a consul that for the welfare of Rome, bethout avise, went hastilie to bataile ayenst Haniballe of Cartage, and he being so sorie for the dethe of so manlie a duke did hym to be buried in the most worshipfulle wise.

Also it is [to be] remembrid of Marcus Marcellus, a consulle Romayne that set noughte of dethe, for he upon a tyme, bethout gret {68} deliberacion or advisement, desired to fight ayenst Haniballe prince of Cartage, assemblid withe a gret power ayenst the Romains, whiche were feerse

[Here again a leaf of the Manuscript is lost.]

[Sidenote: Res publica.]

of man, his beeis for hony, his medewis purveied for sustenaunce of his grete bestis, and every man after his degree to store hym silfe, that whan ther falle by fortune of straunge wethirs, as thoroughe excessife moist, colde, heet, mildewis, or by fortune of bataile and werre, the saide countre, cite, towne, village, or menage so provided and stuffid before shalle mow withe gret ease endure the persecucion of a scarsete or derthe fallen [by] suche straunge menys. And aswelle the terme of Res publica, whiche is in Englisshe tong clepid a comyn profit, it ought aswelle be referred to the provision and wise gouvernaunce of a mesuage or a householde as to the conduit and wise governaunce of a village, towne, citee, countree, or region.

[The following addition is here made in the margin.]

Hyt ys to remembre thys caase of rebellyon of Parys felle in abcence of Herry .v^{te}. kyng beyng in England wyth hys queene. And bethoute noote of vaynglory, yff I do wryte of myne autor[158] I fynde by hys bokes of hys purveours how yn every castelle, forteresse, and cyte or towne he wolde hafe grete providence of vitaille of cornys, of larde, and beoffes, of stokphyshe and saltfyshe owt of England commyng by shyppes. And that policie was one of the grete causes that the regent of Fraunce and the lordes of the kyng ys grete councelle lefft hym to hafe so many castells to kepe that he ledd yerly .iij^c. sperys and the bowes. And also yn semblable wyse purveyed yeerly for lyverey whyte and rede for hubes for hys soudeours, and for armurs wepyns redye to a naked man that was hable to do the kyng and the sayd regent service. And yt fille yn the .viij^{te}. yere of Herry the .v^{the}., named kyng, when he was capteyn of the Bastyle of Seynt Antonye of Parys, and Thomas Beauford, dux of Excestyr, {69} beyng then capteyn of the cytee, hyt fortuned that for the arrestyng of the lord Lyseladam, who[159] was yn so grete favour of the cyte that alle the comyns of the seyd cyte [stode] sodanly to harneys and rebelled ayenst the duc of Exetyr and ayenst hys armee and felyshyppe; so the duc for more suerte wyth hys felyshype were coherced to take the Bastyle for her deffence. And at hys commyng the chieff questyon he demaunded of the seyd Fastolf how welle he was stored of greynes, of whete, of benys, pesyn, and aveyn for horsmete, and of othyr vitaille; he seyd for half yere and more suffisaunt. And hyt comforted gretly the prince. Then the duc made redy the ordenaunce wyth shot of grete gonnys amongys the rebells and shot of arowes myghtelye, that they kept her loggeyns. And the Frenshe kyng and the quene beyng yn the cytee, helde ayenst the rebellys, so yn short tyme the burgeyses wer constreyned to submytt them and put hem yn the duc ys grace.

[Sidenote: De magnificencia felicitatis cultoribus terrarum adhibenda, specialiter Cyro regi.]

Caton magnifiethe that prince that cherisshith and favourithe erthe tiliers.

[Sidenote: Socrates.]

[Sidenote: De quodam Lysander ph'o.]

[Sidenote: De Ciro rege Persarum.]

[Sidenote: Tullius.]

And as Caton writithe that it is one of the principalle dedis of a prince to maynteyne, kepe, and avaunce labourage of the londe, and of all tho that bee laboureris of the londe, whiche men soo cherisshed most of verray necessite cause a roiaume, countree, or cite to be plenteous, riche, and well at ease. And the philosophur Socrates writithe that Cirus king of Perse was excellent in wit, glorious in seignorie terrien; in the daies [of] whiche Cirus one Lisander, of the cite of Lacedemone in Grece, a man halden of gret vertew and noblesse, came owt of ferre contrees to see the saide king Cirus, being in the cite of Sardes, and presented hym withe clothis of golde, juellis, and othir ricchesses sent by the citezeins of Lacedemonois; the whiche king Cirus received the saide Li[gh]ander full worshiplie in his palais, and, for the grettist ricchesse roialle and pleasure that the said {70} king Cirus had to doo hym worship and pleasure and chier, he broughte the saide Lisander to see his gardins and herbers, whiche gardins were so proporcionallie in a convenient distaunce sett and planted withe treis of verdure of divers fructis, the gardyns so welle aleyed to walke upon, and rengid withe beddis bering fulle many straunge and divers herbis, and the herbers of so soote smyllis of flouris and herbis of divers colours, that it was the joieust and plesaunt sighte that ever the saide citesyn Lisander had see beforne. And the saide Cirus saide unto Lisander that he had devised and ordeined the herbers to be compassed, rengid, and made, and many of the treis planted it withe his owne hande. And the saide Lisander, beholding the gret beaute, semlinesse of his parson, [and] the riche clothis he ware of tissue and precious stones, he saide that fortune and felicite mondeyne was joyned and knyt withe his vertue and noblesse roiall, forasmoche as the saide Cirus emploied and intentife[160] besynesse in tymes oportune in tilieng, ering, and labourage of his londis to bere corne and fruit, whiche is the principalle partie of beneurte and felicite mondeyne, that is to wete the naturelle richesse of worldlie joie. Also Tullius writithe that Valerius Corvinus, an auncien citesyn Romayne, did his gret peyne and diligence to laboure londes and make it riche withe labourage and tilieng upon the londe for the comon wele of the cite of Rome, that in tyme and yeris of scarsete the garners in Rome shulde be alway furnisshed and stuffid withe greyn, that a meane price of corne shulde be alway hadde.

[Sidenote: De re publica.]

How the noble cenatours of Rome avaunced here parsones in gret perille and jubardie ayenst theire adversaries for the comon welfare of the Romains.

[Sidenote: Lucius Brutus.]

[Sidenote: Lucius Romanus.]

[Sidenote: Non est laudendum secundum legem Christianorum.]

And the saide famous clerk Tullius, in the .5. disc' of the saide booke, puttithe in remembraunce whiche of the noble and famous {71} dukis, princes, and cenatours of Romains abandonned her bodies and goodis, only putting them to the uttermost jubardy in the feelde ayenst theire adversaries, for the avauncement and keping in prosperite, worship, and welfare of Rome. Among whiche, one of the saide Romains was Lucius Brutus, that whan Arnus, a leder of peple, assemblid a gret oost ayenst the Romains to have discomfit hem and put hem in servage out of her fraunchise, the saide noble Lucius, being then governoure of the ooste of Romains, thought rathir to die upon the said Arnus, so that he mighte subdew hym, rathir than the saide citee shulde stande in servage. He mounted upon his hors, and leide his spere in the rest, and withe a mightie courage renne feerslie upon the saide Arnus being in the myddille of his oost, and fortuned by chaunce that bothe of hem wounded[161] othir to dethe. And whan it was undrestonde in the hooste that the saide Arnus, capitalle adversarie to Romains, was dede, his gret oost departed out of their feelde, whiche had not soo done had not bene by mightie aventure the wilfulle dethe of the saide Lucius Brutus.

How a prince, be he made regent, governoure, or duke[162], chieveteyne, lieutenaunt, capetaine, conestable, or marchalle, make alwaie just paiment to her soudeours, for eschewing of gret inconvenientis might falle.

[Sidenote: Autor. Notandum est super omnia effectus istius articuli, quoad execucionem justicii.]

[Sidenote: Notandum est de ordinaria solucione Joh'is ducis Bedfordie.]

[Sidenote: Concidera.]

[Sidenote: Nota multiplicacionem officiariorum.]

And overmore, most highe and excellent prince, of youre benigne grace and providence, if it please youre highenesse to have consideracion, in way of justice and keping, to remedie one singuler offence and damage to youre liege people, the whiche by Goddis law, and by law of reason and nature, is the contrarie of it righte dampnable,[163] and which grevous offence, as it is voised accustumablie, rennythe and hathe be more usid under [tho that oughte be[164]] youre obeisaunce in Fraunce and Normandie than in othir straunge regions: and to {72} every welle advised man it is easy to undrestande that it is a thing that may welle bene amendid and correctid, and to be a gret mene to the recuvere of youre londes in the saide adverse partie; that is to say, that shalle be men of soude and of armes, as well tho that [shalle be[165]] undre youre lieutenauntis as the chiefteins and capetains, may be duely paide of her wages by the monithe, [lyke as Johan regent of Fraunce payd,[165]] or by quarter, bethout any rewarde [of curtesyie of colour[166]] gyven, bribe, defalcacion, or abreggement, or undew assignacion not levable assigned or made unto them, aswelle in this londe as in Normandie, to deceyve hem, or cause hem be empoverisshed in straunge contreis, as it hathe be accustumed late in the saide contreis. And that suche paymentis be made content bethout delaie or nede of[167] long and grete pursute, upon suche a resonable peyne as the cause shalle require it. And that none of youre officers roialle, nethir hir debitees or commissioneris, shalle darre doo the contrarie to take no bribe, rewarde, or defalke the kingis wagis; wherbie youre souldeours shalle not have cause to oppresse and charge youre obeissauntis and youre peple in taking theire vitaile bethout paieng therfor, whiche gret part of theym in defaut of due payment hathe ben accustumed, by .x. or .xij. yere day contynued, or the saide londes were lost, uncorrectid ne punisshid, [as] turned to the gret undoing of youre saide obeisauntes, and one othir of gret causis that they have turned their hertis frome us, breking theire allegeaunce by manere of cohercion for suche rapyn, oppressions, and extorcions. And also the officers than being nedithe not to have so many lieutenauntis or undre officers as they have hadde, whiche wastithe and destroiethe youre saide peple by undew charges to enriche hemsilfe; and many of the officers have be but esy vaileable to the defense of youre countre, thoroughe negligence of exersising of armes for theire defense and proteccion in tyme of necessite. For it was never seen that any countre, cite, or towne did encrece welle wherover many nedeles officers and governours that onlie wolde have a renomme, and {73} undre that colour be a extorcioner, piller, or briboure, was reignyng and ruling over theym.

[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]

[Sidenote: De lamentabili oppressione subditorum nostrorum in Frauncia.]

[Sidenote: Alia exclamacio soldariorum ultimo in Normannia commorancium.]

[Sidenote: Deploracio miseriae.]

O mighetie king, and ye noble lordes of this roiaume, if ye were wele advertised and enfourmed of the gret persecucions, by way of suche oppressions and tirannyes, ravynes, and crueltees, that many of suche officers have suffred to be done unponisshed to the pore comons, laborers, paissauntes of the saide duchie of Normandie, it is verailie to deme that certe[gh] ye of noble condicions, naturally pitous, wolde not have suffred suche grevous inconvenientis to be redressid and amendid long or the said intrusion fille, and the regalite of justice had be in tho daies in youre possession. For often tymes suche as have pretendid theym officers wastid of youre [predecessour[168]] is livelode more than nedithe, and often tymes suffred them to be manassed [and] beten, and mischieved theire bestis withe theire wepyns, that they were nighe out of theire wittis for sorow, and so enforced for duresse to forsake youre title and youre lawes, and but esilie relevyd and socoured. And therto they have ben so often surcharged grevouslie withe paieng of tasques, tailis, subsides, and imposicions beside theire rentis, paieng to the somme righte importable sommes, paide to your predecessours for youre demains, and to theire landlordis that halden of you, and many of theym duelling upon the marches patised to youre adverse partie also to dwelle in rest, and this innumerable charges and divers tormentis have ben done to theym to theire uttermost undoing. He allas! and yet seeing they bene christen men, and lyvyng under youre obeissaunce, lawes-yovyng, and yeldyng to youre lawes as trew Englisshe men done, by whome also we lyve and be susteyned, and youre werre the bettir born out and mainteyned, why shulde it here after be suffred that suche tormentrie and cruelte shulde be shewed unto theym? O God! whiche art most mercifulle and highest juge, soverein, and just, how maist thow long suffre this regnyng without the {74} stroke of vengeaunce and ponisshement commyng upon the depryvyng or yelding up of that dukedom?

[Sidenote: Nota tria.]

[Sidenote: Prima.]

[Sidenote: .ij^{a}.]

[Sidenote: .iij. causa.]

[Sidenote: Conciderandum est super omnia.]

Late it be noted and construed what gret inconvenientis have folow herof. There may be undrestonde to folow .iij. thingis inespecialle of gret hurtis. One is the ire of God and his rod of vengeaunce fallen now upon us by his dyvyne punisshement [of God,[169]] aswelle in suffring oure saide adversaries to have the overhande upon us, as in destroieng of oure lordis by sodeyn fortunes [of dyvysyons[169]] in this lande the saide yere and season, the yere of Crist .M^liiij^cl. that youre [grete[169]] adversarie made his intrusion in the saide Normandy, for pite of his peple so oppressid, hiring theire clamours and cries and theire curses. The second is theire rebellion, as thoroughe theire wanhope, havyng no trust of hastie socoure and relief of an armee to come in tyme covenable, be turned awaie frome her ligeaunce and obedience to youre adverse partie, seeing theym thus ungoodelie entretid under tho whiche were comytted to kepe, defende, and maynteyn them. The .iij^{de}. is famyn of vitaile and penurie of money, and lak of provision of artillerie and stuffe of ordenaunce, whiche youre saide obeissauntis for faute of these were constreined to flee to youre adverse partie, and to leve rathir theire natife contree, orellis to die for famyn and povertee.

[Sidenote: Ecclesia honoranda.]

[Sidenote: Nota bene.]

[Sidenote: Hospitalitas in ecclesia est preferranda.]

[Sidenote: Lamentacio.]

[Sidenote: Cogita.]

An exortacion how princes, lordes, and officers roialle shulde worship and meynteyne the Chirche, and defende hem from oppression.

And moreover in way of gret pitee and in the worship of God suffre ye not the prelates of the Chirche of that lande, as archebisshoppis, bisshoppis, abbatis, priours, denes, archedenes, and theire ministrours, to be oppressid, revaled, ne vileyned, as they have bene in youre predecessour daies accepted in fulle litille reverence or {75} obedience, for how that men usurpen in tho daies in surchargeyng them unduelie it is by experience knowen welle ynoughe, as they be manere of a prive cohercion to lyve in more rest withe theire lyvelode, be dryve too forto gyve out to rulers, gouvernours, and maistris of the marchis and contrees that they dwellin upon or have her lyvelode, gret fees and wages and rewardis nedelese. And the peple that were welle set[170] and often tymes they ben visited withe straungiers of gret astatis, as welle spirituelle as temporelle, and namelie withe tho that have the lawes to mynistre and to kepe, and withe other nedeles peple that waste and surcharge theym, for they were founded to that entent but to kepe theire nombre of fundacion, praieng for theire foundoures, and [kepe hospitalitee for to[171]] feede the pore and the nedie in case of necessite. A mercifulle Jhesu! many auctours rehersithe in her cronicles that Pompeus, whiche that was so chevalrous a paynym knighte amongis the Romains, the cause of his wofulle dethe and mortalle ende was alonlie that he on a tyme disdeyned to reverence and worship holy places, as chirches and seyntuaries, stabled his hors in Salamon is Temple, the whiche the saide Salamon had edified to be the most sovereyn chirche or temple of the erthe to serve and praise God. And in example of late daies yn king Johan of Fraunce tyme suche chieveteins as was in his armee before he was take at the bataile of Peitiers, as it is saide, avaunted hym silfe to stabille her hors in the cathedralle chirche of Salisbury. And after he was take and had sighte of the saide chirche [they[171]] had gret repentaunce of. And therfor, fulle noble king and ye puissaunt lordis of renomme, let a covenable and a necessarye medecyn be counceiled and yoven to us for provision and reformacion of this infirmite, and that it may be purveied for by so dew meenes that it may be to God is pleasaunce. And that we may withedraw and leve oure wrecchid governaunce that temporelle men wolde so inordinatlie rule and oppresse the Chirche. So that now this begon mischiefe and stroke of pestilence in youre {76} predecessour daies be not set as a jugement in oure arbitracion as to be decreed, juged, or determyned for oure wele and availe, but as a chastising of oure mysdoeng, so to be take for oure savacion. What saiethe saint Jeroyme amongis his dolorous lamentacions upon the prophesie of Jooelle? If we have not, (seithe he,) know God in welthe and prosperite, then, at the leest, let us know hym in oure adversite, in suche wise there we have erred and fauted by over gret haboundaunce of suche chargeable crimes and synnes of delites, of suche oppression, covetice, inespecialle pride and envy, &c. Let us withedraw us from hem withe goode corage, and to that ende that we be not chastised ne punisshed by the stroke of vengeaunce and pestilence, nor of none suche affliccions as we hafe ben dailie by youre predecessour's daies by youre saide adversaries.

[Sidenote: Quod officium deffencionis adversariorum patriae est preferrandum quemcunque singularem facultatem sive practicam.]

How lordis sonnes and noble men of birthe, for the defense of her londe, shulde excersise hem in armes lernyng.

[Sidenote: Introduccio juvenum nobilium natu.]

[Sidenote: Ser Johan Fastolf.]

[Sidenote: Optativus modus.]

And also moreover for the grettir defens of youre roiaumes, and saufe garde of youre contreis in tyme of necessite, also to the avauncement and encrece of chevalrie and worship in armes, comaunde and doo founde, establisshe, and ordeyne that the sonnes of princes, of lordis, and for the most part of alle tho that ben comen and descendid of noble bloode, as of auncien knightis, esquiers, and other auncient gentille men, that while they ben of grene age ben drawen forthe, norisshed, and excersised in disciplines, doctrine, and usage of scole of armes, as using justis, to can renne withe speer, handle withe ax, sworde, dagger, and alle othir defensible wepyn, to wrestling, to skeping, leping, and rennyng, to make hem hardie, deliver, and wele brethed, so as when ye and youre roiaume in suche tyme of nede to have theire service in entreprises of dedis of armes, they may of experience be apt and more enabled to doo you service honourable in what region they become, and not to be [unkonnyng,[172]] abashed, ne astonied, {77} forto take entreprises, to answere or deliver a gentilman that desire in worship to doo armes in liestis to the utteraunce, or to certein pointis, or in a quarelle rightfulle to fight, and in cas of necessite you[173] and youre roiaume forto warde, kepe, and defende frome youre adversaries in tyme of werre. And this was the custom in the daies of youre noble auncestries, bothe of kingis of Fraunce as of Englande. In example wherof, king Edwarde .iij^{de}. that exersised his noble son Edwarde the prince in righte grene age, and all his noble sonnes, in suche maiestries, wherby they were more apt in haunting of armes. And, [as myne autor seyd me,[174]] the chevalrous knight [fyrst[174]] Henry duke of Lancastre, which is named a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes, had sent to hym frome princes and lordis of straunge regions, as out of Spayne, Aragon, Portingale, Naverre, and out of Fraunce, her children, yong knightis, to be doctrined, lerned, and broughte up in his noble court in scole of armes and for to see noblesse, curtesie, and worship. Wherthoroughe here honoure spradde and encresid in renomme in all londis they came untoo. And after hym, in youre antecessour daies, other noble princes and lordis of gret birthe accustomed to excersise maistries apropred to defense of armes and gentilnes[175] to them longing. But now of late daies, the grettir pite is, many one that ben descendid of noble bloode and borne to armes, as knightis sonnes, esquiers, and of othir gentille bloode, set hem silfe to singuler practik, straunge [facultee[gh][176]] frome that fet, as to lerne the practique of law or custom of lande, or of civile matier, and so wastyn gretlie theire tyme in suche nedelese besinesse, as to occupie courtis halding, to kepe and bere out a proude countenaunce at sessions and shiris halding, also there to embrace and rule among youre pore and simple comyns of bestialle contenaunce that lust to lyve in rest. And who can be a reuler and put hym forthe in suche matieris, he is, as the worlde goithe now, among alle astatis more set of than he that hathe despendid .xxx. or .xl. yeris of his daies in gret jubardies in youre {78} [antecessourys[177]] conquestis and werris. So wolde Jhesus they so wolle welle lerned theym to be as good men of armes, chieveteins, or capetains in the feelde that befallithe for hem where worship and manhode shulde be shewed, moche bettir rathir then as they have lerned and can be a captaine or a ruler at a sessions or a shire day, to endite or amercie youre pore bestialle peple, to theire [enpoveryshyng[178],] and to enriche hem silfe or to be magnified the more, but only they shulde maynteyn your justices and your officers usyng the goode custom of youre lawes. And than ye shulde have righte litille nede to have thoughte, anguisshe or besinesse for to conquere and wyn ayen youre rightfulle enheritaunce, or to defende youre roiaume from youre ennemies. And that suche singuler practik shulde [not[177]] be accustumed and occupied [undewly[177]] withe suche men that be come of noble birthe, [but he be the yonger brother, havyng not whereof to lyve honestly[177].] And if the vaillaunt Romayns had suffred theire sonnes to mysspende theire tyme in suche singuler practik, using oppressing by colours [of custom of the law, they had not conquered twyes[177]] Cartage ayenst alle the Affricans.

How officers of the law shulde be chosen, welle disposid and temperate men, vertuous in condicion, and they to be protectid by lordis and noble men of birthe.

[Sidenote: Exclamacio.]

Hit was in auncient tyme used that suche practik and lernyng of the custumes and law of a lande shulde onlie be comytted to suche parsones of demure contenaunce that were holden vertuous and welle disposid, thoughe he were descendid but of esie birthe to occupie in in suche facultees, and to mynistre duelie and egallie the statutis and custumes of the law to youre peple, bethout meintenaunce ayenst justice. And the saide officers and ministrours of the law to be protectid and meyntened by the princes, lordis, and men of worship when the case shalle require, namelie tho that oughte defende yow and youre {79} roiaume that halden theire londis of you by that service onlie, and gyven to that entent by youre noble auncestries. And over this that they be lerned and introducid in the drede of God, and not presumptuously take upon hem to offende theire law, for the whiche, and in example to this purpose, it is wretin in the .36. chapitre of the prophete Jeremye, because that Joachym king of Juda despraised the admonestementis, advertisementis, and the doctrines of God, that Jeremie had doo set yn certein bookes and quaiers, the whiche he made to be cast in the fire and disdeyned to hire theym, but usid after his owne wilfulnesse and hedinesse and without counceile, therfor God seiethe by the mouthe of the prophete that of hym shuld issew ne come none heire to succeede ligneallie that after hym shulde enjoie and holde his roiaume, and overmore that he shulde visit hym by punisshement, and that aswelle his kynne as hym that had suffred and caused to be so eville inducid. And so it fille after the prophesie. O ye than in the same wise puttithe away the delites of sensualitees of suche inconvenient occupacion as before is specified frome the children of noble men. And late theym be inducid and lerned of youthe that in thingis [of noblesse[179]] that apparteynithe and belongithe to theym to lerne, as in excercising[180] of armes and to suche occupacions of worship. These thingis provyded and ordeined oughte not be long delaied, but incontinent stedfastlie to be persevered, that then doubte not but that God, whiche is most mercifulle and allway in every necessite to relief us, despraisithe not the humble and contrite hertis, but that he of his infinite goodenesse wolle accept and take in gree and his grace oure good entent, and shalbe withe us in alle oure gode actis and dedis.

How over gret cost and pomp in clothing shulde be eschewed.

And therfore in witnesse herof eschew and leve the superfluite and excesse of arraie and clothing. And late everie astate use as {80} the worthie Romains did, the whiche, in tyme of affliccions and turmentis or anguisshes by occasion of werres and batailes, used one manere clothing, and anothir maner clothing in tyme of prosperite and felicitee reignyng. And the same maner the ryte and custom of youre adverse partie of Fraunce hathe used, escheweng alle costius arraiementis of clothing, garmentis, and bobauncees, and the usaige of pellure and furres they have expresselie put away. Whiche costues arraymentis and disgising of clothing of so many divers facion used in this youre roiaume, inespecialle amongis youre pore comyners, hathe be one of the gret inconvenientis of the empoverisshing of youre lande, and enforced gret pride, envy, and wrathe amongis hem, whiche hathe holpe broughte them to gret indigence and povertee.

How that gret hurt and inconvenientis have fallen to the roiaume because the creditours have not been duelie paide of here lonys and prestis made to highe sovereins.

[Sidenote: Nota optime.]

Moreover, youre pore comyns, [yn your antecessour dayes,[181]] not paied holy theire duteis for theire lones, prestis of vitailis and othir marchaundise, as by opyn example was often tymes lent and taken to the behofe of youre predecessoure Henry sext, named king, but in sondrie wises be delaied and despende gret part of her goode, or they can nighe her deutees and paiementis, and fayn to suffre to defalke and relese partie of her dutee to receyve the othir part, whiche is the cause of gret charge and hinderaunce of youre peple. And therefore, to voide this inconvenient, righte noble king, withe the discrete avise of youre noble lordis, let youre riche tresours be spradde and put abrode, bothe juellis, vesselle of gold and silver, among youre true subgettis, and inespecialle to the helpe and avauncement of youre conquest, and to the relief of youre indigent and nedie peple. And inespecialle to tho that have lost theire londis, livelode, and {81} goode in the werres, so that the saide tresoure may be put forthe, and late it be set in money to the remedie and socoure of this gret importunyte and necessite, and to the defens of youre roiaume from youre adversaries before specified; for it is saide that [an empyre or[182]] roiaume is bettir without tresoure of golde than without worship, and also bettir it is to lyve a pore life in a riche roiaume in tranquillite and pease than to be riche in a pore roiaume where debate and strife reignithe. And if ye wolle doo thus, every man than in his degree wolle doo the same. And to example of us alle ye [soo[182]] puissaunt and mighetie men of good counceile and stere,[183] every man helpe after his degree.

[Sidenote: Nota bene.]

How saint Lowis, king of Fraunce, in his testament writen of his owne hande, counceiled his sonne [that] after hym reigned, to cherisshe and favoure the good Citeis and Townes of his lande, and use justice and peas.

And to doo and werke after the blissid counceile of Saint Lowes, king of Fraunce, [who] declared among othir exhortacions and counceile in his testament, the chapiter where he exhorted and comaundid his sonne Phelip that reigned king after hym, that he shulde put and doo alle his diligence that he shulde kepe his peple in pease and justice, and inespecialle to favoure and cherisshe the good Citeis and Townes of his roiaume, and to kepe theym in fraunchise and fredoms soo as they may encrese and lyve puissauntlie, for if they be tendred, that they be of power and mighetie of goode, the ennemies of youre roiaume or of youre adverse partie wol doubt and be ware to take any entreprise ayenst youre noble mageste. And if the adversaries wolle werke ayen the honoure of youre parsone, and the welfare of youre roiaume, youre saide citesins and burgeis and good comyns shalbe of power and of goode courage, and wille withe here bodies and goodes largelie depart to be yoven forto resist them. And, {82} therefore, favoure and forbere the pore peple and namelie the nedie, in signe that ye in youre hertis may bring to mynde and remembre the vengeaunce of hard offensis to this roiaume shewed, and to the recuvere of the worship of the roiaume late lost. And who so hathe not a bodie habille herto, or usage to emploie hym in dedis of armes, or think it long not to hym, as men of religiouste[184] and spirituelle, temporelle men wolde sey, Yet com forthe withe a goode courage, and not by constreint ne in manere of tasque ne of thraldom in tyme to come, but of fre wille withe a bounteuous hert at this tyme that is so expedient and necessarie, as trew Englisshe men shulde doo, every man bring and put forthe of his goodes after that his power is. Now in the worship of God let this be timelie done. It shall now shew, or it may be shewed, who that shalbe founde goode and profitable to the comonwele, or set hym silfe to the employ and fortheraunce of this dede of gret necessite. And who so hathe no power to ley out finaunce, good, or tresoure, yet put his good wille therto. A noble Roiaume of gret price and of noble renomme as thow hast be. Whan God lust to shew thy power, and to be victorious, who may noy the? Shall thou than suffre the to be confunded withe simpler people of reputacion then thow art, withe the whiche ye and youre noble progenitours have conquerid and overcom diverse tymes before this? It is welle to undrestonde that ye have no protectoure, kepar, ne defendour but it come of God, of the whiche he is witnesse and the leder. Som say that the floode of Temmys rennythe beting hier than the londe in stormye seasons. Yet for alle that, withe Goddis mighte and grace, thow art not in the extremitee of tho stormes, ne never mote it come there in suche indigence and necessite.

{83}

How that when the Romains were yn that uttermost necessite that bothe mete and money failed hem and here chevalrie destroied, yet tho that [were] left toke goode hert to hem, bothe widowes and othirs, that releved ayen the frauncheis and libertees of Rome.

And where as the Romains fonde theym yn that urgent necessite whan that bothe mete and monney failed theym to susteyne and support theire manhode, neverthelesse noble courage ne goode hope failed not among hem; so that, what time the auncien gentille bloode was wastid in bataile, than they made knightis of theire bounde men, to avaunce theire conquest forto encrese withe theire hoost. And that the goode worshipfulle ladies of Rome, and namely the soroufulle widowes, whiche at that tyme were not usid of custom nothing to pay ne yelde to the souding of men of armes, yet at that tyme whan suche necessite fille, they offred and brought right liberallie of theire juellis and goodis, for the whiche they were right gretly thanked and praised, and after the victorie had welle recompensid and contentid.

[Sidenote: Titus Livius. A noble historye of the largesse of Romaynys, how amplye they departed ther godes yn a tym of urgent necessite to make an armee yn to the contree of Auffrique.]

[Sidenote: Lenius.]

Also I rede of a noble example in Titus Livius the .5. booke of the seconde decade of Punica bella, that whan the noble Romains, in the tyme of werris long continued ayen theire adversaries of Aufrik, what by tasques, tailes, and imposicions had for the defens of theire countree habandonned and yoven largelie of theire goodis meveable, that the saide Romains had no more in substaunce to lyve by except theire londes. And it fille soo that the countree of Cisiliens and Champenois hadde doo purvoie for a gret armee and an oost of peple, as well of men for to defende and kepe the see as the lond. And so the comons of Rome had borne so many gret chargis before that they might no more, but if the lordis senatours and counceilours of Rome wolde put too theire hande. And in so moche that the comons of Rome complained and grugged in open market places {84} ayenst the saide gret astatis and governours of Rome, seieng but they wolde sille theire bodies and goodis of the comons, they might pay no more tasque ne taile, the saide governours of Rome, to appaise the peple, saiden they wolde counceile togither and advise a day to purvey for the comon wele, and seiden in conclusion that, were[185] it righte or wrong, we senatours, astatis, and governours must put out largelie of oure goodis, and so yeve example to the comons for the defens of the contree of Cesille and keping of the lande and see frome ennemies. And one Lenius, a noble senatoure, pronounced and saide that, forasmoche the senatours have power of goode and rule of the cite in preferraunce of worship and dignite, in like wise it is reason that they here a charge to defende the comons and yeve example to doo as thow woldist comaunde hem to doo; therfore late us, in yevyng the comons example, to morne yn opyn market place before hem, bring forthe the gret part of the golde and silver of coyne and print money that every of us senatours and statis haven, so that none of us reserve and kepe to his propre use but ringis and nouches for to worship his wiffe and children withalle; so that every officer shulde have noo more silver vesselle but for a chapelle and a cupbourde; and every senatoure to kepe but a pounde of coyned silver; and every weddid man havyng wiffe and children to kepe for every of hem an ounce of silver or suche a litille weight; and every citesyn of havyour and degre to reserve only but .v^{mil}. pens of brasse money, and soo that alle othir golde, silver, and brasse money coyned to be brought to the tresorers of the citee. And aftre than the comons of Rome, havyng consideracion that the senatours and governours of Rome of here owne fre voulente haboundonned and put out so habundantlie and largelie of her golde and tresour for the comon wele, to the defense and keping of the see withe shippis and maryneris, to the defense and rebutting of her adversaries, that every of the comons of Rome, after her power and havyoure, of gret courage brought frelie of gold, silver, and othir coyne money to the {85} tresorers and chaungers that were comytted to receyve the money, the prese was so grete that they had no tyme to write the names of the noble citesins, ne forto nombre and telle the quantite and porcion of everie manis part that they broughte; and by this accord and moien the comon profit was soo augmentid that the knightis and men of werre had suffisaunt and more than nedid to defende and kepe the countre of Cecilians and Champenois, and also to be maistris of the see; and alle thingis and ordenaunces that longid to werre was purveied for and put forthe in onure and worke, that alle the senatours counceilours had no nede to tarie lenger for counseiling, but every of hem wente forthe into her countre to dispose for hemsilfe; and in so gret discomfort stode never the Romayns as they did in this urgent necessitee, and was by this moien of largesse repared and brought ayen to worship, prosperite, and welfare. And wolde the mightifulle God that every harde covetouse hert were of suche largesse and distributif of here meveable good and tresoure to the comon wele, as for defending us frome oure adversaries, and keping the see aswelle as the londe, that we may alway be lordis and maistris thereof, as noble governours were before this tyme.

Here endyth thys Epistle, undre correccion, the .xv. day of June, the yeere of Crist .M^liiij^clxxv., and of the noble Reyne of kyng Edward the .iiij^{the}. the .xv^{ne}.

* * * * *

{87}

GENERAL INDEX.

* * * * *

Acre, 11
Actovylle, Raulyn, 8
Africa, 11, 83
Agamemnon, 20, 63
Agincourt, battle of, 16, 28, 32, 45
Ajax, 63, 64
Alencon, duke of 12;
taken prisoner 18;
his redemption 19
Alexander, king, 7
Anjou, the title of, 23
Appius, 60
Appulton, John, his letter to sir John Fastolfe, lvi
Arms (to do) in lists to the utterance, or to certain points, 77
Armonac, earl of, 8, 28, 37
Arras, treaty of, xlix
Arthur, king, 2, 9
---- of Breteyn, 40
Astrology depreciated, viii, 50
Authors quoted:--
de Auriga, Alanus, his Quadrilogus, 25, 27, 33;
Preface iii, vi, vii, ix
Austyn, of the City of God, 57;
---- of Free will, 50;
Bartholomeus, de Proprietatibus Rerum, 2;
Basset, Peter, liii;
Boetius de Consolatione, 3, 21, 50, 52;
Cato, 25, 62, 69;
Chartier, see Auriga
Cicero, of Divination, 50;
---- _see_ Tullius;
Cristina, Arbre de Batailes, 6 _bis_, 27, 30, 31, 54 (her biography
_ib._);
de Diceto, Radulphus, Ymago historiarum, 23;
Dudley's Tree of Commonwealth, vii;
Froissart, 40;
Gildas, 51;
Governance of Princes,liv;
Jeremye the prophet, 79;
Jerome, saint, 76;
Job, 6, 52, 58;
Josephus, liber antiquitatum, 51;
Kayus son, ii, 1;
Livius (Titus, 26, 51, 53, 83;
Machabeus, 42;
Malexander, Walter, 22, 26;
Nennius, 62;
Novius Marcellus, 57;
Orosius de Ormesta Mundi, 51;
Ovid, 26, 33;
Paralipomenon, 56;
Philip, the Acts of King, (the Philippiados), 13;
Pliny the younger, ii;
du Premier-Faict, Laurence, li;
Ptolomy, Centilogie, 51;
_de Regimine Principum_, liv;
Socrates, 69;
Tree of Batailes, iii, liv;
Tullius, 25, 57 _ter_, 58 _bis_, 59, 60, 62, 70;
Vegetius, his book of Chivalry (_de Arte Militari_), 21, 29, 55;
Preface, p. vi.;
Wallensis, Commune loquium, 57;
Worcestre, William of, l, 1
Averaunces, 28
{88}
Baldwin archbishop of Canterbury, 10
Basset, Peter, an historical writer, liii
Bastille of St. Anthoine, victualling of, xi, lx, 68
Beauchamp, sir William, 15
Bedford, John duke of, 15, 17;
wins the battle of Vernelle 18;
and conquers the county of Maine 19;
other victories 28;
statutes of 31;
eulogy on 44;
defended Paris 47;
his payment of wages 72
Benevolence, a voluntary taxation, xvii, xxi
Bituitus, king, 27
Boecius, 52
BOKE OF NOBLESSE, its scope and intention, i;
probable date of its composition, _ib._;
abstract of its contents, i-xvii;
the question of its authorship, l;
other books of the same character, liv;
the MS. described, lv
Bonnet, Honore, iv
Bordeaux, 42
Bougee, battle of, 17, 44
Bourbon, the bastard of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxviii, 28
---- the cardinal of, xxxi, xxxvii, xxxix
Brennus, 10
Bretagne, Charles duke of, 13
---- Giles son of the duke of, ii, 5
---- the duke of, protected by king Edward, xl, xli
Bretailles, Louis de, xlii
Bretigny, peace of, 37, 40, 49
Buchan, earl of, 17
Burgoyne, duke of, 7, 8
---- marshal of, 17
Burgundy, Charles duke of, i;
his designation of _le Hardi_, x;
brother-in-law both to king Louis and king Edward, xxviii;
interviews with king Edward, xxiv, xxix, xxxiii;
character of, xxv;
suspected by the English, xxx, xlvi;
his truce with France, xlvii
---- John duke of, his murder, xxxviii
---- Margaret duchess of, xxiii
Caen, won by assault, 12, 36;
rescue of, 28;
parliament at, 31
Calais, siege of, 13, 36, 45
Camillus, 53
Canute (Knowt), 2
Carew, the baron of, 15
Carthage, wars of the Romans with, 26, 61, 65
Cato, 61
Caulx, Pais de, the destruction of, lvi
Caxton, works of:--
Book of the ordre of Chevalrye or Knyghthode, liv;
Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye, vi;
Curial, vii;
Tully on Old Age, li;
Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers, xliii
Cerdic, 2
Champenois, 83
Chandos, Sir John, 15, 37, 46
Charles V. of France, purchased fortresses from the English, xxxii;
mentioned, 33, 37
Charles VII. his re-conquest of Normandy ii, iii;
his secretary Alain Chartier vii;
mentioned 3, 25
Charles le bien ame, 25
Charles le simple, 39
Charles the sage, 40
Chartier; _see_ Authors
Chester, Randolfe earl of, 10
Cheyne, sir John, xxxii, xxxiii, xliii
Childermas day, xxxv
Chirburgh, 12
Chivalry, synonymous with Noblesse, xv
Christine, dame; _see_ Passy _and_ Pisan
Church, oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74
Citizens, their contributions to the war, xxi;
their experience in the campaign, xlv
Clarence, George duke of, his retinue and their
pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii, xxxviii
Clarence, Thomas duke of, 18;
eulogy on, 44
Clekyn, sir Barthilmew, 15
Cleret, Pierre, xxxiii
Clergy oppressed in Normandy, xiii, 74;
{89}
Clothing, cost and pomp in, 79
Commines, Philippe de, the historian, xvii, xxv;
employed by king Louis, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi;
dressed like his master, xxxvii;
characteras an historian, xli
Commons, or people, termed "bestial", 77, 78
Conquerors, duties of, 21
Cornwall, language of, 2
Countour, a commissioner of taxes, xv
Courtenay, sir Hugh, 15
---- sir Philip, _ib._
Cravant, battle of, 17, 18, 28, 44
Cressy, battle of, 12, 36
Cyprus, king of, 10
Cyrus, his gardens at Sardis, 69

Damascus, 10
David king of Scots, 13
Derby, earl of, 13
Dieppe, 5
Dorset, Edmond earl of, 28
---- Thomas earl of, 15
Douglas, earl of, 18
Dove, the omen of the, xxiv, xlii
Dress; _see_ Clothing
Dudley, Edmonde, his "Tree of Common Wealth", vii
Dudley, William, xxxi, xxxii
Durham ("Deram upon the marchis of Scotland"), 13
Dynham, John lord, xxii

Education, military, 76
Edmond Ironside, 10
Edward the First, 11
Edward the Third, 3, 12, 14, 33, 77;
he made great alliances, 40
Edward prince of Wales, 4, 13, 14;
received homage as duke of Guienne, 37, 43
Edward the Fourth, his prosperous state in his second reign, i;
prepares to invade France xvii;
salutes the generous widow xxi;
lands at Calais xxvi;
interviews with the duke of Burgundy xxiv, xxix;
with king Louis xxxvi;
character of xxv, xli, xlv;
his personal appearance xxxviii;
ruin of his political schemes and death xlviii
Elkyngton, John, xxxii
English, their character as soldiers xxvi;
beat a double or treble number of Frenchmen, 28
Ennius, 61, 62
Eu, earl of, 12
Exeter, Thomas duke of 28, 68;
captain of Paris, xi, xii

Fabius, 59, 60, 62
Fabricius, 55, 60
Faliste, 53
Fastolfe, sir John, "myne autor", i;
anecdotes and sayings of, v, x, xi, xiv;
his books of accompt, xi;
captain of the bastille of St. Anthoine, _ib._;
his connection with "The Boke of Noblesse", l;
his services in France, li;
mentioned, 15, 16, 19, 28 _ter_, 31, 64, 68
Fauconberg, lord, 28;
taken prisoner, iii, 5
Felton, sir Thomas, 15
Ferranus king of Spain, 10
Fizar, battle, 46
Florence, 53
Formigny, the battle of, viii, 42
Fougeres, the capture of, iii, 5
France, oppression of the English subjects in, vii;
its sufferings from quartering soldiers, xii;
narrative of the invasion of in 1475, xvii-xliv;
difficulties of an English invasion of, xxvii;
costly dress put away in, 80
Franklin, character of, xv
Frenchmen, if double or treble in number, beaten by Englishmen, 28
Fulke earl of Anjou, 10, 23

Garnett, Richard, xxi
Garter, the order of the, 46;
{90}
Gascony, the title of, 24
Geoffrey Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52
Gloucester, Humphrey duke of, eulogy on, 45
---- Richard duke of, his retinue and their pay, xx, xxiii, xxxii;
affects to lead the English chivalry, xli
---- Robert Clare, earl of, 10
Gourney, Mathew, lix, 15
Grey, Thomas, his retainer as the king's custrel, xx
Guienne, duchy of, treaties respecting, 34
Guisnes, castle of, xxiii

the Hagge, 12
Hannibal, 50, 59, 67
Hardy man, definition of, x
Harflete, siege of, 15
Harington, sir Richard, 28
Hastings, Hugh lord, 15
---- sir Ralph, 15
---- William lord, accepts pensions both from Burgundy and France,
xxxiii, xxxviii
Hay, sir Gilbert, liv
Hector, 20
Henry the First, 10
Henry the Second, 24
Henry the Fifth, 4;
how he conquered Normandy and France, 15;
his marriage, 17;
wins the battle of Agincourt, 28, 32;
"that victorious prince", 39, 41;
praise of him and his brethren, 43;
his historians, liii
Henry VI. his coronation at Paris, 19;
"the innocent prince", 39
Hercules, 21
Homeldon hill, battle of, 18
Howard, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxvi;
left as hostage with the French, xxxii, xli, xliii, xlvi
Hubert bishop of Salisbury, 10
Huntingdon, John earl of, 16

Jerusalem, 52
Joachym king of Juda, 79
John, king, 33
John king of France taken prisoner and
brought to England, 13, 14, 36, 75
Judas Machabeus, 42

Kedecause, journey of, 28
Kent, Edmond earl of, 35, 36
Knollys, sir Robert, 15
Knowt (Canute), 2
Kyriell, sir Thomas viii, 42

Lancaster, Henry duke of, 43;
"a chief auctour and foundour in law of armes," 77
Law, the practice of, not worthy of those born to arms, xv, 77;
choice of officers of, 78
Lelius, 61, 62
Lenius, 84
Library of sir John Paston, lix;
of Humphrey duke of Gloucester, 45
Lion, the emblem of knightly valour, and particularly of the royal house
of England, ii;
men of war should resemble, 4, 22, 46, 47, 48
L'Isle Adam, Jean de Villiers seigneur de, biogr. note on, xi; 8, 68
Loans, xvi. 80
Lombards, 32
Louis, Saint, counsel to his son, v. 8, 11, 42, 81
Louis XI. abetted the Earl of Warwick, xvii;
character, xxv;
his reception of King Edward's defiance, xxvii;
kept no herald, xxx;
his "disguised apparel", xxxvii;
his timidity, xliii;
anecdotes of xli _et seq._
Lucius Brutus, 71
Lucius Paulus, 60, 67
Lucius Valerius, 52
Lumley, John lord, lv
Lysander, 69