Chapter VI: Part IV: The Fabric (1)

THE FURNITURE

THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH

CLEANING AND REPAIRS

EXTRACTS FROM CHURCHWARDENS' ACCOUNTS

THE FABRIC

Grasmere Church, as it stands at present, is itself the sole guide we have to its age and the method of its building. No document exists, prior to the Restoration, that concerns the fabric. It was then apparently the same as it is now. As one steps within the portal, and sees through the gloom its strange double nave, the rude spaces broken through the thick intersecting wall, and the massive, split, misshapen timbers that support its roof, one wonders who were its planners and builders. Here surely in this strange and original structure we see a work conceived and carried out by the very men who worshipped within it. Sturdy, strong, and self-dependent, they would seem to have asked little or no aid either in money or skill, for the rearing and decoration of their church. Yet its builders, when they came to remodel, if not to rebuild their ancient place of worship, must have known edifices of statelier plan. There was Kendal, their great centre, with a church that must always have kept abreast of the time in architectural beauty, and which--from the earliest fifteenth century at least, showed the dressed columns of stone, the soaring arches, and chantried aisles which yet remain. St. Martin's of Windermere, too, in the next parish, possessed a duly proportioned nave, chancel, and aisle; and the columns--built though they were of undressed stone--rose to support a clerestory and the evenly-timbered roof. Hawkshead again (whither the dalesmen often repaired to market or fair) owned a church that was ruder than the others, indeed--since its huge cylindrical piers support circular arches, and the timber of its roof is rough-hewn--but had a well-proportioned plan for nave and aisles.

Outside View]

These places, it is true, had advantages over Grasmere. Kendal was in contact with the great world and with the heads of the church, who visited it regularly. It had, besides, access to freestone. Windermere, like Hawkshead, had to let the intractable slate of the neighbouring mountains suffice for the main structure: hence the great piers without capitals and the plaster finish of their interiors. But Windermere had an advantage in its nearness to Kendal; and Hawkshead in its association with the abbey of Furness, which was easily accessible from there. Grasmere, on the other hand, was probably ignorant of the beauties of the Abbey Church of St. Mary's at York, to which it was attached. The church was practically shut up within the remotest chamber of the mountains, and could only be reached by 17 miles of bad road from Kendal, over which no wheels could travel. But with no freestone near, with only the hard mountain slate to rive, or the boulders of the beck to gather; without traditional skill and with very little hard cash, our builders of Grasmere proceeded--when need came--to alter and enlarge their House of God by such simple methods as house and barn "raising" had made familiar to them. Thus we read the story of the structure as it stands at present, and see that the builders had clearly little help from the outer world. We see, too, that this structure was an alteration of an earlier one; which was not itself the first, for the first stone fane probably replaced a wooden one, either here or on Kirk How. It was doubtless of that simple oblong form, without chancel or tower, which was technically known as a chapel,[124] and of which specimens have remained among the mountains to this day. But an _ecclesia parochia_, possessed of daughter chapels, could not be permitted by the higher powers--whether of church or manor--to retain so lowly a form. The manorial lords may have interested themselves in its reconstruction, though there is no evidence of the fact. In any case, it is likely that the Abbey of St. Mary would take the necessary steps to bring it up to the requirements of its position, and of the worship to be conducted within its walls. The visiting brother would carry accounts of the remote little church to York; and a monk skilled in architecture could be brought over to plan a new building, and to direct its construction. The customary model for a small parochial church would be adopted, which allowed a chancel for priests officiating at the mass; then a nave without aisles for the worshippers, lighted by narrow windows--for before glazing was possible the opening had to be guarded from weather by wooden shutters--and to the west a tower, in which to hang the bells that should call the parishioners from far.

[124] _Gothic Architecture in England_, Francis Bond, p. 191.

Such doubtless was the existing church in its first state, and of it there may remain the tower, the porch, the south wall, and one window. There are indications that before its enlargement it was more ornate then now. Freestone was used, though sparingly, to emphasize the chief architectural points. The opening into the tower, piercing four feet of solid wall, has a moulding of freestone (now battered away) to mark the spring of its slightly-pointed arch; while a string-moulding is discernible in the north wall of the nave, which may once have accentuated the window heads. The windows--if we may suppose the one left between porch and tower to be a relic of the original set[125]--were simple openings finished by an "ogee" arch. The font may be as old as the window, if not older. Its mouldings, which originally followed the rim and divided the bowl into a hexagon, are almost obliterated; and though no doubt it suffered during the Commonwealth, when it was degraded from its sacred use, the damage may not be wholly due to that cause. The freestone used in the building was unfortunately friable, and must have suffered at every alteration--such as the piercing of the north wall by arches, and the building up of the tower-arch for a vestry. It could not be replaced by the remodellers; and they seem to have intentionally chipped and levelled it, and then freely whitewashed it over, with a general view to tidiness. They even went beyond this; for when the east wall was reconstructed in 1851, a stone carved with the likeness of a face was found built into it. This is now in the Kendal Museum. The piscina, too, now refixed (and, unfortunately, redressed), was found, covered with plaster, lower down in the same wall.

[125] This is almost a certainty. A drawing made by a friend of
Mrs. Fletcher, of Lancrigg, showed two like windows on the south
side; but it is unfortunately lost.

The worn, maltreated freestone might, if we knew its origin, tell something of the tale of the building. A well-squared yellow block, recently laid bare in the porch, is certainly not the red sandstone of Furness.

Now should the age of the fabric, decorated thus simply though judiciously, be questioned, it must be owned that there is nothing to indicate its being older than the fourteenth century. It is true that a western tower with no entrance from outside was a feature of many Saxon churches, but such towers continued to be built for parish churches until a late date. The rough masonry of the Grasmere tower is due to the material; and the massive boulders used in the foundation were no doubt gathered from the beck, whose proximity must have been highly convenient for builders who were poorly equipped for the quarrying of their slate rock. The "ogee" or trefoiled arch was a development of the Decorated style of architecture, which evolved the form from the elaborate traceries of its windows.[126] The Decorated style is roughly computated as lasting from the open to the close of the fourteenth century, and the period of its use coincides fairly with the time when our church fell under the influence of the monastery.

[126] S. Holborne: _Architecture of European Religions_.

A church of primitive size would be sufficient for the folk of the three townships, while they lived in scattered homesteads and were all bent upon husbandry, with short intervals of warfare with the Scots. But it would become too small for a growing population that throve in times of peace upon the wool trade.[127] With walk-mills in the valleys, and families growing rich as clothiers, some extension of the church would be necessary; and this extension seems to have been started in a fashion strangely simple. Leaving the walls of the edifice intact with its roof, a space almost equal--for it is but one yard narrower--was marked off on the northern side, enclosed by walls and roofed over. The intervening wall could not be removed, because the builders were incapable of spanning the double space by a single roof. It was therefore left to sustain the timbers of the two roofs, and through its thickness (over three feet) spaces were broken in the form of simple arches. Thus--though one is called an aisle--two naves were practically formed, separated by the pierced wall. The date of this enlargement is uncertain. If we place it in the era of the prosperity of the townships from the cloth trade, it could have been done no earlier than the reign of Henry the Seventh, and no later than the early days of Elizabeth; while a supposition that it was not taken in hand until the dissolution of the monastery had thrown the men of the three townships on their resources is strengthened by the character of the work.

[127] See Fullers and Freeholders: _Trans. of Cumberland and
Westmorland Ant. So._, N.S.

How long the enlarged church remained under a double roof cannot be said. Trouble would be sure to come from the long, deep valley, where snow would lodge and drip slowly inside. Clearly there was urgent need for action and radical alteration when the powerful Mr. John Benson, of Baisbrowne, made his will in 1562. A clause of this runs: "Also I giue and bequeath towardes the Reparacions of the church of gresmyre XXs so that the Roofe be taken down and maide oop againe."

But how to construct a single roof over the double space? This insoluble problem (to them) was met by the village genius in a singular manner. The arched midwall was not abolished. It was carried higher by means of a second tier of arches whose columns rest strangely on the crowns of the lower. These upper openings permit the principal timbers to rest in their old position, while the higher timbers are supported by the abruptly ending wall. Thus a single pitched roof outside is attained, sustained by a double framework within. The result is unique, and remains as a monument of the courage, resource, and devotion to their church of our mountain dalesmen.

* * * * *

[Since this chapter was written the stone face--p. 104--has been returned by Kendal to Grasmere.--ED.]

THE FURNITURE

Of early furniture there is, of course, no trace within the church. All the accessories of the ritual of the mass, whether in metal, wood, or textile, as well as such as would be required for processions on Rogation Days, were swept away at the Reformation. A reminder of these processions may perhaps be found in the field at the meeting of the roads near the present cemetery, which goes by the name of Great Cross, for here, doubtless, a Station of the Cross stood where the priest and the moving throng would halt and turn. Another field is named Little Cross.

One upright piece of oak, roughly cut with the date 1635, remains to show us the style of the old benches--or forms as they were called--which filled the space above the earthen floor. The bench itself, to judge by the aperture left in this end-piece, would appear to have been no more than six inches wide, and almost as thick; the bench-end, which was further steadied by a slighter bar below, was sunk into the ground.

These benches could not have been fixed with any permanence, for the earthen floor was often broken up for the burial of parishioners. The custom of burial inside the church was a favourite one, and was continued down to the nineteenth century. While the choir was reserved for the knight or gentleman (and of the former there were none within the parish) and for the priest, the statesman was buried in the nave or aisle; and only

the landless man or cottar would be laid in the garth outside. Frequently in wills the testator expressed his wish to be buried as near as possible to a deceased relative, or the place where he had worshipped. He was in any case buried within the limits of his township's division in the church. In 1563 Mr. John Benson, of Baisbrowne, who was a freeholder and probably a cloth merchant, desired to be buried "in the queare in the parish church of gresmire as neare where my wife lyethe as convenientlye may be." After the Fleming family of Rydal and Coniston became possessed of the advowson, they were many of them--beginning with William the purchaser in 1600--buried within the choir; though no monument or tablet exists prior to the one commemorating Sir Daniel's father, 1653. The tithe-paper shows the rate of payment for interment in the higher or lower choir. Besides fees paid to the officials of the church, the townships, through their individual wardens, took payment for all "ground broken," as the phrase went, within their division, and the receipts from this source appear regularly in their accounts. The usual fee for an adult was 3s. 4d. (a quarter mark), and out of this 2d. had to be paid by the wardens for laying the flag. Less was charged for children, while women who died in childbirth were buried for nothing but the actual cost of the flag-laying. Under the year 1693, when seven parishioners were laid within the church soil, we read "& more for the burying of two Women yt. dyed in Childbed in the Church00li 00s 04d." There were seven burials in 1723, five in 1732, five in 1766, and four in 1773. As late as 1821 Rydal and Loughrigg buried one inhabitant in the church, and Langdale three. It is singular that the Grasmere township discontinued the custom before the two others, for no interment took place in her division after 1797.

The following extracts from the wardens' accounts show how frequently the floor of the church was disturbed and levelled:--

£ s. d.

1674 It. for lying Flags of 2 graves in our third 00 00 04

1689 For lying the Grave Flags and mending
Forms 00 00 06

1690 All three townships pay for "lying Flags
and mending Fourmes."

1713 For Lying ye Flaggs upon Several Graves
wh. had fallen in 00 01 00

1728 For mending the Flaggs and Fourms 00 02 02

1729 For flagging and Leavelling ye Church
floor 00 00 10

1763 Grasmere mende forms and levell flags, 1s. 6d.; Loughrigg
and beneath Moss the same, 1s. 8d.

1772 New flags bought, and extensive work done upon the
floor, at a total cost of £9 8s. 1-3/4d.: the flagging of the
"low end" not being completed till next year.

1774 For "mending Furmes in Church & a Soal-tree" 12s. 4d.
is paid.

1782 Grasmere purchases an oak tree for seats in her third,
13s. 4d., carpenter 13s. 4d.; with a final 11s. 6d. next
year for repair of the old ones.

1783 Loughrigg and beneath Moss proceeds to the same; and
two new "Sole-trees" [foot-rail] with the railing and
repairing of four forms cost £1 9s. 0d., besides 1s. 8d.
spent in ale at the public auction of the contract, and 2d.
for advertisement of same.
s d

1811 For Levelling Church & mending Windows 1 6

1819 To clearing Church of Stones and Rubbish 1 6

1828 Outlay unusual. Grasmere shows "To Flags & Flagging
in the Church" 19s. 4d. "To repairing seates" 2s. 0d.
Loughrigg and beneath Moss "To Ambleside Church-warden
paid for New Seats" £2 1s. 6d. Langdale "To
Repairing Flags in Church" £1 6s. 6d.; Seats and Wood
19s. 9d.

1833 Grasmere repairs "fermes" in Church, 6d.

The soil beneath the church is thus literally sown with bones, and the wonder is that room could be found for so many. But in this connection it must be remembered that the practice of burying without coffins was the usual one until a comparatively recent period.

No wonder that plague broke out again and again, that the fragrant rush was needed for other purpose than warmth, and that fires within the church could not have been tolerated.

The custom concerning these forms or _ferms_, as locally pronounced, was rigid. Every man had a right, as townsman or member of a _vill_, to a recognized seat within the church, which was obtained through the officials of his township. This seat was, of course, within the division of his township. The women sat apart from the men, and even the maids from the old wives. So tenaciously was the hereditary seat clung to, that reference to it may occasionally be met with in a will.[128]

[128] Edward Forrest, of Ambleside, when providing, in 1637,
for his younger son (then under age) as a landholder, adds "and
it is my mind and will that my said son Richard shall sitt next
his elder brother Edward in the same forme, and likewise to haue
another seate for a woman in the other forme, or seate accustomed
for women." This was in Ambleside Chapel, but the custom was
general.

Mr. George Browne possesses a copy of a document drawn up in
1629, after there had been contention, which gives the order of
seating in Troutbeck Chapel. As this has not been printed, it may
be briefly summarized here. A plan accompanies the paper. The
general order was, for the men to be seated round the chancel,
and upon a certain number of the front benches on the north side,
which was free. The women were behind the men, five being placed
on each form. They paid for their seats, at a diminishing rate
from the front, the price starting at 20d.--one-eighth of a mark.
The plan gives the place of every townswoman, and it is expressly
stated that if there be a young wife in the family as well as an
old one, she is to take her place on another form.

Some serious alteration in the allotment of seats was probably made in 1676, judging from these entries in the wardens' accounts.

li s d

Ittem for Laughrig third for lifting seatts upon
Church & when ther names was sent in writting 00 2 00

Itt. for grasmyre third for ye like 00 2 00

The Squire of Rydal, as soon as the Restoration permitted it, set to work to furnish that part of the church in which he worshipped suitably to the honour and dignity of his family. The family seats had before his time long stood vacant, even if they had been ever regularly used. His predecessor, John, as an avowed Roman Catholic, had preferred to pay heavy fines rather than obey the law in the matter of attendance at the Communion of the parish church; and there is little doubt that the mass was celebrated in private for him at Rydal Hall. John's mother, Dame Agnes, may have attended during her widowhood; but her husband William, the purchaser of the tithes and patronage, must--always supposing him to be a good Protestant--have attended more frequently at Coniston.

But Squire Daniel was a pillar of the church as well as of the State in his neighbourhood, and his accommodation within the building was framed in view of the fact. The following entry occurs in his account book, under July 13th, 1663. The monument referred to is doubtless the brass tablet we now see in the chancel, and it appears to have waited for its fixing for ten years after its purchase in London:--

li s d

Spent at Gresmer, when ye wainscott seat, & my
father's monum.t were set up 00 00 06

And two days later the bill for the seat was paid. It is not very intelligible, but reads thus:--

Paid unto Christ. Robinson of Kendall (Joyner) li s d
for 10 yards and foot 2/1 of double wainscott at
4s P' yard, and yards 4 foot 2/1 of single wainscott
at 3s P' yard, for a Board, Ledging & knobs in
all (being for ye seats at Gresmere) ye sum of 03 06 06

No doubt this is the fine old pew which still stands between the pulpit and the priest's door of the chancel. In it, for nearly forty years, the squire worshipped, with his growing family about him. The regularity of his attendance is shown by his account book, where every collection is entered; and in spite of his frequent ridings on public and private business, he never but once (till the close of the book in 1688) missed the four yearly communions in his parish church. On that occasion, when Easter Day, 1682, was spent at Hutton, he attended a service at Grasmere on the previous Good Friday (held possibly by his order), at which his Easter offering was given.

Given this day (being Good-Fryday) at ye Offertory in Gresmere
Church for myselfe 5s., for Will, Alice, Dan, Barbara & Mary 5s.

The sums given were invariable: 5s. for himself, 2s. 6d. for his wife (while she lived), and 1s. for each child.[129]

[129] For the custom of Easter offerings, see Canon Simmons'
Notes to _The Lay Folks' Mass Book_, pp. 239-241.

It was in 1675 that the sad necessity rose of putting up a monument to his excellent wife. The brass was apparently cut in London, for he sent to his Uncle Newman there:--

3li 10s. 0d. towards ye paying for my late dear wifes Epitaphs
engraving in brass.

Though 2s. 6d. more was paid afterwards.

Unto Rich. Washington of Kendall for amending of my late Dear
Wifes Epitaph in brass.

Washington, who was entered in 1642 among the "Armerers Fremen and Hardwaremen" of Kendal, and was mayor of the city in 1685,[130] was wholly entrusted with the next family brass; for we find that under date February 10th, 1682, he was paid "for ye Brass & the cutting of ye Epitaph for my Mother and Uncle Jo. Kirkby, £4 10s 0d which my brothers Roger & William are to pay me again." But this was for Coniston Church.

[130] _Boke off Recorde of Kirkbie Kendal._

It was after the squire's second son, Henry, had become Rector of Grasmere, and by his encouragement, that the church was freshly beautified and "adorned." The entry of 1s. paid in 1662 to James Harrison for "makeing ye sentences w'in ye church" shows that something was at once attempted; for it was as imperative that a church should be "sentenced" as that the Royal Arms should be put up, or the Commandments or Lord's Prayer. All these were devices (expressly enjoined by the sovereign) for covering up the nakedness of the churches after they had been stripped by the Reformers of all objects of beauty and reverence, in roods, images of saints, tapestries, &c., &c.; for Elizabeth and many of her subjects had been horrified at the effect of changes that appeared to rob the churches of their sacred character.[131] Frescoes on plaster had, of course, been used from early times as a means of teaching Holy Writ and Legend to the unlettered folk, and fragments of such pictures are still to be seen in Carlisle Cathedral. But at the Reformation, when plaster and paint were again resorted to, only the written word was permitted (with the exception of the Lion and Unicorn); and the wall-spaces of the churches became covered with texts and catechisms,[132] which were surrounded or finished by "decent flourishes."[133]

[131] _English Church Furniture_, Cox and Harvey.

[132] An unusual catechism, printed in the Rev. E. J. Nurse's
_History_, may be seen in the parish church of Windermere.

[133] So important was this scheme of decoration considered, that
in the reign of Charles II. the Archbishop of Canterbury gave
a commission to his "well-beloved in Christ," a craftsman who
belonged to the "Art and mysterie of Paynterstayners of London"
to carry it out in all those churches of his province where it
was found wanting.--_English Church Furniture._

In its turn the reformed style has disappeared, even in churches peculiarly suited to it, like those of the Lake District, where the rough unworkable slate is bound to be covered by a coat of plaster. During recent restorations, however, at both Windermere and Hawkshead the sentences were found under coats of whitewash, and they were in a truly conservative spirit painted in again. Grasmere, weary of "mending" the sentences and whitening round them, finally wiped them out in the last century, and substituted the ugly black boards painted with texts, which still hang between the archways. Fragments of the old sentences were descried when the walls were recently scraped and coloured.

It was in 1687 that a complete scheme of decoration was carried out within the church, and one James Addison, a favourite decorator in the district, was engaged for the purpose. The contract made with him is preserved in the churchwardens' book:--

Mr. Adison is to playster what is needfull & whiten all the
Quire & Church except that within the insyde of the Arche of
the steeple to paint the 10 Coman's on the one syde of the
Quire window & the beliefe & Lordes prayer on the other with 8
sentences & florishes in the Quire & 26 sentences in the Church
with decent Florishes & the Kinges Armes well drawn & adorned.

Later on comes the copy of an agreement in later handwriting:--

March the 29th An'o Dom'i 1687.

Mem'd. It was then agreed on by and between James Addison of
Hornby in the County of Lancaster Painter on the one part
and Mr. Henry Fleming of Grasmer the churchwardens and other
Parishioners of the Parish aforesaid: That the said James
Addison shall and will on this side the first day of August
next after the date hereof sufficiently plaster wash with
Lime and whiten all ye church of Grasmer aforesaid (except ye
inside of the steeple) and well and decently to paint ye Tenne
Commandm'ts, Lord's prayer and thirty Sentences at such places
as are already agreed on together with the Kings Arms in proper
colours and also to colour the pulpit a good green colour and
also to flourish the Pillars and over all the Arches and doors
well and sufficiently, the said Parson and Parishioners finding
lime and hair onely. In consideration whereof the sd. Parson and
Parishioners doe promise to pay him nine pounds Ten shillings
when or so soon as the work shall be done.

And be it likewise remembered the s'd Parson and Parishioners
gave him 05s in earnest and that the Parson is to pay the fifth
part of the nine pounds Ten shillings, the parishioners being at
the whole charge of the lime and Hair.

The names of the 18 Questmen

For Grasmer For Langdale Rydal Ambleside and
Loughrigg.

Reg. Thompson W. Satterthwaite Thomas Benson
John Hird Jno. Middlefell Jo. Banks
Jo. Hawkrigge Geo. Cowperthwaite Reg. Braithwaite
of townhead Chr. Dawson Jo. Newton
Jo. Hawkrigge Leo. Benson Jo. Braithwaite de[134]
of Howhead James Dixon Hawkshead
Hen. Hird Hen. Barrow
Eadwin Green

[134] This is somewhat inexplicable unless the copyist, who has a
late hand, has mistaken Howhead (in Ambleside) for Hawkshead. And
the last figure in the account should be £1 18s.

Church Wardens

For Grasmer Eadwin Green
Rob't Hird
For Langdale Geo. Cowperthwaite
Leo. Benson
For Rydal Ambleside and
Loughrigg Ed. Benson de Highclose
Tho Newton de Ambleside

Memorand. That to promote ye Painting of ye ch'h ye Parson did
offer to pay according to ye proportion ye Quire did bear to
ye whole ch'h to ye plastering washing w'h lime and painting
of ye ten Command'ts Creed L'ds prayer and 30 sentences, tho'
y'er had but been 4 or 5 Sentences in ye Quire before and now ye
ten Comma'd'ts and Creed were to be painted on each side of the
quire windows The Charge of all which was commuted at £8 0 0 and
ye K'gs Arms and ye painting of ye pulpit at ye remainder. So
that the quire appearing by measure to be a 5 part ye Parson was
to pay £1 12s. 0d. but to be quit of the trouble of providing
his proportion of lime and hair he did prefer to pay ye 5 part
of the whole £9 10s. 0d. ye parish finding all lime and hair
which was agreed to. Besides ye £9 10s. 0d. agreed to be paid
there was 5s. 0d. given to the painter in earnest to have the
work done well.

£ s d
March 29. Paid for ye 5 part of the earnest money
given to the painter 00 01 0

June 21. Paid to Mr. James Addison for ye parsons
share of painting the Church being ye 5 part of
£9 10 0 00 18 0

The contract included the painting of the pulpit of a cheerful green, as we read. It was a plain structure of wood, and the "Quission" bought for it in 1661, as well as the cloth then procured for the Communion Table, were doubtless worn out; for we learn from the church-wardens' Presentment for 1707 that these and some other points about the church had been found wanting by the higher church authorities. The paper runs:--

The defects found in our church for and at ye late Visitation,
viz. The Floor of the Church-porch & Isles uneven Flagg'd; The
South wall of the Inside fro' ye Bellfry unto ye East, dirty;
A decent Reading-pew, Com'unio'-Table-cloth of Linen, & pulpet
Cushio' wanting; A Table of degrees wanting, & a crackt Bell.

All these faults except two (viz. The Reading-pew & crackt Bell)
are amended. The porch & Isles even Flagg'd. The Wall made
white & clean, A decent Table-cloth, Pulpet-Cushion, & Table of
degrees, procured.

A new Reading-pew is in making at present, & will shortly be
perfected. & as for the Bell it was referr'd to Dr. Fleming's
discerec'on to be amended & made tuneable; & he resolves in
convenient time to call together & consult w'th the chief of his
Parishion'rs to do it, & in w't time and manner, to the best
Advantage."

Accordingly we find entries of the expense incurred by a few of these requirements:--

li s d
1706 For Cloth, Silk, Fring and Tassles for ye pulpitt
Cushion 01 02 05

For Flocks harden and making ye pulpitt
Cushion 00 03 01-1/2

For Cloth for ye Table Cloth and makeing 00 05 11

1709 For mending the Stairs and laying ye Flaggs
in ye Clarks pew 00 10 00

Nothing is heard, however, of a new reading-pew, and in 1710 the old one was mended at a cost of 1s. 8d. The bells, as we shall see, had to wait.

Not until a hundred years later was a vestry thought of. In 1810 Thomas Ellis was paid 7s. for planning it, and George Dixon £12 2s. 1d. for its erection. It is said to have been made of wood, and simply partitioned off the north-west angle of the church. It was fitted with a "grate," that cost with carriage 19s.; and this being set on the side nearest to the pews, diffused what must have been but a gentle warmth through the edifice. It is the first heating apparatus that we hear of, and the expenses for charcoal and wood, with 3s. paid annually to the clerk for setting on the fire, were small. Tradition says that while George Walker lighted the vestry fire he rang the eight o'clock bell--a call to matins which had survived the Reformation, and the service then abolished.[135]

[135] _Mediæval Services in England._ Chr. Wordsworth. Tradition
from Edward Wilson.

Time brought other improvements. The harmony of a church choir entailed its special expenses. In 1812 the ladies of Rydal Hall, widow and heiress of Sir Michael Fleming, provided "Psalmody" for Grasmere church at a cost of £2 2s., and for Langdale at £1 1s. Probably the price of this early tune-book was one guinea. A charge of 7s. 6d. appears in 1829 for a new pitch-pipe. A "singing school" was started, causing considerable expense in candles (12s. in 1844). Edward Wilson fitted the "singing pews" with drawers in 1851. There was apparently no instrumental music in the Grasmere choir, though there may have been in Langdale chapel to judge from an item of expense for violin strings.

Many odd expenses are noted in the accounts, as well as the replenishing of worn books and garments. A large Common Prayer Book cost in 1692 13s. 6d., and another in 1733 14s. Prayer Books began, too, to be supplied in the body of the church; the townships buying a few at a time, at a price varying from 6d. to 1s. In 1808 a new Bible cost £2 2s., while the price of a large Prayer Book in 1823 was £2 5s., and another in 1835 £1 12s.

The "surp-cloth," "surpless," or "surplice" was renewed at various prices. After the marvellously cheap one of 1661 (5s.; surely the product of the valley, in flax-growing, spinning, and weaving), others were got in 1697 for £1 12s., in 1730 for £1 11s. 4d., in 1734 for £2 7s. In 1755 a new one is set down at the modest sum of 1s. 5-3/4d., which, if multiplied by three, is barely 4s. 6d.; and in 1775 one (or perhaps the same) was altered for 1s. An amusing item appears in the receipt columns of the three townships in 1795, when they sold the old surplice and divided the amount. "By 1/3 of the Old Surplice 2s. 7-1/2d."

"Communion Linnen" cost in 1823 14s. 6d. In 1820 a surplice cost £2 18s. 4d., and in 1830 £1 17s. 9d.

THE UPKEEP OF THE CHURCH

The one document that exists concerning the fabric of the church and of its upkeep was written as late as 1661, when the Episcopal Order of church government was restored.[136] There is every probability, however, that in substance it merely reinstitutes an old custom. The document is printed here:--

[136] Rydal Hall MSS.

A true Cattollogue made the twenty-first day of Apprill in
the 13th yeare of the Kings Ma'tyes reigne in the yeare of
our lord god 1661 by the eighteene men Appointed for the good
of the parish church of Gresmyre whos names are here under
written that is to say what particulars both of the church &
church-yard-wall; and what parte is divided to every Third and
what parte is not divided; what hereafter shall be expressed &
to whom they doe belong of right to be mayntayned & uphoulden.
Imprimus the chancell or quire ought to be maintained by the
parson or rector that is to say the roofe to the midle of the
rigging soe ffarr as the quire doth extend and the quire doore &
ffoure windowes within the Compass of quire: & the pues within
the quire and all the body of the church both roofe walles &
Timber doth belong to the whole parish equally amongst them that
is to say; Gresmyre third: Langdall Third & Loughrigg, Ridall
& Ambleside third; to be maintained & uphoulden every third
Alike; by even portions and likewise the roofe of the steple
& the belle wheeles, things or any nessary thing whatsoever.
Concerning the steple or within the steple all to be regarded &
done at generall charges of those three thirds Abovementioned
without any deniall; & the door both at the topp & below; &
the 4 windowes Above at the bells and the steple window below;
and the east window opposight to the higher pillors; & those
doth belong to all the said 3 thirds equally Amongst Them to
be mayntained & upholden; Now for the particulars within the
Church ffor every third, & how ffarr every third ought to brake
ground; as ffolloweth viz: Gresmyre Third, ffrom the quire
wae upon the South side of the Church and Their fformes to ye
steple doore; with the Cross alley coming in at the posterne
doore; and to the midle of the Alleys of the south side ffrom
the quire wale; to the midle of the steple, doth belong to
gresmyre third, & five formes next to Langdall quire wale; & to
the midle of the alley, & Two short fformes at north side of
the second piller & halfe of one fforme being between Loughrigg
quire and Ridell fformes with the fformes upon the weste Sid of
the Church next to the west doore; doth belong To gresmyre third
And all the remaindor of the fformes upon the north sid of the
Church to the midle of the north Alley doth belong to Langdall
Third; & the midle of the church to the midle of the north
Alley; & to the midle of the west alley; with the two crosse
alleyes viz, one at the ffont & the other belowe the quire
wale; doth belong to Loughrigg Ridall & Ambleside Third; And
for the windowes belonging to this Loughrigg third here named,
be in number Three being upon the south sid of the church; one
window at the backe of the portch; and two windowes betweene
the portch doore & the pulpitt; and the portch Doore, doth
belong to Loughrigg, Ridall & Ambleside third, to be up houlden,
mayntained & kept in repaire of their own proper Costs & charges
for ever; and likewise their parte of the Church yard Wale,
viz.: one yeat which doth extend ffrom the South nooke of the
steple & ffrom thence southward to the east nooke of Gresmyre
third; when it begines to be seated with in the church yard; of
their owne costs & charges Now windowes belonging to Langdall
Third be in number three; one window being in the east end of
the church oppossigt Againe the east end of the north Alley &
two windowes nexte Adjoyning to it upon the north side of the
Church; to be upholden & mayntained & kept in good repaire of
Langdall thirds owne proper costs charges and their parte of
the church yard, walle from the north nooke of Gresmyre third;
being seated within the church yard, to the south nooke of the
steple, & likewise one yeate with A feeld opposight Against
Robert Harrison Doore; to be keept in good repaire of their owne
proper charges & costs of Langdall third without any deniall
According to the true intent & meaning of these presents;
Gresmyre windowes be in noumber three; upon the north side of
the Church the lowest Towards the steple & the west doore doth
belong to Gresmyre third; & these to be mayntained & keept in
good repaire of gresmyre third own proper Costs & Charges And
the church-yard soe ffarr as it is seated within the church-yard
with A pair of yeates & the roofe over the said yeattes of their
owne proper costs & charges & note all repaireing the pulpitt
church chest or any Bookes that doth concerning the church in
any respects to be done At A generall Charge of the wholl parish
be equall portions without any deniall & likewise the haske &
joules at A general Charge of the parish and likewise A fonte
At A generall charge to be maintained In Testamony thereof we
the said eightenne have sette our honds the day & yeare ffirst
above-written.

[The names of the Eighteen follow, under three headings of
Gresmyre, Loughrigg, and Langdall. They are often crossed through
and written again. On the other side of the MS. is given the
following list.]

The names of the Eighteen of the parish of Grasmere as they now stand, April the 24th, 1688.

Grasmere Langdale Loughrigg and
beneath Moss

Reignald Thompson George Cooperthwaite John Banks
John Haukrigg Christopher Dawson Reignald Brathwaite
John Hird James Dixon Hendry Barrow
John Haukrigg John Middlefell Thomas Benson
Robert Harrisin William Satterthwaite Thomas Newton
Edwin Green Leonard Benson Thomas Mackereth

Something has already been said of the constitution of the parish, and of the lay control which existed over its finances--the three townships within the parish being represented by a body of eighteen (six for each) as well as by two churchwardens; and this document, while it strengthens the suggestion that the great addition to the church had been carried out by the united parish, and at the expense of the three townships--shows us exactly how each township arranged to fulfil its obligation to maintain the building in proper repair.

It was an intricate matter. Each township by a common agreement made itself responsible for the maintenance of a particular portion of the church, not only of the fittings, but of the walls and windows of the fabric, as well as of the garth outside, with the garth wall down to its own particular gate of entrance.[137] There were besides general charges, along with the expenses of the Sunday worship, in which all took an equal share. Such an undertaking--both joint and individual--may seem to a merely modern mind a complicated business, especially as the church consisted structurally of two parts, which had to be divided for purposes of finance into three. But such problems were as nothing to men whose farmholds belonged to a township (indivisible in itself) that was broken up into several lordships, and whose land--though permanent in quantity--was every year freshly apportioned within the common fields of his _vill_. The subsequent accounts of the churchwardens, of which a few have already been given, prove that the obligations incurred by this document were rigidly fulfilled.

[137] The churchyard wall at Milburn, Westmorland, is still
divided for purposes of repair amongst certain inhabitants and
property-owners, who speak of their share as _dolts_ (Old Norse
_deild_, a share, from _deila_, to divide). _Transactions_,
Cumberland and Westmorland Antiquarian Society, vol. 9, p. 297.

The division of the fabric amongst the townships was made on the following lines. The care of the chancel, with its four windows and door, fell, of course, to the recipient of the tithes--who at this time was the rector. The township of Grasmere undertook to repair the south wall of the church from the chancel door to the tower, and half the aisle. The benches between this wall and aisle were all apportioned to the folk of the township, as well as a few odd ones in other parts of the church. The windows for which Grasmere was responsible were not, as would naturally be supposed, those of the south wall, but three in the north wall nearest to the east.

Langdale's share was wholly on the north side. Between the north wall, which it was bound to repair, and the aisle, stood the forms on which the folk of that valley were seated. The windows specially apportioned to its care were the one in the east wall of the northern half of the church (whose precincts were called the Langdale choir) with the two in the north wall next to it.

Rydal and Loughrigg (in which township Ambleside above Stock was joined for church matters) was responsible for the three windows in Grasmere's south wall and for the porch. The forms for this portion of the parish were apparently set in the middle of the church, on either side the central arched wall.

The churchyard wall also was divided among the townships: Grasmere taking the north-eastern portion, with the lych gates; Langdale the stretch onward to the tower, with its own gate (now closed), which was opposite Church Stile, or Kirk Steel, then an inn; and Rydal and Loughrigg the stretch beyond to the south, past the present gate, which was reserved at that time for the folk of the township.

Each township had clearly its own quarter of the churchyard as well of the church, wherein to bury its dead. Within, the portions were marked by the position of each township's seats, and without, by the gates. The field apportioned to Langdale, by Harrison's inn, was no doubt used for the tethering of horses from that distant valley.

The three townships jointly attended to the upkeep of the tower, the bells, the roof of the church, the pulpit, and church furniture.

When the regulations for church repairs were thus solemnly written out, there was urgent need for them. Neglect and ill-usage had reduced the fabric to a forlorn state, and the accounts of the wardens (who, however, went cautiously to work on renovation) show what was immediately required for setting the place in decent order and reinstituting the services and sacraments of the established church. From the sum paid to the "glasser"--6s., for glazing only Grasmere's share of the windows--it would seem that the winds of heaven had blown freely through the building. The font, which was always displaced by the Puritans, and often maltreated, required mending in the stone part as well as the lead; and a new cover was procured. A table-cloth--presumably of linen--was bought for 1s. 4d., a bottle (for the wine?) for 3s., a surplice for 1s. 8d., and a pulpit cushion for 2s. 2d.

The binding of the Bible next year cost 1s. It had undoubtedly had hard wear during the diverse ministrations of the Interregnum. It may have been the very book bandied about on that Sunday of 1655 when John Banks and his attendant minister were defied by the clerk, and John, upon that official's persistence in reading aloud a chapter from its pages, forcibly closed it, and handed it to Mr. Turner. Also a Book of Common Prayer was got for 1s. 6d., a sum so small as to raise a doubt of its newness. The large sum of £1 1s. was expended on "makeing up ye raills in ye quire," which shows that this guard to the space about the communion table (often maliciously broken by zealots) was in a bad state. The rails were entirely renewed, and a fresh table made in 1755; and it is interesting to note that they were constructed on the spot by joiners brought from a distance, no doubt Kendal. The wood was procured in Rydal, at a cost of £4 12s., with carriage 2s. 6d. Other expenses, in iron-work, turning "bannisters," glue, &c., with the boarding of the men, came to £2 1s. 0-1/2d. No doubt the existing rails are those then made, with the little table now used as a credence table.

An object within the chancel is older than these. It is a box carved with the date 1648 and the words "S. Oswaldus Poor Box." It is strange that this object should be acquired at a time when the country was at strife and the church disestablished--unless, indeed, it was the gift of a rich parishioner like Mr. Thomas Braithwaite of Ambleside Hall, who was elder of the parish during the rule of the Presbyterians.[138]

[138] The family employed carvers about this time for their
houses and elaborate mantelpieces.

The placing of the King's Arms within the church was obligatory.[139] This was a costly business, for two men, who brought the painted panel, had to be boarded in the village. Some of the money went, however, in drink, and the occasion was evidently made an excuse for village jollity.

[139] This was removed from Baisbrowne, and is now at Water Park,
Coniston.

Gradually other articles customary in a properly-appointed church were acquired. A table-cloth--this time probably of cloth--was bought in 1665 at a cost of 16s. 7d., and "A cloth to Cover ye Ellements" at 2s. followed in 1672. The Communion vessels in use up to this time must have been of the rudest description, for those that replaced them in 1670 were of simple pewter, except the "dubler"--doubtless a plate for the collection of alms.

li s d

Itt for A pewder dubler & pewder cup & a london
plater 00 4 6

Itt. for a wood dubler 00 00 3

The accounts show no further expenditure on this score, except for the repair of a "Flagon" (3d.) in 1708, and for "Sodering ye Tankers" in 1726. The existing plate was supplied by private piety, as its inscriptions tell. The two silver cups bear the date 1714, and they are of the same pattern; but one carries the cross with sacred monogram and the legend "The Parish Church Plate of Grasmere Renewed Ao. Doi. 1714" (having been probably bought from the proceeds of the sale of the older plate or by collected offerings), while the other with a coat of arms inside its border, bears the inscription: "The gift of Mrs. Dorothy Benson of Coat How to the Parish Church of Grasmere Ao. Doi. 1714." This lady, wife of Thomas Benson, freeholder, of the homestead by the Rothay, gave also a beautiful old silver alms dish, said to be a piece of Dublin plate.[140] The date on this is 1729. She gave a silver paten also, on which only the maker's date (1731-2) is engraved. It is singular that each of the three pieces displays a different coat-of-arms.[141]

[140] Old church plate of the Diocese of Carlisle.

[141] See Fullers and Freeholders.

Mrs. Benson's munificence was clearly felt by the parish, for the item in the accounts of 1729 "For Wine given as a Present to Mrs. Benson," 8s., must have been intended as an acknowledgment.

Another offering of plate was made much later (1852) by Mrs. Letitia Lough, a friend of the Wordworths, who resided for some time at Fox Ghyll, and later removed to Grasmere.

In connection with the Communion vessels of the Restoration period, it must be borne in mind that there was far less use for them then than now. The sacrament was at that time administered only four times in the year. This fact is not only shown by the accounts of the Rydal Hall agent and of the churchwardens, but it is expressly declared by one of the answers made by the wardens at the Presentment of 1723. They add that they provide fine white bread and good wine for the sacrament "att ye charges of ye Inhabitants"; and four years later they append to this statement "Easter excepted, which is at the Charge of the Parson."

Thus on three occasions--Christmas, Whitsuntide, and Michaelmas--the churchwardens and the Eighteen were bound to provide bread and wine;[142] while the expenses of the Easter celebration were borne by the rector, who received the Easter dues. When the tithes were leased to laymen, this layman took over the charge. And as Squire John Fleming held the tithes, items for this expenditure are found in Tyson's and Harrison's account-books.

[142] Is it possible that this custom may be referred to the
ancient one of the Anglo-Saxon race which thrice in the year
enforced the attendance of the markmen, unbidden, at a great
religious rite, for which the sacrifices were provided at the
cost of the whole district? See Kemble's _Saxons in England_.

In 1632 6-1/2 gallons of wine were procured "against Easter" for Grasmere church, at a cost of 13s.; and the Easter bread (fine wheaten bread as has been said, much relished by people whose staple food was oatmeal), with the charge for procuring it, amounted to 10d. In 1643 8 gallons were got in for the same purpose, costing £1 1s. 8d.; and next year 9 gallons, at £1 4s.--that is to say, some 4-1/2 dozen bottles of our present size were drunk on this occasion. The wine cost 4d. to 5-1/2d. a bottle.

The amount of wine drunk by the parishioners seems large, even when we remember that the whole of the adult population in the three townships were bound to attend, and did attend these solemn functions. Of this there is proof, for every non-communicant was taxed, as existing Subsidy Rolls show. It is probable that when receiving the wine, the parishioner took a hearty drink from the cup, and not a sip as at present.[143]

[143] About 1634 George Methwen, curate of Bamburgh, was summoned
before the Court of High Commission for drunkenness and other
misdemeanors, in the evidence this appears: "At Easter gone
twelve monethes at Easter last, examinate (the witness) did
receive the Holie Communion, and Methwen, when he did distribute
the wine, did holde the same in his owne hand and would not
deliver it into examinate's handes for to drinke, as he thinketh
he ought to have done; for examinate in regard to his holdinge
on it in that manner, could scarcelie taste of the wine. Methwen
did serve some others at that time in the like manner, whoe tooke
offence thereat."--_History of Northumberland._

It is possible, of course, that not all the wine was drunk,
but passed to an official as a perquisite. See Cox's _Parish
Registers of England_, p. 227.