Chapter IV: Part III: Records (1)

PATRONS

MONASTIC CONTROL

THE CLERGY

THE CIVIL WARS

THE COMMONWEALTH

RECORDS

The church constitution of Grasmere was therefore from early times that of a parish controlled and administered by a body of men representing the people, who were responsible for the funds that maintained the building and its services, while the clergy who officiated were supported by the ancient system of the payment of tithes.

The offering of pious folk of the tenth of their yearly yield was at first intended to cover all expenses, but it soon became diverted into purely ecclesiastical channels. The tithe-paying parish indeed early excited the cupidity of the least scrupulous members of Church and State. Already in 1254 a rector of Grasmere is found to be drawing the revenues of the parish without troubling to serve it except by deputy; for the Pope in that year granted a dispensation to Henry de Galdington, rector of "Grossemer" in the diocese of York, to hold an additional benefice with cure of souls.[57] This is the first record of the church discovered so far.

[57] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. ii., p. 294.

The value of the rectory is stated in the dispensation to be ten marks (£6 13s. 4d.). Estimates, however, varied widely. About 1291 a taxation was made out for all ecclesiastical benefices in England, the cause being Pope Nicholas I.'s promise of the tenths which he claimed from them, to Edward I. for a term of six years, towards the expenses of a crusade. This great valuation remained the standard of taxation until the time of Henry VIII. It is said to have been completed for the Province of York in 1292; and it sets down the "church of Gressemere" in the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire as being worth £16, and that of Wynandermere as £10.[58]

[58] _Tax. Eccle. P. Nicholai_, iv.

But the high valuation of 1292 did not hold good. Complaints from the northern clergy that through impoverishment by various causes, but chiefly the invasions of the Scots, they were by no means able to pay so high a tax, produced some amelioration. A correction was made in 1318, when Windermere was written down at £2 13s. 4d., and Grasmere at £3 6s. 8d., or five marks. And at this figure it remained.

It stood indeed at five marks in 1283, when the first mention of the church occurs in connection with the secular lordship.

EDITOR'S NOTE.

The writing down of the value of the tithes of Grasmere was the
subject of correspondence between the author and myself, and
she writes: "The so called taxation of Pope Nicholas IV. was
acknowledged to be too high for the Northern Counties; but the
reduction of Grasmere, when the alteration was made in 1318,
from £16 to five marks (£3 6s. 8d.) is unaccountable to me." It
had stood at this figure previously but had been raised to £16,
and, as will be seen in the text, as early as 1301 in the reign
of Edward I., when the abbot of St. Mary's, York, was allowed
to appropriate "the chapels of Gresmer and Wynandermere,"
Gresmer is described as being worth £20. In 1344, at the
Archbishop's Visitation, it is described as worth 5 marks; only
to be again raised in 1435. In that year upon the death of
John, duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal, to whom they had been
granted by his father, Henry IV., we find among the items of his
property "the advowsons of Wynandermere and Gressemere each of
which is worth £20 yearly." After this the tithes again reverted
to 5 marks and in the reign of Henry VIII. the "pension" paid to
the abbey is put down as only half of that sum, viz. £1 13s. 4d.
at which it still remains.

The terms "pension" and "advowson" may not always mean the same
thing, thus advowson seems to be used sometimes as synonymous
with tithe. Hence Miss Armitt writes "The parish churches, such
as Kendal, Grasmere, etc., were "taxed" from the twelfth century
onward at a certain figure--ten marks (£6 13s. 4d.) £16 or
£30. What did this taxation represent? The absolute sum to be
paid by the rector from the tithes to king, pope, archdeacon,
court, or feudal lord? or was it a valuation only of the tithes,
from which was calculated the amounts of the various 'scots'
or annual payments to ecclesiastical or temporal authorities?"
It seems not unlikely that the rise from £3 6s. 8d. to £20 in
the reign of Edward I. may be accounted for by the fact that
the "Old Valor" which was granted by authority of Innocent the
fourth to Henry III. in 1253 was superseded in 1291 by the "New
Valor" granted to Edward I. by Nicholas IV., so that when Henry
IV. granted the chapels of Grasmere and Windermere to his son
John they were valued in 1435 at £20 each. They were only being
put back to the sum named in the "New Valor" of 1291 which had
been allowed in 1344 to drop to the 5 marks at which they had
stood in the "Old Valor." The tithe taxation as established by
the "New Valor" remained in force until Henry VIII. But a "Nova
Taxatio" which only affected part of the province of York was
commanded in 11 Edward II. (1317) on account of the invasion of
the Scots and other troubles. These various taxings will account
for the variation in payments which were collected for the
benefit of the king.

W.F.R.

THE PATRONS

William Rufus, upon his conquest of Carlisle, gave over to Ivo de Tailbois all these parts as a fief. After Ivo a confusion of tenure and administration prevails, into which it is useless to enter. The line of patrons of Grasmere may perhaps be begun safely with Gilbert fitz Reinfred, who married Helwise, daughter and heiress of William de Lancaster II., because it was he who first held the Barony of Kendal in chief from Richard I., by charter dated 1190.[59]

[59] _Lancashire Pipe Rolls_, Mr. W. Farrer.

His son William, called de Lancaster III., died in 1246 without a direct heir; and the children of his sisters, Helwise and Alice, shared the fief between them. It is Alice's line that we have to follow. She married William de Lindesey, and her son Walter took that portion of the barony which was later known as the Richmond Fee, and which included the advowson of our church.

Sir William de Lindesey, his son, was the next inheritor. After his death, in 1283, a jury of true and tried men declared that he had died possessed of "A certain chapel there (Gresmer) taxed yearly at 66s 8d."[60] The chapel of Windermere, set down at a like sum, belonged to the same lordship.

[60] _Lancashire Inquests_, _etc._, ed. by Mr. Farrer.

Christiana, William's heiress, was then only 16. She was married to a Frenchman, Ingelram de Gynes, lord of Coucy. There is evidence that they spent a considerable part of their time in these parts, their seat being at Mourholm, near Carnforth. Ingelram indeed fought in the Scottish wars, as did his son William. Christiana survived her husband some ten years. They had at least four sons, William, Ingelram, Baldwin, and Robert. It was William who inherited the chief part of Christiana's property in the barony of Kendal, which was declared (1334) to include the manor of Wynandermere, and the advowsons of the chapels of Wynandermere, Marieholm, and Gressemere.[61]

[61] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. and 14 Edw. III., pt.
3, mem. 11.

The new tenant at once incurred King Edward III.'s displeasure. His interests lay apparently in France, where he resided, being styled lord of Coucy[62]; and without waiting to do homage for his mother's English lands and receiving them formally from the king's hands (as was the feudal custom), he passed them over to his young son William. The king pardoned the offence, and ratified the grant,[63] but he kept the youth, still a minor in 1339, about his person,[64] and William's short life seems to have been spent in service under the English banner.[65]

[62] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III. There was a question of
a marriage between his daughter Mary and the king's brother.

[63] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 8 Edw. III.

[64] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 13 Edw. III.

[65] _Calendar Patent Rolls._

The family of de Gynes had a difficult part to play during the wars that followed upon Edward's claim to the throne of France. Their hereditary instincts carried them naturally into the opposite camp, and they lost their English possessions in consequence. On William's death in 1343 the king--while he seems to have acknowledged the claim of his brother Ingelram as his heir,[66] kept the heritage in his own hands. Moreover, he declared such lands as were held by Robert de Gynes, a son of Christiana, who was a cleric and Dean of Glasgow, to be forfeited, because of Robert's adherence to his enemy,[67] and for the same reason lands at Thornton in Lonsdale held by Ingelram, son of Ingelram and grandson of Christiana, were likewise forfeited.[68]

[66] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III.

[67] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Edw. III.

[68] _Calendar of Close Rolls._

The king presently used the escheated heritage to reward a knight who had served him well in the Scottish wars. John de Coupland had had the courage and address to secure Robert Bruce as prisoner at the battle of Durham; and Edward in 1347 granted to him and his wife for their joint lives the Lindesey Fee which was the inheritance of Ingelram. He excepted, however, from the grant (along with the park and woodlands about Windermere) the knight's fees and advowsons of churches belonging to the same.[69]

[69] _Calendar Patent Rolls_ and _Close Rolls_, 22 Edw. III.

The fortunes of war brought Ingelram, lord of Coucy, and son of Ingelram, William's brother, as hostage for John, king of France, to the court of Edward. There he gained by his handsome person and knightly grace the favour of the king, who granted him the lands of Westmorland which had belonged to his great-grandmother Christiana, created him Earl of Bedford, and gave him in 1365 his daughter Isabella in marriage. Ingelram for some time satisfied his martial instincts by fighting in the wars of Italy and Alsace; but on the renewal of the struggle between England and France, followed by the death of his father-in-law in 1377, his scruples were at an end. He renounced his allegiance to England, haughtily returned the badge of the Order of the Garter, and joined the side of Charles II.[70]

[70] Rymer's _Foedera_, _Dic. of Nat. Biography_. "Proof that
Ingelram Earl of Bedford was son of Ingelram brother of William,
who was son of William de Coucy, Christiana's son, is contained
in _Inq. p.m._, 50 Edw. III. (1) No. 18." Mr. W. Farrer.

The Lindesey Fee was once more forfeited to the Crown. Richard II. granted it, however, to Phillipa, daughter of Ingelram and Isabella, and to her husband Robert de Vere, earl of Oxford (1382); and when the latter was outlawed by Parliament in 1388 it was confirmed to her.[71] After her death (1411) she was declared to have been seised of the advowson of the chapel of Grismere, taxed at £10, and that of Wynandermere, taxed at 100s.[72]

[71] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 5 Rich. II., 9 Rich. II., and 2
Hen. IV., part iv.

[72] _Inq. p.m._ MS. Rawl., B 438, f. 71.

Phillipa had no children. Henry IV. now granted the Fee to his son, John, created duke of Bedford and earl of Kendal. He died in 1435. His property in the barony of Kendal included the "advowsons of Wynandermere and of Gressemere, each of which is worth 20 li yearly."[73]

[73] _Inq. p.m._, 14 Hen. VI., No. 36.

The Duke of Bedford's widow, Jaquetta of Luxemburg, received the third part of the Fee as her dower, with the advowson "of the church in Gresmere." She married Richard Woodville, created earl Rivers. After her death she is said (1473) to have possessed "the advowson or nomination of the church or chapel of Gressemere," though in 1439 she had allowed her privilege to lapse.[74]

[74] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 1 Edw. IV., pt. 7, mem. 8; and
_Inq. p.m._, 12 Edw. IV., No. 47.

The Fee was next granted by Henry VI. (who inherited it as heir to his uncle John) to John Beaufort, duke of Somerset.[75] The duke's daughter Margaret--afterwards countess of Richmond--came into possession of it at his death.[76] After a lapse, when Yorkists sat on the throne, and Sir William Parr of Kendal held it, the Fee (now including the advowson of Grasmere) returned to Margaret and passed to her grandson Henry VIII. He sold the advowson and patronage of Grasmere. Its subsequent history will be given later.

[75] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 22 Hen. VI.

[76] _Inq. p.m._, 22 Hen. VI., No. 19.

Such was the illustrious line of our church's early patrons--some of them the most striking figures in a chivalrous age. But it is not to be supposed that they knew much of the little parish hidden amongst the mountains. When the rectorate fell vacant, they would grant the post to some suppliant clerk or priest, who would carry their nomination to the higher ecclesiastical authorities. The right to nominate often fell into the king's hands, through minority of the heir, confiscation, or inheritance. For instance, the king appointed to the rectory of Windermere in 1282, in 1377 and in 1388. Edward III. nominated Edmund de Ursewyk to "Gressemer" in 1349; and Henry IV. did the same for Walter Hoton in 1401.

MONASTIC CONTROL

Our church of Grasmere was not left to the control of parson and manorial lord like other tithe-yielding parishes, it was snapped up by a big monastery. The abbeys that had sprung up all over England in post-Norman times were of a very different order from the simple religious communities of Anglo-Saxon times; and before long it became a question as to how they were to be maintained on the splendid lines of their foundation. By the reign of Henry I. they had begun to appropriate rectories, and in 1212 the parish church of Crosthwaite was given over to the control of Fountains Abbey in Yorkshire, which carried off all the profits of the tithes, merely restoring £5 a year to the rector, who was elected by its chapter.[77] St. Mary's Abbey had been founded in York city in 1088, and its chapter found it necessary by the end of the thirteenth century to look round the great church province of Richmondshire to see if there were no revenues which might by royal favour be appropriated.

[77] _Victorian History of Cumberland._

In December, 1301, Edward I. despatched a writ to the sheriff of Westmorland, bidding him inquire of true and lawful men whether it would be to the damage of the Crown or others if the abbey of St. Mary of York were allowed to appropriate the church of Kirkeby in Kendale with its chapels and appurtenances.

The inquisition was held, be it noted, not at Kendal but at Appleby, where a sworn jury declared the appropriation would damage no one. An explicit statement was added which concerns us. "The chapels of the said church, to wit the chapels of Gresmer and Winandermere are in the patronage of Lord Ingram de Gynes and Christian his wife, by reason of the inheritance of the said Christian, and they hold of the king in chief.... And the chapel of Gresmer is worth yearly 20 li."[78]

[78] _Inq. ad quod damnum_, 38/6.

Accordingly a license was granted by Edward I., under date February 23rd, 1302, for the Abbot and Convent of St. Mary's, York, "towards the relief of their impoverished condition," to appropriate the "church of Kirkeby in Kendale, which is of their own patronage, in the diocese of York, and consists of two portions, on condition that they appropriate none of its chapels, if there are any."[79]

[79] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 30 Edw. I.

The appropriation took effect; and moreover the Abbey succeeded in gaining jurisdiction over the "chapels" of Windermere and Grasmere. The nomination of the rector indeed remained in the hands of the lord of the Fee, but it was passed on to the chapter of the Abbey for confirmation, before being finally ratified by the Archdeacon of Richmondshire. Thus three august authorities had to bestir themselves, when a fresh parson was needed for our parish; and in 1349 King Edward III., the Abbot of St. Mary and Archdeacon Henry de Walton were all concerned in the business.[80] No doubt the monks seized the right to nominate whenever they could, and in 1439 George Plompton was named by them before his admission by the archdeacon.[81]

[80] _Calendar Patent Rolls._

[81] _Calendar Patent Rolls_, 17 Hen. VI., p. 1.

This change was not put into effect, however, without fierce opposition in the district. In 1309 an appeal went up to the king from the Abbot of St. Mary, who styled himself "parson of the church of Kirkeby in Kendale," wherein he stated that when his servants had gone to carry in the tithe corn and hay, they had been assaulted by Walter de Strykeland and others; and moreover that Roger, the vicar and the other chaplains and clerks appointed to celebrate divine service in that church, hindered them in the discharge of the same, trampled down and consumed his corn and hay, and took away the horses from his waggons and impounded them. Whereupon three justices were appointed to adjudicate upon the case.[82]

[82] _Calendar Patent Rolls._

From this it would be seen that the local clergy were as bitterly opposed to the monastic rule as the gentry and the people. Sir Walter de Strickland with armed servants at his command headed the opposition. His lands at Sizergh lay to the south of the town of Kendal and he refused to the men of the monastery right of way across them for the collection of the tithes of corn, which was always made while the stooks stood upright in the field. After much wrangling, for no abbot was ever known to withdraw a claim, articles of agreement were made out between them, which reiterated the statement that the church of Kirkby Kendal was "canonically possessed in proper use" by the monastery.[83] However, the convent found it easier to let the tithes to the opponent, rather than to wrestle with an obstructionist policy; and in 1334 Sir Walter is found agreeing to furnish to the monastic granary now established at Kirkby Kendal three good measures of oatmeal for the tithe of the sheaves of Sigredhergh, sold to him by the abbot and convent.[84]

[83] Sizergh Castle MSS.

[84] MS. Dodsworth 28, fol. 78.

But the people were not appeased, and when in 1344 the archbishop made a visitation, opportunity was taken to lay before him, in the name of "the common right," complaints against the monopoly of funds by the convent, as the following document shows:--

Release of the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of St. Mary, York, concerning their churches, pensions, and portions.

In the name of God, Amen, Since we, William, by divine permission Archbishop of York, ... in our progress of visitation which we have lately performed in and of our diocese ... have found that the religious men the Abbot and Convent of the monastery of St. Mary, against the common right detain the parish churches and chapels, portions, pensions, and parochial tithes underwritten, namely, ... the annual pensions in the parts of Richmond: of the church of Richmond 100s. and 20 lbs of wax, ... of the vicarage of Kirkby Kendall £4, of the churches of Gresmere and Winandermers 5 marks.... We have commanded the said abbot and convent ... to show their rights and titles before us and have caused them to be called, ... and we ... having considered the rights and good faith of the said religious men ... release the said abbot and convent ... as canonical possessors of the said churches, chapels, portions, pensions (&c).... Dated at Cawood, on the 20th day of the month of August in the year of our Lord MCCCXLIIIJ, and in the third year of our pontificate.[85]

The appeal had been made in vain. Yet opposition could not have ceased, as the case was finally carried to Rome. In 1396 a confirmation of the abbey's possessions (including the chapels of Gresmere and Wynandremere, worth 5 marks each) was made by the Pope, on petition by the abbey, according to letters patent of Thomas Arundel, late archbishop of York, dated November, 1392.[85]

[85] _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol. v., p. 1-4.

THE CLERGY

Though not successful, Sir Walter de Strickland's opposition had done some good, but for exactly 200 years longer did the monastery by the walls of the city of York hold sway over the church of Grasmere. In what degree its influence was felt in the mountain parish cannot be told, or what it gave in return for the pension it abstracted. It may have assisted in the rebuilding of the edifice, lending aid by monastic skill in architecture. Probably it supervised the worship in the church, and improved the ritual, passing on to the village priest the tradition of its own richly furnished sanctuary. Signs were not wanting at the Reformation that the district had been ecclesiastically well served.

It has been seen that the parson of the parish was a pluralist and a non-resident as early as 1254; and so were those of his successors of whom we have evidence. The glimpses obtained through scant record disclose the tithe-taking rector of the valley as a figure distinguished by education, if not by family, and known to the lofty in station. He is termed "Master," and bears the suffix "clerk"; while "Sir" is reserved for the curate, his deputy, who has not graduated at either university.[86] He was skilled in law more than in theology. He may have served an apprenticeship in the great office of the Chancery; sometimes men of his position are termed "king's clerk."[87] He was not an idle man, and was often employed in secular business by the lord of the Fee. It may have been in the collection of the lady's dues--for the heiress Christiana de Lindesay, had married Ingelram de Gynes, of Coucy in France, in 1283--that the parson of Grasmere suffered an assault (1290) at Leghton Gynes (later Leighton Conyers). It is certain that when Robert de Gynes, one of the sons of Christiana, and possessed of some of her lands about Casterton and Levens, went "beyond the seas" in 1334, he empowered Oliver de Welle, parson of Grasmere, to act with Thomas de Bethum as his attorney. Oliver de Welle had a footing in our valleys besides his parsonage, for he is stated to have held, under the lord William de Coucy, deceased, "a certain place called Little Langedon in Stirkland Ketle," which was then (1352) in the custody of the executor of his will, John de Crofte.[88]

[86] Dr. Cox, _Parish Registers of England_, p. 251.

[87] In 1383 Richard de Clifford, "king's clerk" was presented to
the church of Warton in Kendale, _Calendar Patent Rolls_.

[88] MS. Rawlinson, B. 438, f. 2.

Edmund de Ursewyk, "king's clerk," whom the king nominated to Grasmere in 1349--the young lord William de Coucy being dead--doubtless came of a Furness family, and may have been related to Adam de Ursewyk who held land for his life in the barony, by grant of the elder William,[89] as well as the office of chief forester of the park at Troutbeck.[90]

[89] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.

[90] _Calendar Patent Roll_, 20 Edw. III.

"Magister George Plompton" was another learned cleric of good family, being the son of Sir William Plumpton of Plumpton, knight. He was a bachelor-at-law, and was ordained sub-deacon in 1417. It was in 1438-9 that he was nominated to the rectory of Grasmere, by the Chapter of St. Mary's, and some years after he acquired that of Bingham in Nottinghamshire. This he resigned (and doubtless Grasmere also) in two or three years' time, owing to age and infirmities. He retired to Bolton Abbey, and in 1459 obtained leave from the Archbishop of York to have service celebrated for himself and his servants within the walls of the monastery--a permit which gives a picture of affluent peace and piety in a few words.[91]

[91] Canon Raine's Notes to _Testamenta Eboracensia_, Sur. So.,
vol. 30, p. 68.

Master Hugh Ashton, parson, acted as Receiver-general for the lands of the Countess of Richmond (the Lindesay Fee) in 1505-6.[92] On his resignation in 1511, Henry VIII. exercised his right as inheritor of the Fee, and nominated John Frost to the rectory; the abbot and convent presenting in due form. This happened again in 1525, when William Holgill was appointed.[93]

[92] Min. Acc., Hen. VII., 877.

[93] "List of Rydall-Writings." D.F.

Of other rectors of the post-Reformation period we know little or nothing. Richard, "clericus," was taxed in 1332 on goods worth £4, a sum higher by £1 than any land-holding parishioner in the three townships.[94]

[94] _Lay Subsidy Roll_, West, 195/1A, 6 Edw. III.

LIST OF RECTORS AND CURATES

1254 Henry de Galdington. _Calendar of Papal Registers_, vol.
2, p. 294.

1290-91 William de Kendale. _De Banco Rolls_, Rev. 86 in 79d.
Adam de Ottelay, "capellanus." Levens Rental of Ed.
2 or early Ed. 3.

1332 Richard "clericus." _Lay Subsidy Roll_. West., 195/1A.

1334
June 24 Oliver de Welle. _Close Rolls and Patent Rolls._ 8 Ed. 3.

1349 Edmund de Ursewyk. _Patent Rolls._

1362 Hugo de Middleton. Torre's _Archdeaconry of Richmondshire_.
Dec. 3

1401
Jan. 13 Walter Hoton "parson." _Patent Rolls_, Henry IV.

---- Reginald Pulham. Torre; no date given.

1443
May 24 Peter Yrford. Torre.

1459
Feb. 10 George Plompton. Torre. _Calendar Patent Rolls._

1486 James Chamer "capellano."

1505-6 Hugh Ashton, "clerk," Min. Acc., Henry VII., 877.
Resigns Grasmere Rectory in 1512. Rydal Hall
MSS.

1511 John Frost, on resignation of Hugh Ashton. Rydal
Oct. 18 Hall MSS.

1525 William Holgill or Hawgill. Rydal Hall MSS. Chester
Mar. 14 Diocesan Registry.

1548 Gabriel Croft, instituted on death of Holgill. Chester
Jan. 11 Registry. Called Rector at Visitation of Bishop of
Chester, 1554, when the following names accompany
his.

Dns William Jackson. His will was proved Jan. 21,
1569, which calls him "late curat of Gresmer."

Dns John Hunter.

Dns Hugo Walton. Hugh Watson "preist" bur. March
8, 1577. Grasmere Church Register.

1563 "Sirre Thomas Benson, curate" witnesses will of John
Benson Esq. of Baisbrowne.

1569 ? Master John Benson, rector.

? Lancelot Levens. Chester Diocesan Registry.

1575[95] John Wilson, instituted on death of Lan. Levens.
July 18 Chester Diocesan Registry. Bur. May, 13, 1627.
Grasmere Church Register.

[95] 1575--March 20. James Dugdall, "Clericus" witnesses Indenture
between Wil. Fleming of Rydal and his miller.

1627 Robertus Hogge. Removed following year. Rydal Hall
July 16 MSS.

1628 Henry Wilson, B.A., instituted, according to Chester
May 24 Diocesan Registry, on death of John Wilson, by
presentation of Agneta Fleming. Ejected 1644.
Died 1647.

CLERGY DOING DUTY DURING THE COMMONWEALTH

1645. "Mr. Benson."

1646. "Sir Christopher Rawling." Probably had served as
Curate for some time previously. The Register
gives the baptism of his child in 1641 when he is
called "Clericus." He likewise joined Parson Wilson
in a bill in 1642.

1653. John Wallas. Independent. Ejected 1655.

1655 John Tompson. Probably Presbyterian.

RECTORS AFTER RESTORATION

1660. John Ambrose. Probably nominated on death of Henry
Wilson, but not allowed to serve.

1684 Henry Fleming, B.A. on death of J. Ambrose.

1728 William Kilner on death of H. Fleming.

1728 George Fleming, LL.D. (Dean of Carlisle) on session of
W. Kilner.

1733 William Fleming, M.A. on resignation of Geo. Fleming.

1743 John Craik, B.A. on death of W. Fleming.

1806 Thomas Jackson on death of J. Craik.

1822 Sir Richard Fleming, Bart., on death of T. Jackson.

CURATES

The curates who officiated under the rectors were a different class of men. Constantly resident, and seemingly holding the post for life, they belonged as a rule to the district--even it might be, to the township--as did William Jackson, who died 1569. A sharp boy, son of a statesman, might attract the notice of the parson, or of the visiting brother from St. Mary's Abbey. After serving an apprenticeship, as attendant or acolyte within the church, he might be passed on from the curate's tuition--for the latter almost always taught school--to Kendal or even to the abbey at York. On being admitted into the order of priesthood, he would return to his native place (should the post be vacant) and minister week by week to the spiritual needs of his fellows and his kinsfolk. Sometimes he even took up land to farm. Adam de Ottelay, "chaplain," is set down in an undated rental of the early fourteenth century, as joining in tenure with John "del bancke."[96]

[96] Levens Hall MS.

The "chaplain" James Chamer, who witnessed a Grasmere deed in 1486, was probably the curate there.[97] It must be remembered, however, that the three townships appear to have been, from an early (but unknown) date, furnished with resident curates, acting under rector and abbot. Little Langdale too, if tradition be correct, had its religious needs supplied by a chapel. It is possible, indeed, that this may have been served through the priory of Conishead in Furness, to which William de Lancaster III.--the last baron to rule Kendal as a whole, who died 1246--granted a settlement or grange at Baisbrowne and Elterwater, which was later called a manor. This grange lay within Grasmere parish, as does the field below Bield, where tradition asserts the chapel to have stood. The first express mention of a chapel at Ambleside (within the township of Rydal and Loughrigg) is found in a document of Mr. G. Browne, dated 1584. But in the rental of 1505-6, William Wall, "chaplain," is entered as holding in Ambleside one third of the "pasture of Brigges." There is little doubt, therefore, that he was resident in the town, and uniting husbandry with his clerical office. Of a chapel in Great or Mickle Langdale the first evidence that occurs (after the strong presumptive evidence of the four priests serving the parish to be given immediately) is the indenture of 1571, which expressly mentions it.

[97] Rydal Hall MS.

THE START OF THE REFORMATION

The revolution which Henry VIII. brought about in the ecclesiastical world of England shook our parish, as the rest of England. Not content with the suppression and spoliation of the lesser monasteries, he turned to the greater ones, whose riches in gold and jewels, in land and revenue, excited his cupidity. Remote Grasmere even, by diversion of the pension she had dutifully paid her church superior, might supply something to the royal pocket! So the new supreme Head of the Church is found in 1543, bartering what he could to two of those job-brokers of ecclesiastical property, who were so evil a feature of the Reformation. The parchment at Rydal Hall runs thus:--

A Breuiate of the Kings Grant of Gersmire Advowson to Bell &
Broksbye in 35^{to} Hen. 8

Be it remembered that in the charter of our most illustrious lord Henry the Eight, by the grace of God king of England, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, and on earth supreme head of the English and Irish church, made to John Bell and Robert Brokelsby within named, among other things it is thus contained:--

The king to all to whom, &c. greeting. We do also give, for
the consideration aforesaid, and of our certain knowledge and
mere motion for us, our heirs and successors, do grant to
the aforesaid John Bell and Robert Brokelsbye, the advowson,
donation, denomination, presentation, free disposition, and
right of patronage of the Rectory of Gresmere in our county of
Westmorland, which, as parcel of the possessions and revenues
of the late Monastery of St. Mary near the wall of the City
of York, or otherwise or in any other manner or by any reason
whatsoever, has or have fallen, or may fall, into our hands.
Witness the king at Walden the twenty-first day of October in
the thirty-fifth year of our reign.

This is clearly a copy of but a part of the original charter, and the "consideration" which Henry received does not transpire; but in the following month the two speculators procured a licence to sell again, and they passed over their purchase of the Grasmere advowson, and of all woods upon the premises--meaning no doubt the old demesne of the Lindesay Fee--to Alan Bellingham, gent., for £30 11s. 5-1/2d.[98] Bellingham in the same year purchased direct from the Crown that portion of Grasmere known as the Lumley Fee--thus gaining the lordship of some part of the valley.

[98] "List of Rydall-Writings," by D.F., in which he writes the
names as Bellowe and Brokylsbee.

Henry's sale of the advowson did not touch the tithes, which were left in the hands of the rector; but he reserved for himself the "pension" of 2-1/2 marks which had been regularly paid out of them to the abbey. It passed down with other Crown property to Charles II., and in his reign was sold, according to an Act of Parliament which was passed permitting the sale of such royal proceeds. Since that time it has been in private hands, and bought and sold in the money market like stocks. It may perhaps be traced by sundry entries in account books, as paid by the tithe-holder: in 1645, "for a pension for Gresmire due at Mich: last" £1 13s. 4d. It was paid in 1729 by Dr. Fleming as "Fee-farm Rent" to the Marquis of Caermarthen; and later by Mr. Craike to the Duke of Leeds; while Sir William Fleming, as owner of the tithes of Windermere, paid the same from them.[99] It is still paid through a London agent, being officially set down as "Net Rent for Grasmere, £1. 6s. 8d.: Land tax, 6s. 8d." This sum represents--not five marks--but five nobles, or half-marks. Thus it may be said that the dead hand of Henry VIII. still controls the tithes of Grasmere.

[99] Rydal Hall MSS. and Tax Eccles. P. Nicholai.

This tyrant wrought other changes for Grasmere. When creating the new diocese of Chester, he swept our parts of Westmorland within it. The archdeaconry of Richmondshire remained, but the archdeacon was shorn of power. He no longer instituted our parson, as in the days prior to the rule of St. Mary's Abbey, and this empty form fell to the Bishop of Chester; who, on the death of parson Holgill in 1548, appointed to the office one Gabriel Croft, upon nomination by the patron.[100]

[100] Chester Diocesan Register.

Now Croft was seemingly a man of unscrupulous temper. The boy Edward was by this time upon the throne, and spoliation of church revenues was, under his advisers and in the name of Protestantism, the order of the day. The parson of Grasmere was one of those who seized the opportunity offered by the general misrule; and he committed an act for which there could be no legal pretext. Previous rectors had drawn the tithes of the parish, and pocketed the large margin that remained, after the stipends of the worthy curates who did their work had been paid. But Croft went beyond this. In 1549 he sold the tithes on a lease, and not for the period of his life (which he might have claimed as his right) but for ninety-seven years. The purchaser was his patron, Dame Marion Bellingham of Helsington, widow; and she paid him a lump sum of £58 11s. 5-1/2d., upon the agreement that she and her heirs would furnish from the tithes a stipend for the rector of £18 11s. 7d.[101]

[101] List of Rydall Writings. D.F.

The bargain, ratified by John, Bishop of Chester, was excellent for both parties; but it was disastrous for the parish. So far, the tithes, however mismanaged, had lain in the hands of the church and the clergy, for whose support they were rendered. The Abbey of St. Mary, while exacting a pension from them, exercised in return a supervision that was doubtless of benefit; for under it, the rector--though he took the bulk of them himself--could hardly escape providing the three priests resident within the parish with sufficient stipends. Moreover, as he was an absentee, it is probable that he made a stable arrangement for their ingetting, that would be convenient to himself and comfortable for the parishioners (such as obtained later), and that he even farmed them to the dalesmen themselves. This method saved him the risks of an annual tithing carried out by a paid agent, and it insured him a regular (if more moderate) income, in easily transported silver money. The evidence of the lawsuits shows that the system of paying a certain fixed sum instead of the tenth in kind was actually in force for some commodities, while in some cases this composition or prescription extended to the whole of a landed estate.

The change was sharp, from church control to control by a lay improprietor, whose simple business it was to squeeze as large an income as he could out of his investment. He was not likely to leave the tithing on the old easy footing, nor was the parishioner inclined to increase his offering without resistance. Squire William Fleming was a big enough man to front on his own account the common foe. Averring that, in satisfaction of all tithes the customary annual sum of 20s. had been paid for "the demeanes of Rydall," he refused Alan Bellingham's demand for a tenth of hay, wool and lambs taken from the yearly yield. Alan, who denied the custom, sued him in the Consistory Court at York, including in his claim the proceeds of the years 1569 to 1572, for which payment had been made. The spiritual court judged in his favour; whereupon Fleming carried the case to the civil court of King's Bench. Here, after several adjournments, and a trial before justices connected with the county, the final verdict was given in his favour (1575).[102]

[102] _Coram Rege Roll_, N.T., 17 Eliz., ro. 218.

Before the case was settled, the contenders struck a bargain, and the ownership of the advowson of Grasmere passed from Alan Bellingham of Fawcet Forrest, executor of Marion Bellingham, to the Rydal squire for the sum of £100, and that of the remainder of the lease of the rectory and tithes for £500.[103] The tenfold increase of the purchase money in twenty-four years time shows the enormous increase in tithe value when in the grasp of lay hands; for a rise of agricultural prosperity would not account for it. Squire William now became in his turn the oppressor; but the tale of the powerful opposition he roused in the parish must be left to another chapter. The advowson remains yet in his family.

[103] Dated Nov. 3, 1573. "List of Rydall Writings."

To return to the parsons. Croft, with an annuity assured to him, and a small capital in gold, no doubt troubled himself little about his parish. He had defrauded it and crippled its funds for the next hundred years. The curates we suppose stuck to their posts, though where their stipends came from is a problem. Little change in ritual could have been made, before Edward's death and Mary's accession brought a reinstitution of the old form of faith, as well as a hopeless attempt to restore stolen church property. In 1554 the Bishop of Chester held a visitation at Kendal for these parts, and the officials of the parish are set down in the following list:--[104]

Gresmer. Mr. Gabriel Croft, Rector ibm. pt.
Dns Willmus Jackson, pt. xh.
Dns Joh^{es} Hunter pt.
Dns Hugo Walton pt.

pt. Joh^{es} Benson }
pt. Georgius Mylforth } Guardiani
pt. Edwardus Benson }

pt. Rogerus Gregg }
pt. Nicolaus Dicson } Inquisitores
Tho^{as} Gregg }
pt. Hugo Gregg}

[104] Chester Diocesan Registry.

It is clear from this that three curates then served the parish--"Dominus" being the latinized "sir" of the customary title. Of the third in the list evidence is found in the parish register, where the burial is recorded on March 8th, 1577, of "Hugh Watson preist," this no doubt being the correct form of his name. It seems likely that he officiated in Ambleside, which by this time was a thriving little town. Of John Hunter nothing further is known: he may have served the chapel in Langdale.

Record of William Jackson is found in his will:--[105]

Sir William Jackson _late curet at Gresmer_.

Jan. 21, 1569. I William Jackson clarke and curat of Grysmer--to
be buriede within ye parishe church of Grysmer, near where my
IJ brothers was buried--To my parishe church VIs. VIIId. And yt
to be payd.... Kendaill for a booke at I bought of (erased) to
the betering of the.... To the poor folkes XXXs. to be divided
at the sytct of my supervisores. Item I give to every on of my
god children, VId.--To every sarvent in my maister's house XIId.
Item I geve to Sir Thomas Benson a sernet typet. To my Mr. John
Benson a new velvet cap--By me Sir William Jaikson at Grysmer.

Inventory, 21 Jan. 1569.--Rament unbequested to be sold be my
executores and supervisores. A worsate jaccate, a brod cloth
jacate, a brod clothe side goune, a mellay side goune, a shorte
goune, a preiste bonate, a velvate cape, a sylke hate, II. pare
of hosse, a mellay casseck, a worsat typat, a matras, a great
chiste, a ledder dublat. Summa, III li. XIIs.... In wax and
sergges, books and parchment, with other small thyngs to be sold
within my chamber. I owe to Christofor Wolker's wyff Under Helme
XIIs. of newe money to be payed to hyr, whych she dyd bowrere
for me in my tyme of nede.

[105] Wills and Inventories of the Archdeaconry of Richmondshire.
Surtees Society.

The following extract from the Kendal Corporation MSS. may not be inappropriate here:--

MSS. of the Corporation of Kendal.
This MS. commences 10th Report.

Sept. 26, 1653. Prov. at election of a Mayor. Order that every
Alderman shall provide _a gowne_ for the following Sunday, or
be fined 40s. _Gowns_ according to an ancient order, to be all
of one form "of blacke stuffe, to be faced with black plush or
velvet, _and Mr. Maior himselfe to have one readie_ against
Sunday next or else forfeit 40s."

(A 13). "Abstract of fines of Leete Courte," Oct. 20, 1612.
Various penalties for misdemeanours.

"Abstracte of Fines for the Bilawes Courte," Dec. 14, 1612.
Various injunctions and fines.

"_Offerings and bridehowes_ allowed by Mr. Alderman" (then
head of Corporation) and 4 Burgesses and the Vicar then being.
Bidden dinners or "nutcastes, or _merie nightes_" for money not
to exceed 12 persons. Same for "_churching dinner_" for monie
taking, only 12 wives allowed.

From this will something may be gathered of the life of the village priest who belongs to the vale, and whose simple wish is to be buried by his two brothers within the church. He has his appointed chamber in his master's house--doubtless the rectory. His possessions are few. There are some books, also parchment and wax, for the making of wills and indentures; there is the mattress on which he slept, and a great "chiste," in which no doubt papers and clothes were stored together. Of clothes he had a goodly stock, in jackets, gowns, tippets, caps, and the stout leather doublet which no doubt he donned for his long tramps through storm and rain and snow to the dying. The sale of all these was to furnish money for his legacies--for coin he had none. His benefactions are characteristic: loyally to his parish church a noble, or half a mark; to every servant of his master 12d.; to each of his godchildren 6d.; and he desires besides that an old debt, incurred in his "tyme of nede," should be paid in new money. Some crisis is suggested here, when the good wife of Under Helm collected money for him.

But other facts may be gathered from this will. Our good curate bequeaths to "Sir Thomas Benson" his sarsnet tippet, clearly from its superior stuff, the best that he had. This, the usual outer dress of the priest, was a long garment made with sleeves, reaching to the ankles, and was tied with a girdle.[106] Now a Thomas Benson, "curate," witnessed the will of John Benson of Baisbrowne in 1563; he must then have served the chapel of Langdale for a series of years. Also it seems probable that the curate's master, John Benson, was the rector, succeeding Croft or another.

[106] Wall's _Old English Parish_.

A spirit of peace and goodwill breathes through this document, and one too that suggests continuity in the order of the church. Yet it must be remembered that it was written in the reign of Elizabeth, when the Protestant religion had been firmly established by law, and written moreover by a man who had undoubtedly followed the Catholic ritual fifteen years before. His fellow curate too of that date, "preist" Watson, was still alive, surviving him by eight years. There is a Protestant odour about the cassock, and Jackson possessed one; but his wardrobe is distinctly of the old-world, priestly type. It is probable indeed that there was little change made for some time even in the services of the church. The people of the north-western mountains were conservative, and it was they who most stoutly resisted the suppression of the monasteries. There is evidence to show that the new tenets were but slowly adopted in these parts. The church at Crosthwaite was found as late as 1571 to be still in possession of the furniture and pictures that had lent a touch of splendour to the former ritual; and they were then most stringently ordered to be destroyed.[107]

[107] Victorian _History of Cumberland_.

The people were not likely to welcome changes that brought in their train not only impoverishment of service, but reduction in the number of the clergy; for with the diversion of the tithes, there ceased to be any provision for the salaries of curates.

Langdale did without a curate, and not until over 200 years was the township once more blessed with a resident minister, though the chapel was used for services. Ambleside was in different case. Now a thriving little town, equally distant from the two parish churches that claimed it, with fulling mills bringing in wealth, it was able to maintain a curate independently, and did so.

James Dugdale the cleric, who witnessed a Rydal deed in 1575, might have been supposed to serve at Ambleside, only that Priest Watson was then alive. Certain it is that in 1584 the townsfolk placed their support of chapel and curate on a solid basis, pledging each man his portion of land thereto. This was immediately before the appointment of John Bell as curate. The pledge was repeated in a deed of the year 1597.

The rector of the parish, with no more than £18 odd as stipend, had now to perform the entire duty of the wide parish. Nothing is known of Croft's later dealings with the rectorate, nor of Lancelot Levens, who followed him. But on the latter's death in 1575, John Wilson was instituted, and for fifty-two years he served as rector. From his handwriting, seen in the market-deed, and from the register (most negligently kept during his time of office) an unfavourable impression is created. When he died in 1627, there followed--after a few months interlude, when Robert Hogge served--the Rev. Henry Wilson, B.A., who was to become notorious as a Royalist and High-Churchman. He was nominated by Dame Agnes Fleming, the clever widow of Squire William, who at this time ruled at Rydal Hall for her son John.

The expenses of the tithe gathering were not great. An item of 2s. 0d. is paid to David Harrison, the Rydal inn-keeper, against "tythinge," and "for gathering tith Eggs" 1s. 0d. These last offerings were paid in kind, and we know from subsequent accounts that this persuasive office was somtimes filled by women, "two wiues," being paid in 1643 "for goeing 3 dayes gathering Eggs at Easter."

The later account-sheets kept by Richard Harrison show less completely than Tyson's the income derived from the tithes.

li s d

Rec. in pt. of Lambe booke of gresmire at seaverall
tymes due before this 23 June 1643 due at Easter
last 11 6 0

Rec. more in pt. of lambe booke, for gresmire that
was begun at Easter last. Rec. this 10 Aug. 3 1 10

The tithes on lambs amounted therefore in 1643 to £14. 7s. 10d. Next year:--

li s d

Rec. more at before this 16 Julie 1644 in pt. of Easter
Reckinings of Gresmire due at Easter last 7 1 9

Rec. more in pt. of Lambe booke then due 11 12 6

Rec. for Easter Reckininges Lambe silvr and some
arreares due before this 26 Julie 1645 for gresmire 35 12 0

Rec. of Easter booke & Lambe booke due at Easter
1646 for gresmire before this 4 Ap. 1646 30 2 6

We have no entries discriminating between tithe and demesne wool, which was now selling at a high price; nor do we hear of the tithe corn, except that in 1643 the sum of 10s. 0d. was paid for the hire of a barn for it. In Tyson's accounts the even money received for it--as well as other entries which connect its payment with the holder of Padmire in Grasmere--give an appearance of it having been then farmed, as it was at a later time.

THE CIVIL WARS

It is clear that the tithes were dropping in value; and this is little to be wondered at when the condition of the country is considered.

War was rife, and the "troubles" that affected every household--high and low, either in actual fighting or in tax-paying--were felt with peculiar poignancy at Rydal Hall. Squire John Fleming, as a rich man, had not stooped to conceal his religion, and had cheerfully paid his fine of £50 a year as a Catholic of the old faith. He died on February 27, 1643, at an unfortunate time for his young children, when warfare was just beginning in the north-west. He was buried the same evening, like many another recusant, in Grasmere Church; and though Parson Henry Wilson was paid a fee for "ouersight of his buriall" it is possible that mass was first said over the body in the "Chapel" chamber at Rydal; for one Salomon Benson, a mysterious member of the group of papists gathered about the Squire, in receipt of a pension of five marks a year, was probably a priest.

The orphaned children--two girls growing to womanhood and a younger boy--were now left with all the wealth that would be eventually theirs, in charge of executors. Chief among these was Richard Harrison, a nephew of the Squire, and a Roman Catholic. He appears to have lived with his wife and son at Rydal Hall, and to have had entire management of the household in the years that followed.

The position was a difficult one, and naturally grew more so as time went on, and success began to attend the Parliamentary party. The money-coffers of Squire John were freely dipped into for loans to support the Royal cause, which the young heir joined in person; and the house was the resort of Royalist soldiers and gentlemen of the neighbourhood. As a consequence, it was peculiarly obnoxious to the supporters of the Parliament, and was likewise detested by the Puritans as a hotbed of Papists. Therefore, when the houses of Royalists were sacked up and down the county, there was little probability that it would escape.

A tradition has always existed that Rydal Hall was entered and plundered by the soldiers of the Commonwealth; but it is in the account-sheets of Richard Harrison that explicit evidence of the fact has now, and for the first time, been found. The catastrophe would belong wholly to Rydal history, but for a clause in the accounts which concerns Grasmere church.

Dates are difficult to follow in the sheets, but it is clear that the year 1644 marked the turning-point of the war. The hopes of the Royalists had been high when Prince Rupert marched through Lancashire to meet the enemy; but they were crushed by the terrible defeat of Marston Moor on July 1st. The king's forces in these parts were completely scattered, and there was a tremendous exodus of loyalists, who left to join the king's army in the south. The band was led by Sir Francis Howard, and it included the young heir of Rydal. The exodus is marked in the account-sheets by the numerous sums borrowed from the Rydal chests by various people, beginning with the chief himself. Even the loyal parsons borrowed, and small sums were lent about this time to two of the Cumberland curates, who possibly went off on king's business too. Henry Wilson, the rector of Grasmere, was a noted Royalist, and apparently acted as an emissary in the cause. The following entry records one of the many loans to him, at a time when he too was leaving the country:--