Chapter VII: Part 7

Text size

Maine, county of, the conquest of, 19, 45;
the title of, 23, 32;
revenues of 68
{91}
Manly man, distinguished from the (fool-)hardy man, 65
Mansel, an esquire, iii, 5
March, earl of, 15, 28, 45
Marcus Actilius, 65
Marcus Marcellus, 67
Margaret of Austria, her matrimonial alliances, xlviii
Maude, the empress, 23, 52
Montgomery, sir N., 19
Morhier, sir Simon, iii, 5
Morton, doctor, xxv, xxxi, xxxii
Montreuil (Motreaw), 8
Mountgomery, sir Thomas, xxiii, xxv, xxxii, xxxiii, xlvi

Narbonne, the vicomte de, xlvi
Nazar, battle of, 14
Nestor, 63, 64
Neuss, the siege of, xxv
Neville, lord, 15
Noblesse, identical with Chivalry, xv;
and with Honour, liv.;
_See_ BOKE OF NOBLESSE
Normandy, the title of, 22;
arms of, 23;
the wretched state of, 72;
the clergy oppressed, 74;
its re-conquest by the French, ii, iii, viii

Oldhall, sir William, 19
Orleans; bastard of, 28
---- duke of, 7, 8
---- siege of, 28

Paris, 7, 8, 19;
siege of, 47;
rebellion in, 68;
bastille of St. Anthony, xi, lx, 68;
in the hands of the English, xi
Parliament, the English, as described by Commines, xvii
Passy, dame Christine of, iv;
biographical note upon, 54
Paston, sir John, his library, lix
Peace, the treaty of, in 1475, xxxviii
Philip, king of France, 8
Philip Dieu-donne, 10, 33, 34, 40
Philip of Valois, 12
Picquigny, the royal interview at, xxxvi
de Pisan, Christine, vi
Plantagenet, 2, 23, 52
Poitiers, battle of, 13, 75
Pompeus, 75
Pont l'Arche, the capture of iii, 5
Popham, sir John, 19
Poynings, lord, 28
Prophecies, the English always provided with, xxxix, 50
Publius Decius, 64
Pyrrhus, 55, 60

Radcliff, sir John, 48
Rais, lord, 15
Rempston, sir Thomas, 28
Respublica, 68
Richard emperor of Almaine, 11
Richard the First, 10
Riviers, Anthony earl of, his embassies to the duke of Burgundy, xxv;
his connections with royalty, xxvi. _See_ Scales
Robert, king of Jerusalem, 10
Rochedaryon, 13
Rollo, duke of Normandy, 39
Romans, their wars with Carthage, 26;
the largess of, to make an army to Africa, 83
Rome, 52
Rotherham, archbishop, xxxiii, xxxviii, xxxix
Rouen, 5
Roveraye, battle of, 28, 44
Runcyvale, 15

St. Cloud, battle of, 8
St. Leger, sir Thomas, xxxi, xxxiii, xxxvi
St. Pol, Louis de Luxembourg comte de, brother-in-law to king Louis, and
uncle to queen Elizabeth Wydville, xxviii;
his temporising and treacherous conduct, xxix;
circumstances of his ruin, xxxiv, xl, xliv
Salisbury, Thomas earl of, 17, 19, 28
{92}
Scales, lord, 19;
_see_ Riviers
Sciences, the, vii, 45
Scipio, 61, 62
Scipio Africanus and Scipio Asianus, 66
Scluse, battle of, 12, 36
Senlys, 47
Sensuality, evils of, 22, 33, 52
Sessions, 77, 78
Shire-days, holding of, xv, 77, 78
Shrewsbury, 18
Shrewsbury, earl of, 28 _bis_
Sicily, 83
Smert, John, Garter king of arms, xxvii
Soldiers, on the just payment of, 71
Somerset, Edmond duke of, 28
---- John duke of, 28
Stanley, lord, xxiii, xxviii, xxx, xxxi
Suffolk, William earl of, 17, 28, 45
Surie (Syria), 10, 11

Tancarville, earl of, 12
Thames, the flood of, 82
Tours, 5, 25;
truce of, ii
"Tree of Batailes," a popular work, iii;
its author, editions, and manuscripts, iv;
quoted, vii
Troy, 2, 20, 43, 64
Truces with France, the history of, 34;
truce of Tours, ii
Tryvet, sir John, 15
Tunis, 11
Tunstall, sir Richard, xx, xxiii, xxxii

Ulixes, 21
d'Urfe, seigneur, xxxiii

Valerius Corvinus, 70
Vernelle, battle of, 18, 19, 28, 32 _bis_, 44
Virtues, the iiij principalle cardinall, 7

Wales, language of, 2
Warwick, Thomas earl of, 37
William the Conqueror, 2, 10, 22
Willoughby, Robert lord, 17, 28
Winchester, bailiffs of, their letter (to sir John
Fastolfe), lvii
Worcestre, William of, the secretary of sir John Fastolfe, l;
his supposed _Acta d'ni Joh. Fastolff_, lii
Wyer, Robert, liv

York, Richard duke of, 41.

* * * * *

{93}

GLOSSARIAL INDEX.

* * * * *

admonestementis 79
afferaunt 43
aiel 35
amercie 78
approwementis 65
assailours 9
astonyed 2
atwix (betwixt) 48
avaunt 75
aventure 33
aveyn 69

baleese 54
barnage (baronage) 55
batellous 63
be (by) 9
beforce (by force) 31
beforne 70
benecute 70
benevolence xvii, xxi, xxii
bestialle 77, 78
bethout (without) 7 _et passim_
bethyn (within) 3 _et passim_
bobauncees 80
bonchief 21

chevalrie 66, 76, 83
clepid 27, 31, 40, 55
congie 30
convenable 74, 75
costius, costues (costly) 80
cote-armer 18
cotes of armes 20
countour xv
covyn 54
croiserie 10, 11
custrell xx

defalke 31, 72
defend (drive away) 9
deliver (agile) 76
deliver (to fulfil a challenge in arms) 77
depart (part with) 81, 83 side note
detrussed 65, _detrousse_, unbound
devoire 9, 56
dissimiled (dissembled) 30,
dissimuled 41
dissimulacion 40
dulled 2

egallie (equally) 21
embrace (to take part, or patronise) xv, 77
empeshement 35
enfamyned 13
entendement 20
entreprennour 64
entreprinses _and_ entreprises, 6, 21, 29
ering 70
at erst 6
escarmisshes 13
esy (little _or_ scarcely) 72,
esilie (scarcely), 73
ewred 43

fauten 60
feernesse (_for_ feersnesse?) 4, 20
fellir (more fell) 64
fille (fell) 21, 23, 27, 73, 83
finaunce 9, 14, 19, 29, 33, 65
fole-hardiesse 63, _see_ hardy
fraunchise 81
{94}
fructufulle 56

grene age 76

hardiesse 29
hardy (or fool-hardy) man, 65
haunting arms 3, 6, 22, 77
havyour 84
herbers (of soote smyllis of flowris and herbis of divers colours) 70
hethynesse 46
historier 25, 43
hostied 13
hubes 68

infortune 42, 50
inure 62

joieuest (most joyful) 70
jorney (military expedition) 47
jupardie 65, 70, 77

labourage 65, 69, 70
lifelode 32, 49, 32, 73, 80
lust (_verb_) 82
lyes (leash) 16

manassed 73
manly man 65
mantelle 20
masty hound 16
meintenaunce 78
menage 69
messangiers 45
moien 85
mondeyn 70
mow (shall mow endure) 69
muys 50

namelie (especially) 82, 83
noblesse xv. liv
nompower 30
nouches 84
noy 82

obeisaunce _and_ obediaunce 17, 30, 59
obeissauntes 30, 47
onure, 85
oost (host) 27, 28, 31, 32, 64, 71
osteyng 11
ovyr hand 65

paast, 6
paissauntes (peasants) 72, 73
patised 73
payneymys 10
paynym 75
peine hem (take pains) 31
perveaunce 40
piller (thief) 31, 72
plenerlie 37
practik (singler) 77, 78
practique of law 77
print money, 84
puissaunt 20, 23, 26, 41, 43, 46, 61
purveonds 68
puttithe away (_plur._) 79

quaiers (of books) lix, 79

raise 40. Chaucer says of his Knight, In Lettowe had he _reysed_ and in
Russe.
ravyne 72, 73
recordacion 3
renomme 32
revaled 3, 9, 11, 74
rightwisnesse 56
rothir or sterne 58

servage 71
sille (sell) 84
sleuth (sloth) 6
soude 33, 72;
soulde 29, 40
soudeours 16, 68, 71;
sowdieris 30
soudeyng 29;
souding, 83
souneth (threaten) 48
synguler (personal) 7, 29, 55

{95}
tailis 73, 83, 84
take in gree 79
tasques 73, 83, 84
terrein 69
tilieng (tilling) 70
tofore (before) 60
to morne (tomorrow) 84
trespasseinte 11
trespassement 41, 43

umbre 3, 4, 25, 33, 41

viellars 64
vileyned 74
voulente 84
vyfnes 4

wanhope 74
well (easy), "it is well to undrestonde" 82
werreied (made war) 10
wited (considered) 55

yen (eyen _or_ eyes) 66
yoven (given) 81

* * * * *

NOTES

[1] Giles brother to Francis I. duke of Bretagne. Having differences with his brother respecting his apanage, he was with the duke's consent arrested by king Charles VII.; and, perhaps in consequence of the English taking his part, he was put to death in the year 1450. His fate was commemorated in the "Histoire lamentable de Gilles seigneur de Chateaubriand et de Chantoce, prince du sang de France et de Bretagne, estrangle en prison par les ministres d'un favory." See Daru's Histoire de Bretagne, 1826, vol. ii. pp. 287 et seq.

[2] Sir Simon Morhier is one of the commissioners named for concluding a treaty with "our adversary of France," dated 28 July 1438. (Rymer, x. 709.) Monstrelet relates that at the battle of Rouvray, commonly called the battle of the Herrings, which took place during the siege of Orleans in 1428, the only man of note slain on the English side was one named Bresanteau, nephew to Simon Morhier provost of Paris.

[3] I do not find the name of this esquire in the memoirs of the Mansel family, privately printed in 1850, by William W. Mansell, esq. There were Mansels in Bretagne as well as in England.

[4] A description of the taking of Pont de l'Arche will be found in the _Histoire du roy Charles VII._, by Alain Chartier. He states that from a hundred to six score Englishmen were there either killed or taken prisoners: "Entre les autres y fut prins le sire de Faucquembergue, qui d'aventure y estoit venu la nuict." This was William Neville, lord Fauconberg, a younger son of the first earl of Westmerland, and uncle to the King-making earl of Warwick. Dugdale describes his imprisonment on the authority of letters patent (30 Hen. VI. p. 1, m. 24) whereby he was granted some compensation: "Being sent ambassador into Normandy, to treat of peace and truce betwixt both realms, he was most perfidiously seized upon by the French, and kept prisoner: in respect of which sufferings he had in 30 Hen. VI. an assignation of 4108l. 18s. 101/4d. then in arrears to him for his pay whilst he was governor of Roxburgh, to be received out of the customs of wool, cloths, skins, lead, and other commodities, arising in the ports of Boston, Kingston upon Hull, and Ipswich." In 32 Hen. VI. (1453-4) he was still prisoner in France. (Baronage of England, i. 308, 309.)

[5] Fougeres was a strongly fortified town, and was considered one of the keys of Bretagne. It was taken by surprise, in the night of the 23-24 of March 1448, by Francois de Surienne, on the part of the English: an event which was followed by very important results, for Charles VII. made it an excuse for resuming hostilities in order to protect the duke of Bretagne as his vassal and ally: the Constable of France Artur de Richemont, who was the duke's uncle, (but who had been opposed to the arrest of his nephew Giles,) recovered the captured town; the duke invaded Lower Normandy, whilst the king of France entered the upper province, and by a rapid series of successes they within fifteen months drove the English out of the country.

[6] Honore Bonnet was prior of Salon in Provence, as is shown by his own dedication of the book to Charles VI. written during the sovereignty of Louis II. of Anjou in Provence, that is, from 1384 to 1390. In some of the early editions of the book the author's name was altered to Bonnor: its title is "Larbre des batailles. Sensuyt larbre des batailles qui traicte de plusieurs choses comme de leglise. Et aussi des faictz de la guerre. Et aussi c[=o]ment on se doyt gouuerner. Paris, 1493." folio. Also Paris, 1505, 4to. Among the Royal collection of Manuscripts in the British Museum (20 C. VIII.) is a magnificent copy in large folio, and another, in quarto, has been recently purchased (Addit. MS. 22,768.) Respecting others at Paris see the work of M. Paulin Paris on "Les Manuscrits Francais de la Bibliotheque du Roi," vol. v. pp. 101, 307.

On the fly-leaf of the Royal MS. is the following inscription in an old hand, the writer of which avowedly followed the note at p. 54 of the present volume:

_L'Arbre des Battailles compose par Honore Bonet Prieur de Sallon en Prouuence._

Note y^t in some Authors this Booke is termed Dame Christine of y^e tree of Battayles, not that she made yt; But bicause she was a notable Benefactour to Learned men and perchaunce to y^e autor of this Booke. And therefore diuers of them sette furthe their Bookes under her name. See y^e Booke of Noblesse in englishe and Chrystines Life amongste y^e autors de claris mulieribus as I rem[=e]ber.

On the title-page are the autograph inscriptions of two of the former owners of the volume, _Sum Humfridi LLoyd_ and _Lumley_: and at the end is inscribed _Iste liber constat Joh'i Gamston' Generoso_. It seems not improbable that the entry above extracted was written by Lord Lumley.

[7] At the end of the life of Saint Louis by Geoffroi de Beaulieu, in the _Historiens de la_ _France_, tome xx. p. 26, (1840, folio,) will be found the Instructions of king Louis to his Son, in their vernacular language. A copy of them, headed "Ce sont les enseignemens que mons^r sainct Loys fist a son filz Charles roy de France," occurs in the MS. at the College of Arms which contains many things about sir John Fastolfe. (MS. Arundel XXVI. fol. ii v.)

[8] Vegetius was a great authority with the writers of the middle ages. Monstrelet commences the prologue to the second volume of his chronicles by citing the book of "un tresrenomme philosophe nomme Vegece, qu'il feist de la vaillance et prudence de chevalerie." The treatise of Vegetius de Re Militari had been translated into French about the year 1284, by Jean de Meun, one of the authors of the Roman de la Rose. In the fifteenth century it was one of the principal sources of a book entitled "Lart de cheualerie selon Vegece; lequel trait de la maniere que les princes doiuent tenir au fait de leurs guerres et batailles." This was printed at Paris by Anthoine Verard in 1488; and it was, at the command of king Henry VII. translated by Caxton, and printed by him at Westminster in the following year, as "The Fayttes of Armes and of Chyvallrye," which (he states in his colophon,) "Christian of Pise made and drew out of the book named Vegecius de Re Militari, and out of the Arbre of Battles." Now, Christina de Pisan was a poetess: and it is not likely that she had more to do with this treatise on the art of war than the "dame Christine" of our present author had with the Arbre des Batailles. Indeed it is probable that the two misappropriations are connected in their origin. On the actual productions of Christine de Pisan, which furnished other works to our first English printer, see the description by M. Paulin Paris of "Les Manuscrits Francais de la Bibliotheque du Roi," vol. iv. 184, vol. v. 148-185, vi. 359, 399: and an "Essai sur les Ecrits Politiques de Christine de Pisan, suivi d'une Notice Litteraire et de Pieces Inedites. Par Raimond Thomassy, 1838." 8vo. pp. 200.

[9] Alain Chartier was a writer both in prose and poetry. There are separate editions of several of his works: and a collected volume of them was edited by Andrew du Chesne in 1617. An English translation of his "Curial" was printed by Caxton without date. See an account of various manuscripts of the works of Chartier given by M. Paulin Paris in his vol. vi. pp. 385-387, vol. vii. pp. 251-254.

[10] The personages speaking in the Quadrilogue are France, Le Peuple, Le Chevalier, and Le Clergie, to whose conversation l'Acteur, or the Author, occasionally interposes some remarks. Le Chevalier is also the Gendarmerie, and described as being identical with the Estat de Noblesse--an identity which is thus maintained at the beginning of the reign of Henry the Eighth:--"in all the Chevalrie of this realme, wherein be intended all Dukes, Erles, Barons, Knightes, Esquires, and other Gentlemen by office or aucthoritie." I quote this from The Tree of Common Wealth, by Edmonde Dudley, (written in 1509 or 1510,) printed for the Brotherhood of the Rosy Cross, at Manchester, 1859, p. 18.

[11] "Magister Alanus de Auriga. Id est compilam de libro suo." Sidenote in p. 27.

[12] This battle, from which the final loss of Normandy ensued, was fought at Formigny, between Charenton and Bayeux, on the 15th of April 1450. Sir Thomas Kyriell, who was there taken prisoner, was a veteran warrior of Agincourt, and had for some years been lieutenant of Calais. By a writ of privy seal dated the 12th August 1451, Henry VI. granted the sum of 5000 crowns and lent another 5000, out of the bonds due from the duke of Orleans, in order to provide for the ransom of sir Thomas Kyriell. (Rymer, xi. 287.) Sir Thomas was elected a Knight of the Garter at the close of the reign of Henry the Sixth, Feb. 8, 1460-1, and beheaded by the victorious Yorkists on the 18th of the same month.

[13] This passage was an abridgment from one in _Le Quadrilogue Invectif_ of Alain Chartier: which is as follows: "Toutes anciennes escriptures sont plaines de mutations, subversions, et changemens de Royaulmes et des Principaultez. Car comme les enfans naissent et croissent en hommes parfaitz, et puis declinent a vieillesse et a mort; ainsi ont les Seigneuries leur commencement, et leur accroissement, et leur declin. Ou est Ninive la grant cite, qui duroit trois journees de chemin? Qu'est devenue Babiloine, qui fut edifiee de matiere artificieuse pour plus durer aux hommes, et maintenant est habitee de serpens? Que dira l'en de Troye la riche et tres renommee? Et de Ylion le chastel sans per, dont les portes furent d'ivoire, et les colonnes d'argent; et maintenant a peine en reste le pie des fondemens, que les haulx buissons forcloent de la veue des hommes? Thebes qui fut fondee de Cadmus le fils de Agenor, et la plus peuplee de dessus la terre pour son temps: en laquelle part pourroit en trouver tant de reliques de son nom, que gens se puissent monstrer nez de sa semence? Lacedemoine, dont les loix vindrent a diverse nations, desquelles encores nous usons, ne peut oncques tant estroictement garder les loix de Licurgus le doicturier, qui furent faictes pour sa perpetuation, que sa vertu ne soit extaincte et aneantie. Athenes fontaine de sapience, et source des haultes doctrines de philosophie, n'est elle pas en subversion, et les ruisseaulx de son escole taris et asseichez? Carthage la batailleresse, qui domptait les elephans a batailler, et qui jadis fut tant redoubtee aux Romains, ou a elle tourne sa grant glorie, sinon en la cendre du feu ou elle fut arse et embrasee? Mais parlons de Romme, qui fut derreniere en souveraine majeste, et excellente en vertu. Et notons bien la parolle de Lucan, qui dit que de elle mesme par sa pesanteur elle decheut. Car les trops pesans faiz font les plus griefues cheoistes. Par ceste maniere chascune a sa tour et en son ordre se changent, rebaissent, ou soubvertissent les eureuses fortunes, et le bruit des Royaulmes. Ainsi comme la Monarchie du monde et la dignite du Souverain Empire fut jadis translatee des Assiriens aux Persans, des Persans aux Grecz, des Grecz aux Rommains, et des Rommains es mains des Francois et des Germains."

[14] It was in this sense that the duke of Burgundy was called Charles le Hardi, which was equivalent to the modern _le Temeraire_, that is, not only Bold, but Rash. We find that the author of _L'Arbre des Batailles_ discusses in his third book, chapter viii., the various causes from which "est ung chevalier bien hardy:" and he asserts them to be many: "Car premierement ung chevalier sera hardy pour avoir et conquerir vaine gloire et l'honneur de ce monde: pour ce seulement quil voit les hardis honnourez et le couhars dishonnourez. Ung autre chevalier sera hardy pour avoir peur de perdre honneur et proffit de son seigneur, et pour peur destre prins sil estoit couhart. La tierce par usaige; car se ung chevalier a grant temps porte le harnois il seulement qui scaurra bien l'usaige prandra ardement in ce quon ne parle contre lun sil faisoit le contraire. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour ce quil sent son harnois et armeures estre bons et de bonne espreuve. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy pour son cappitaine quil scet estre bien sage et bien fortune. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par droicte fureur, et par droicte coulere hayreuse. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par ignorance: car il est si simple quil ne scet que est vertu de force: mais faite ainsi comme il voit faire au plus avance. Aultre chevalier y a qui est hardy par couvoitise de gaigner richesses et non pour aultre chose. Or saiches maintenant comme en toutes ces hardiesses na vertu si non en cellui qui est hardy de droicte congnoissance et de droit scavoir, et ayt la voulente entendue a vertu et a justice et ferme voulente d'attendre et de soustenir toute chose deue et possible par la vertu de force. Et te souffise de ceste vertu quant a present."

[15] Jean de Villiers, seigneur de l'Isle Adam et de Villiers le Bel, having joined the party of the duke of Burgundy, was by his influence made Marechal of France in 1418. He was arrested by the duke of Exeter at Paris in 1420, and released by the duke of Bedford in 1422, at the request of Philip duke of Burgundy. By duke Charles he was highly favoured, made one of the first knights of the order of the Golden Fleece, and captain of Paris when the duke of Bedford left that city in 1430. He was killed during a popular commotion at Bruges in 1437. See his life in Anselme's Histoire Genealogique, 1723, vii. 10.

[16] The account which Monstrelet gives of this insurrection entirely corresponds with that of our author. It is as follows:

"En apres le duc d'Excestre, qui estoit capitaine de Paris, pour
certaines causes qui a ce le meurent, feit prendre en icelle ville le
seigneur de l'Isle Adam par aucuns de ses Anglois: pour laquelle prinse
s'assemblerent jusques a mille hommes ou plus du commun de Paris, pour
le rescourre a ceux qui le menoient en la bastille S. Anthoine. Mais
tantost ledit duc d'Excestre a tout six vingts combattans, dont il y
avoit la plus grand partie archiers, alla frapper en eux et faire tirer
les dessusdits archiers au travers desdites communes: pourquoy tant par
la cremeur dudict traict, comme par le commandement qu'il leur feit de
par le Roy, se retrahirent assez brief en leurs maisons: et ledit
seigneur de l'Isle Adam fut (comme dit est) mis prisonnier, et y
demoura durant la vie du roy Henry d'Angleterre, lequel l'eust faict
mourir, ce n'eust este la requeste du duc de Bourgongne." (Chroniques
de Monstrelet, vol. i. chap. ccxxxviii.)

[17] It is very remarkable how entirely these statements correspond with some passages of Commines, (book iv. chap. xviii.) in which he describes the conduct of tyrannical princes, and the way in which France especially suffered from quartering soldiers. "To the common people they leave little or nothing, though their taxes be greater than they ought to be; nor do they take any care to restrain the licentiousness of their soldiers, who are constantly quartered throughout the country without paying anything, and commit all manner of excesses and insolencies, as everybody knows; for, not contented with the ordinary provisions with which they are supplied, they beat and abuse the poor country people, and force them to bring bread, wine, and other dainties, on purpose for their eating; and if the goodman's wife or daughter happens to be good-looking, his wisest course is to keep her out of their sight. And yet, where money is abundant, it would be no difficult matter to prevent this disorder and confusion, by paying them every two months at furthest, which would obviate the pretence of want of pay, and leave them without excuse, and cause no inconvenience to the prince, because his money is raised punctually every year. I say this in compassion to this kingdom, which certainly is more oppressed and harassed in quartering soldiers than any in all Europe."

[18] This word, or "obeissauntis," which was used in the same sense, may be taken as the original reading of the erasure in p. 73, in the place of "predecessours," which is an alteration for the worse.

[19] Chaucer says of his Franklin--

At sessions there was he lord and sire,
Full often time he was Knight of the shire,
A Sheriff had he been, and a Countour.

The countour--a term which has been involved in some doubt, was probably a commissioner of taxes, who had to return his accompt to the royal exchequer.

[20] _i.e._ take a factious or unjust part.

[21] Sir Harris Nicolas, in his memoir on the Scrope and Grosvenor Roll (ii. 347), has remarked "the slighting manner in which the profession of the law is mentioned, in comparison with that of arms," in the deposition of sir William Aton. Speaking of sir Henry Scrope, that witness stated that he was come of noble and gentle ancestry, and yet by the consent of his parents was put to the law, and became the king's justice, but nevertheless used in his halls, on his beds, in windows, and on plate the arms of _Azure, a bend or_. At a much later date (1542) sir Edmund Knightley, though a younger brother and a serjeant at law, is represented in a full suit of armour at Fawsley, co. Northampton. His epitaph commemorates both his gentilitial and his professional merits:

Natus erat claro de stemmate et ordine equestri,
Qui fuit et gentis gloria magna suae;
Legis erat patriae gnarus, compescere lites
Assuetus vulgi et jurgia seva lenis.

But, whilst these passages are certainly indicative of the prevailing chivalric sentiments, it is still to be remembered that very absurd class-prejudices exist in all ages, and they must not always be taken in proof of the general opinions of society. It is indisputable that, from the Conquest downwards, the "younger brothers" of some of our greatest families have been bred to the law, and the inns of court were always the resort of young men of noble birth.

[22] The notices which the chroniclers Fabyan and Hall give of the first Benevolence will be found in a subsequent page.

[23] Commines gives the following somewhat satirical account of an English parliament. "The king was not able to undertake such an affair without calling his parliament, which is in the nature of our Three Estates, and, consisting for the most part of sage and religious men, is very serviceable and a great strengthening to the king. At the meeting of this parliament the king declares his intention, and desires aid of his subjects, for no money is raised in England but upon some expedition into France or Scotland, and then they supply him very liberally, especially against France. Yet the kings of England have this artifice when they want money, and have a desire to have any supplies granted,--to raise men, and pretend quarrels with Scotland or France, and, having encamped with their army for about three months, to disband it, return home, and keep the remainder of the money for their own private use; and this trade king Edward understood very well, and often practised it."

[24] At that time the parliament first granted the number of 20,000 archers, which was afterwards reduced to 13,000. Rot. Parl. v. 230, 231.

[25] Rotuli Parl. vi. 4.

[26] Ibid. p. 6.

[27] Ibid. p. 39.

[28] The parliament re-assembled accordingly on the 9th of May 1474: and during that session, on the 18th of July, the commons again granted to the king a quinsisme and a disme (a fifteenth and a tenth), and the further sum of 51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. in full payment of the wages of the 13,000 archers, who, notwithstanding the condition of the former grants, were still maintained in readiness for the proposed expedition. In making these votes, the commons recited, as before, the king's intention to set outward a mighty army, "as dyvers tymes by the mouth of your chancellors for the tyme beyng hath to us been declared and shewed;" and it was now ordained "that, if the said viage roiall hold not afore the feste of seynt John Baptist the year of our Lord M cccclxvj. that then aswell the graunte of the forsaid xiij M. men as of all the sommes severally graunted for the wages of the same," should be utterly void and of none effect, (Rot. Parl. vi. 111, 118.) On the re-assembling of parliament in January 1474-5 a further act was passed to hasten the payment of the disme first voted (Ibid. p. 120); and again, on the 14th of March, immediately before the dissolution of the parliament, the commons granted another fifteenth and tenth, and three parts of a fifteenth and tenth, to provide for the before-mentioned sum of 51,147l. 4s. 73/4d. (Ibid. pp. 149, 153.)

[29] They are printed in Rymer's Foedera, &c. vol. xi. pp. 804 et seq.

[30] An account of the payment of these wages for the first quarter, is preserved on the pell records of the Exchequer, and an abstract printed in Rymer's Foedera, vol. xi. p. 844. It includes the names of the dukes of Clarence, Norfolk, and Suffolk, the earls of Ormonde and Northumberland, the lords Grey, Scrope, Ferrers, Stanley, Fitzwarren, Hastynges, Lisle, and Cobham, and as bannerets sir Ralph Hastings, sir Thomas Mountgomery, and sir John Astley; besides the earl of Douglas and the lord Boyd, noblemen of Scotland; with many knights, esquires, and officers of the king's household.

The item to the duke of Clarence will afford a specimen of these payments: "Georgio duci Clarentiae pro Cxx hominibus ad arma, seipso computato ut Duce ad xiijs. iiij d. per diem, et pro viginti eorum Militum quilibet ad ij s. per diem, et xcix aliis Hominibus ad Arma quilibet ad xij d. per diem et vj d. ultra de regardo, et pro mille Sagittariis [2275li.

Summa totalis,] MMMCxciij l. vj s. x d.

The payments to the Duke of Gloucester (omitted by Rymer, but extracted in Devon's Issues of the Exchequer, 1837, p. 498,) were nearly to the same amount, viz. For 116 Men at Arms, to himself as a Duke at 13 s. 4 d. per day, 60 l. 13 s. 4 d.; for six Knights, to each of them 2 s. per day, 54 l. 12 s.; to each of the remainder of the said 116 Men at Arms 12 d. per day, and 6 d. per day as a reward,--743 l. 18 s. 6 d.; and to 950 Archers, to each of them 6 d. per day, 2161 l. 6 s.--Total 3020 l. 8 s. 10 d.

Rymer has also (vol. xi. pp. 817-819) given at length three specimens of the indentures made with several persons. The first (dated 20 August 1474) is an indenture retaining sir Richard Tunstall to serve the king for one whole year in his duchy of Normandy and realm of France, with ten speres, himself accompted, and one hundred archers well and sufficiently abiled, armed and arraied, taking wages for hymself of ij s. by the day, for everiche of the said speres xij d. by the day, and rewardes of vj d. by the day for everich of the said other speres, and for everich of the said archers vj d. by the day. The next is an indenture made (on the 13th November) with Thomas Grey esquire, "for one whole year, as a custrell to attend about the king our soveraine lord's own persone, and with six archers well and sufficiently abled, armed, and arraied," his pay being xij d. by the day, an additional vj d. by the day by "meane of reward," and vj d. a day for each of his archers. The third is the indenture made with Richard Garnet esquire, serjeant of the king's tents, who was retained for the like term to do service of war "as a man of armes at his spere, with xxiiij yomen well and sufficiently habiled, armed and arraied," taking wages himself iiij s. a day, for two of the yeomen each xij d. a day, and for the remainder each vj d. a day.

[31] Ibid. pp. 837, 838.

[32] Ibid. pp. 839, 840, 843.

[33] Rymer, xi. 848.

[34] Foedera, vol. xii. p. 1. Lord Dynham had the principal command at sea by previous appointments in the 12 and 15 Edw. IV. See Dugdale's Baronage, i. 515.

[35] Fabyan says that "upon the iiij day of July (_an error for_ June) he rode with a goodly company thorugh the cytie towarde the see syde."

[36] Printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 366.

[37] They are printed in Rymer, vol. xii. pp. 13, 14. This was merely a constitutional form, for the prince was then only four years of age.

[38] Hall states that "he hymself with his nobilitie warlikely accompaigned passed over betwene Dover and Caleys the iiij daye of July," his army, horses, and ammunitions of war having in their transport occupied twenty days.

[39] Monstrelet in his Chronicle attempts to present a list of the principal English lords and knights (the latter more than fifty in number), but every name is so disfigured that they are almost past recognition: as the names he gives to the nobility will show. He calls them, the dukes of Sufflocq and Noirflocq, the earls of Crodale (Arundel?), Nortonbellan, Scersebry, (Shrewsbury, and not as Buchon his editor suggests Salisbury, which title did not then exist,) Willephis (Wiltshire?), and Riviere; the lords Stanlay, Grisrufis, Gray, Erdelay, Ondelay, Verton, Montu, Beguey, Strangle, Havart, and Caubehem. The last name (Cobham) and that of lord Fitzwaren are among the indentures printed by Rymer in his vol. xi. pp. 844-848, already noticed in the note in p. xx.

[40] These particulars are derived from the diary kept by the _maistres d'hostel_ of the Burgundian court, which gives the following minute and curious account of the duke's movements, including the positions, not elsewhere to be found, of the English army during the months of July and August.

"Le 6. Juillet la duchesse de Bourgoyne, qui avoit ete presque toujours a Gand, arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre son frere, qui la deffraya.

"Le 14. ce duc arriva a Calais vers le roy d'Angleterre, qui le deffraya, la duchesse etant pour lors a Sainct Omer, avec les ducs de Clarence et de Glocestre ses freres. Le 18. il alla au chasteau de Guines avec ce roy, qui le fit deffraiyer. Il en partit le 19, et alla a Sainct Omer, ou il trouva la duchesse. Il en partit le 22., et alla a Fauquemberghe, pres l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il y sejourna le 23., et en partit le 24. apres dejeuner, et alla disner, soupper, et coucher en la cite d'Arras; et ce jour il mangea du poisson, a cause de la veille de Sainct Jacques. Le 27. il partit d'Arras apres disner, et alla coucher a Dourlens. Il en partit le 29. apres disner, et alla voir l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucher en le cense de Hamencourt: la duchesse partit ce jour de Sainct Omer, pour retourner a Gand, ou mademoiselle de Bourgoyne etoit restee.

"Le mardy premier Aout, ce duc disna en la cense de Hamencourt, coucha au village d'Aichen, pres l'ost du roy d'Angleterre. Il en partit le 2. apres disner, et coucha a Ancre. Il en partit le 3. apres disner, et coucha a Curleu sur Somme, pres ledit ost. Il y disna le 6. passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et coucha a Peronne. Il y resta jusques au 12. qu'il en partit apres disner, passa par l'ost du roy d'Angleterre, et alla coucher a Cambray. Il y disna le 13. et coucha a Valenciennes, d'ou il partit le 18. apres disner, souppa a Cambray, et alla coucher a Peronne. Il y disna le 20. alla encore voir le roy d'Angleterre au mesme camp, et alla coucher a Cambray. Le 21. il disna a Valenciennes, coucha a Mons. Le 22. il disna a Nivelle, et coucha a Namur, ou les ambassadeurs de Naples, Arragon, Venise, et autres se rendirent. Le 29. Aout, entreveue du roy avec le roy d'Angleterre, au lieu de Pequigny; ces princes convinrent d'une treve entre eux, et que le Dauphin epouseroit la fille de ce roy d'Angleterre." (Memoires de P. de Cominines, edited by Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, vol. ii. p. 216.)

[41] Another version of this omen of the dove will be found in the extracts from Commines hereafter.

[42] The fact of earl Rivers having repaired to the duke of Burgundy _once_, at the end of April, is confirmed by the chronicle formed from the journals of the duke's _maistres d'hoste_: "Le 29. de ce mois (Avril) le sire de Riviers, ambassadeur du roy d'Angleterre, arriva vers ce duc, et en fut regale." (Appendix to the edition of Commines, by the Abbe Lenglet du Fresnoy, 4to. 1747, ii. 216.) But in the previous January we read, "The King's ambassadors, sir Thomas Mountgomery and the Master of the Rolls (doctor Morton), be coming homeward from Nuys." (Paston Letters, vol. ii. p. 175.)

[43] _i.e._ their horses protected by armour.

[44] Hall, following this part of Commines's narrative, on mentioning this English herald, adds, "whome Argenton (meaning Commines,) untrewly calleth Garter borne in Normandy, for the rome of Gartier was never geven to no estraunger." The office of Garter was at this time occupied by John Smert, who was appointed in 28 Hen. VI. and died in 18 Edw. IV. He was the son-in-law of Bruges his predecessor in the office: and there are large materials for his biography in Anstis's Collections on the heralds, at the College of Arms, but containing no evidence either to prove Commines's assertion, or Hall's denial, of his being a native of Normandy.

[45] The constable of France, Jacques de Luxembourg, comte de St. Pol. After temporising between Burgundy and France at this crisis, he paid the penalty for his vacillation, the duke surrendering him to Louis, by whom he was decapitated before the end of the year (Dec. 19, 1475).

[46] Jacqueline duchess of Bedford, the mother of the queen of England, was one of the constable's sisters. The constable was also connected by marriage with king Louis, who called him "brother" from their having married two sisters. The relationship of all the principal actors in the transactions described in the text is shown in the following table:--

[47] Afterwards the first duke of Norfolk and earl of Derby of their respective families.

[48] The narrative is continued on the authority of Commines.

[49] See the extracts from the register of the Burgundian _maistres d'hostel_ already given in p. xxiii. The English camp is described as near Fauquemberghe on the 22d of July, and near Aichen on the 1st of August. Its position near Peronne is believed to have been at St. Christ, on the river Somme, and it appears to have remained there for a considerable time.

[50] The duke was at Peronne from the 6th to 12th of August. See the note on his movements before, p. xxiv.

[51] The last was afterwards the husband of the king's daughter the lady Anne of York, and ancestor of the earls and dukes of Rutland.

[52] The prudent and conciliatory conduct of Louis XI. towards the English at this crisis seems to have had a precedent in that of his ancestor Charles V. "Le sage roy de France Charles quint du nom, quant on lui disait que grant honte estoit de recouvrer des forteresses par pecune, que les Anglois a tort tenoient, comme il eust assez puissance pour les ravoir par force, Il me semble (disoit-il,) que ce que on peut avoir par deniers ne doit point estre achete par sang d'homme." (From the end of the twelfth chapter of the second book of the Faits d'armes de Guerre et de Chevalerie par Christine de Pisan.)

[53] St. Christ.

[54] It is printed in Rymer's Collection, vol. xii. p. 14.

[55] Lord Hastings was previously a pensioner of the duke of Burgundy. Lenglet du Fresnoy has published a letter of the duke granting to William lord Hastings a yearly pension of 1000 crowns of Flanders, dated at the castle of Peronne, 4 May 1471; a receipt of lord Hastings for that sum on the 12th July 1474; and another receipt for 1200 livres of Flanders, dated 12th April 1475. (Memoires de P. de Commines, 1745, iii. 616, 619.) Commines, in his Sixth Book, chapter ii. relates how he had himself been the agent who had secured lord Hastings to the Burgundian interest, and how he subsequently negociated with him on the part of king Louis. Hastings accepted the French pension, being double the amount of the Burgundian, but on this occasion, according to Commines, would give no written acknowledgment. In an interview with the French emissary, Pierre Cleret, of which Commines in his Book VI. chapter ii. gives the particulars at some length, he said the money might be put in his sleeve. Cleret left it, without acquittance; and his conduct was approved by his master.

[56] In the article of plate "his bountie apperyd by a gyfte that he gave unto lorde Hastynges then lord chamberlayne, as xxiiij. dosen of bollys, wherof halfe were gylt and halfe white, which weyed xvij. nobles every cuppe or more." Fabyan's Chronicle.

[57] This passionate interview must have taken place on the 19th or 20th of August: see the note on the Duke's movements in p. xxiv.

[58] We are continuing to follow the account of Commines. But the truce, which was not yet concluded, was made for seven years only; and the dukes of Burgundy and Britany were not mentioned in the articles. The duke of Burgundy, shortly after, himself made a truce with France for nine years. It was dated on the 13th of September, only fifteen days after that of the English.

[59] Molinet says, "de quatrevingts a cent chariots de vin."

[60] The real Childermas day was on the 28th of December; but sir John Fenn, the editor of the Paston Letters, has suggested that the 28th of every month was regarded as a Childermas day; for the 28th of June, 1461, being Childermas, and consequently a day of unlucky omen, was avoided for the coronation of Edward the Fourth. From other authorities it appears that the day of the week on which Childermas occurred was regarded as unfortunate throughout the year.

[61] Molinet mentions three other names, those of the admiral, the seigneur de Craon, and the mayor of Amiens.

[62] According to our London historian, Fabyan, Louis's attire was by no means becoming:

"Of the nyse and wanton disguysed apparayll (he says) that the kynge Lowys ware upon hym at the tyme of this metynge I myght make a longe rehersayl: but for it shulde sownde more to dishonour of suche a noble man, that was apparaylled more lyke a mynstrell than a prynce royall, therfor I passe it over."

[63] Commines saw king Edward at the Burgundian court in 1470. On that occasion he gives him this brief character: "King Edward was not a man of any great management or foresight, but of an invincible courage, and the most beautiful prince my eyes ever beheld."

[64] The documents which bear date on the day of the royal interview are these, as printed in the edition of Commines by the Abbe Lenglet du Fresnoy, 1747, 4to. vol. iii:--

1. The treaty of truce for seven years between Edward king of France and England and lord of Ireland and his allies on the one part, and the most illustrious prince Louis of France (not styled king) and his allies, on the other. (In Latin.) Dated in a field near Amiens on the 29th August 1475. The conservators of the truce on the part of the king of England were the dukes of Clarence and Gloucester, the chancellor of England, the keeper of the privy seal, the warden of the cinque ports, and the captain or deputy of Calais for the time being; on the part of the prince of France his brother Charles comte of Beaujeu and John bastard of Bourbon admiral of France.

2. Obligation of Louis king of the French to pay to Edward king of England yearly, in London, during the life of either party, the sum of 50,000 crowns. (In Latin.) Dated at Amiens on the 29th of August.

3. A treaty of alliance between king Edward and Louis of France (in Latin) stipulating, 1. that if either of them were driven from his kingdom, he should be received in the states of the other, and assisted to recover it. 2. to name commissioners of coinage, which should circulate in their dominions respectively. 3. that prince Charles, son of Louis, should marry Elizabeth daughter of the king of England, or, in case of her decease, her sister Mary. Dated in the field near Amiens, on the 29th of August.

4. Another part of the treaty, bearing the same date, appointing for the arbiters of all differences, on the part of the king of England his uncle the cardinal Thomas archbishop of Canterbury and his brother George duke of Clarence, and on the part of Louis of France, Charles archbishop of Lyons and John comte de Dunois.

In April 1478 the three years were prolonged by another like term to the 29th August 1481; the letters patent relative to which are printed ibid. p. 536.

On the 13th Feb. 1478-9 the truce was renewed for the lives of both princes, and for one hundred years after the decease of either, king Louis obliging himself and his successors to continue the payment of the 50,000 crowns during that term: the documents relating to this negotiation are printed ibid. pp. 560--570.

[65] Molinet, in his account of the conference, states that it lasted for an hour and a half, and that a principal topic of discussion was the conduct of the constable, Louis showing a letter, in which the constable had engaged to harass the English army as soon as it was landed.

[66] This Gascon gentleman is a person of some interest, from his name being mentioned by Caxton. He was resident at the English court, as a servant of Anthony lord Scales (the queen's brother) as early as the year 1466, when in a letter, dated at London, on the 16th of June, he challenged sir Jehan de Chassa, a knight in the retinue of the duke of Burgundy, to do battle with him in honour of a noble lady of high estimation, immediately after the performance of the intended combat in London between the lord Scales and the bastard of Burgundy. His letter of challenge, in which he terms the king of England his sovereign lord, is printed in the Excerpta Historica, 1831, p. 216; and that of sir Jehan de Chassa accepting it at p. 219, addressed, _A treshonnoure escueire Louys de Brutallis_. His own signature is _Loys de Brutalljs_. The encounter is thus noticed in the Annals of William of Wyrcestre: "Et iij^o die congressi sunt pedestres in campo, in praesencia regis, Lodowicus Bretailles cum Burgundiae; deditque Rex honorem ambobus, attamen Bretailles habuit se melius in campo:" and thus by Olivier de la Marche: "On the morrow Messire Jehan de Cassa and a Gascon squire named Louis de Brettailles, servant of Mons. d'Escalles, did arms on foot: and they accomplished these arms without hurting one another much. And on the morrow they did arms on horseback; wherein Messire Jean de Chassa had great honour, and was held for a good runner at the lance." Lowys de Bretaylles, as his name is printed by Caxton, was still attendant upon the same nobleman, then earl Rivers, in 1473, when he went to the pilgrimage of St. James in Galicia; and upon that occasion, soon after sailing from Southampton, he lent to the earl the Book of _Les Dictes Moraux des Philosophes_, written in French by Johan de Tronville, which the earl translated, and caused it to be printed by Caxton, as _The Dicts and Sayings of the Philosophers_, in 1477.

[67] Fabyan's Chronicle.

[68] The former importance and power of the constable are thus described by Commines: "Some persons may perhaps hereafter ask, Whether the king alone was not able to have ruined him? I answer, No; for his territories lay just between those of the king and the duke of Burgundy: he had St. Quintin always, and another strong town in Vermandois: he had Ham and Bohain, and other considerable places not far from St. Quintin, which he might always garrison with what troops (and of what country) he pleased. He had four hundred of the king's men at arms, well paid; was commissary himself, and made his own musters,--by which means he feathered his nest very well, for he never had his complement. He had likewise a salary of forty-five thousand francs, and exacted a crown upon every pipe of wine that passed into Hainault or Flanders through any of his dominions; and, besides all this, he had great lordships and possessions of his own, a great interest in France, and a greater in Burgundy, on account of his kinsmen."

[69] None had actually been made with Burgundy by the treaty of the 29th of August. Commines certainly wrote under a misapprehension in that respect, as well as upon the number of years of the truce with England.

[70] Besides the lady Margaret there were two sons: Maximilian, afterwards the emperor Maximilian, and Philip. There was a contract of marriage in 1479 between the latter and the lady Anne of England, one of the daughters of Edward the Fourth. (Rymer, xii. 110.)

[71] Margaret herself was eventually rejected by Charles VIII. who was nearly nine years her senior. When he had the opportunity of marrying the heiress of Bretagne, and thereby annexing that duchy to France, Margaret was sent back to her father in 1493, and afterwards married in 1497 to John infante of Castile, and in 1501 to Philibert duke of Savoy. She subsequently nearly yielded to the suit of Charles Brandon lord Lisle, (afterwards the husband of Mary queen dowager of France,) who was made duke of Suffolk by his royal master in order to be more worthy of her acceptance; but at last she died childless in 1530, after a widowhood of six and twenty years, and a long and prosperous reign as regent of the Netherlands.

[72] Paston Letters, vol. i. p. 172.

[73] "Whiche book was translated and thystoryes openly declared by the ordinaunce and desyre of the noble auncyent knyght Syr Johan Fastolf, of the countee of Norfolk banerette, lyvyng' the age of four score yere, excercisyng' the warrys in the Royame of Fraunce and other countrees for the diffence and universal welfare of bothe royames of Englond' and' Fraunce, by fourty yeres enduryng', the fayte of armes haunting, and in admynystryng Justice and polytique governaunce under thre kynges, that is to wete, Henry the fourth, Henry the fyfthe, Henry the syxthe, And was governour of the duchye of Angeou and the countee of Mayne, Capytayn of many townys, castellys, and fortressys in the said Royame of Fraunce, havyng' the charge and saufgarde of them dyverse yeres, ocupyeng' and rewlynge thre honderd' speres and' the bowes acustomed thenne, And yeldyng' good' acompt of the foresaid townes, castellys, and fortresses to the seyd' kynges and to theyr lyeutenauntes, Prynces of noble recomendacion, as Johan regent of Fraunce Duc of Bedforde, Thomas duc of Excestre, Thomas duc of Clarence, and other lyeutenauntes." This may be considered as a grateful tribute from William of Worcestre, when himself advanced in years (he died in or about 1484), to the memory of his ancient master, sir John Fastolfe, who had died in 1460. The biography of William of Worcestre was written by the Rev. James Dallaway in the Retrospective Review, vol. xvi. p. 451; and reprinted in 4to. 1823, in his volume entitled "William Wyrcestre redivivus: Notices of Ancient Church Architecture, particularly in Bristol," &c.; but the latest and most agreeable sketch of Worcestre's life is that given by Mr. G. Poulett Scrope in his History of Castle Combe, 1852, 4to.

[74] He has recorded that in 1473 he presented a copy of his translation to bishop Waynflete,--"but received no reward!" His version was not made from the original, but from the French of Laurentius de Primo Facto, or du Premier-Faict: an industrious French translator, who flourished from 1380 to 1420.

[75] Bale, in his list of the works of Worcestre, whom he notices under his _alias_ of Botoner, mentions _Acta Domini Joannis Fastolf_, lib. I, (commencing) "Anno Christi 1421, et anno regni--"

Previous Next

Comments

The Boke of NoblesseChapter VII: Part 7

0%35 min left in chapter