Chapter IV: Introduction (3)

And when we arrived at these Thijembus and Christians, our commander was alarmed at this murder and at the flight of the Thijembus.[119] But he could do nothing, and therefore he left victuals in the castle of Corpus Christi, also our twenty men, with a commander named Antonius Manchossa,[121] and gave strict orders that he should not trust the Indians in any way, but that he should keep strict watch by day and by night, and if it happened that the Indians should come back and be friendly with him, that he should deal courteously with them, and give them all tokens of friendship, yet to be on his guard and beware lest any misfortune should happen to them or to other Christians.

[121] Antonio de Mendoza.

Now our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[122] took down with him those three persons who were the authors of the manslaughter, namely Francisco Ruis, the priest Johann Paban, and Ernandus, the secretary. And when they were about to take their journey and depart from us, a chief of the Thijembus, named Zeicho Lijemii,[123] came; this one was the Christians' friend, who showed good-will towards them, but from a false and treacherous heart (as will be seen hereafter) said falsely that he must pretend to be on good terms with the Indians, for the sake of wife, children, and friends. And he engaged with our commander to take all the Christians with him down the river, because the whole country was up in arms against them to kill them or drive them out. To whom our chief commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla answered, that he would soon be back, that his people were strong enough to resist the Indians, and added, that he, Zeiche Lijemii should come over to the Christians, with wife, children, and friends, and with all his folk; and Zeiche Lijemii replied that he would do so.

[122] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

[123] This is not a Guaraní name; it is undoubtedly an error on the
part of the author.

Then our chief commander sailed down the river, leaving us at Corpus Christi. About eight days afterwards, the aforesaid Indian Zeicho Lijemii sent one of his brothers, named Suelapa,[124] treacherously, and requested our commander, Antonius Manchossa, to place at his disposal six Christians armed with guns and other weapons, for he wished to bring his household with his family to us, and henceforth live among us, and he remarked withal that he feared the Thijembus, and that without such help, he could scarcely hope to bring his things out in safety. He showed himself in such a way as though he would bring us victual and all sorts of necessaries, but that was all knavery and deception.

[124] Not a Guaraní name.

Our commander not only promised him six men, but gave him fifty well armed Spaniards, and ordered these fifty men to be watchful and on their guard, in order that they might not suffer any harm at the hands of the Indians.

It was not more than half a mile distance from us Christians to these Thijembus, and when our fifty men came to their settlement, the Thijembus came out to them, and gave them a Judas kiss, and brought them fish and meat to eat.

Now when the Christians began to fall to their meat, these Thijembus, with their allies who were hidden in the houses and in the fields, suddenly fell upon them, and so consecrated the banquet with them, that not a man of them escaped alive, but one lad called Kalderon.[125] God be merciful to them and to us all. Amen.

[125] Calderon.

Afterwards they set upon us with ten thousand men or more, and besieged us, and thought they would vanquish us, but that did not happen, God be praised! although they stayed fourteen days before our place, and attacked us day and night.

They had this time long spears or javelins, which they had learnt how to make from the Christians, with which they drave at us and defended themselves.

And it happened on that same day that the Indians attacked us by night with all their force, and burnt down our houses, that our commander, Antonius Manchossa,[126] armed with a two-handed sword ran out of a gate near which some Indians lay in ambush so that they could not be seen; and the Indians thrust him through with their spears, so that he presently fell down dead without uttering a word. God's mercy be with him! Now the Indians could not remain any longer because they had nothing to eat, so they broke up half their camp and departed.

[126] Antonio de Mendoza.

After this two brigantines laden with provisions and other necessaries came to us from Bonas Aeieres[127] sent by our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[128] in order that we might maintain ourselves where we were until the said commander's arrival, which cheered us very much indeed. But those who came with the two ships were very sorrowful for the Christians that were slain. We therefore determined by a common council, and found it best to abide no longer in the village of Corpus Christi near these Thijembus, but we went all of us down the river and came to Bonas Aeieres to our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla. He was much shocked and very angry about the slaughter of the people, and doubtful how to consult what he should first do, seeing that victual and other necessary things failed us.

[127] Buenos Ayres.

[128] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

But after we had stayed for five days at Bonas Aeieres, a ship called a _Carabelle_,[129] came from Spain, and brought us fresh tidings to wit, that a ship had arrived at St. Catharina, whose captain was called Albernunzo Gabrero,[130] and he had brought with him two hundred soldiers from Spain.

[129] Caravela.

[130] Alonso Cabrera.

As soon as our commander had heard these tidings, he ordered one of the two lesser ships, which was called a galleon, to be made ready; and sent it along with the first to Sta. Catharina in Priesiell,[131] which is thirty miles[132] from Bonas Aeieres, and appointed for it a commander named Conssaillo Manchossa,[133] to govern the ship, and he charged him, when he arrived with his ship at St. Catherina in Priesiell, to load her with provisions, namely rice, manioc, and other things as he should think fit.

[131] Brazil.

[132] From Buenos Ayres to the Island of Santa Catalina there are
600 miles. Santa Catalina did not then belong to Brazil, but to the
Gobernacion del Rio de la Plata (Government of the River Plate),
belonging to the Spanish Crown. Schmidt could not have been ignorant
of this, since he had been there with the expedition of Don Pedro de
Mendoza.

[133] Gonzalo Mendoza.

This commander, Conssaillo Manchossa, asked Martin Domingo Eijolla for six trusty soldiers, whom he could rely upon; and they were promised him. So he took me and six Spaniards, and also twenty more soldiers and seamen.

Departing from Bonas Aeieres, we came in a month's time to St. Catharina, and finding the above-mentioned ship which had arrived from Spain, and the commander, Albernunzo Gabrero, with all his men, we were greatly rejoiced, and stayed there for two months, loading our ship with rice, manioc, and Turkish corn, so full that we could not take any more.

Then having sailed with both ships and the commander, Albernunzo Gabrero, and all his people from S. Catharina towards Bonas Aeieres in India, we arrived at twenty miles from the river Paranaw Wassu.[134] This river is forty miles wide at its mouth, and has the same width for eighty miles, until one reaches a harbour called S. Gabriel, where the river (Parana) has a width of eight miles.

[134] In early times this river was called Rio de Solis, and
afterwards also Paraná Guazú. Its mouth, as we have before stated
(_supra_, p. 6), is 188 miles wide between Capes Santa Maria and San
Antonio. The width of the Paraná proper, where it empties into the
Plate, at the end of the Delta, is twenty-five miles, between the
island of Martin Garcia and Point San Fernando.

Having arrived as before said, to within twenty miles of this river, on All Saints' eve, the two ships approached at night close to one another, and the one spoke the other, asking if we were in the river Paranaw; our seaman said we were in that river, but the other one said we were at a distance of twenty miles from it.

For when two, three, or more ships sail in company, they always come together at sunset, and ask one another how long they have sailed day and night, and what wind they intend taking at night, in order that they may not separate from one another.

After this our skipper again addressed the master of the other ship, asking if he would follow him, but the other said that it was already night, and he would therefore stand out to sea till next morning, and would not make the land by night; this skipper was indeed somewhat wiser than ours as the event afterwards proved.

While our ship continued on its way that night, having parted company with the other, great storm-winds arose at sea, so that we saw the land by twelve or one o'clock, before we could anchor.

And when the ship had touched the ground, we having notwithstanding a full mile to make in order to reach land, knew of no other counsel save to appeal to God Almighty that He might be merciful and take pity on us. That same hour our ship was broken into many thousand pieces, and fifteen of our men and six Indians were drowned. Some taking hold of large pieces of timber swam out, and I with five of my companions escaped on the mast. But of the fifteen drowned we could not find one. God bless them and us all. Amen.

We had afterwards to go on foot one hundred miles,[135] having lost all our clothes and victual, and had to sustain ourselves with such roots and fruits as we could find in the fields, until we came to the haven called S. Gabriel, where we found the aforesaid ship with her captain, which had arrived there thirty days before us.

[135] The distance which Schmidt and his companions would have had
to walk, in a straight line between Cape Santa Maria, where it is
probable that the shipwreck took place, and the island of San Gabriel,
would have been 255 English miles.

When this mishap had been reported to our commander, Martino Domingo Eijolla,[136] he and all his men were very sorry, for they thought we had all perished, and they had already caused masses to be said for our souls.

[136] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

As soon as we had arrived at Bonas Aeieres,[137] our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, ordered the captain of our ship and the pilot to come before him; and if there had not been much intercession on behalf of the pilot he would have been hanged. He was, however, condemned to stay for four years on the bergentin ships.

[137] Buenos Ayres.

All the people being together at Bonas Aeieres, our chief captain ordered that the bergentin ships should be made ready, and that all the soldiers should be in them together, and that they should burn the great ships; preserving, however, the iron tackling. After this had been done, we sailed once more up the river Paranaw, and came to the town Noster Signora Desumsion, where we remained two years, waiting further orders from H. I. Majesty.

Meanwhile, another chief commander named Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha,[138] came from Spain, appointed by H. I. Majesty, with four hundred men and thirty horses, in four vessels, two of which were large ships, and the other two Karabella.[139] These four ships arrived in Brazil at the haven called Wiessay, or S. Catherina,[140] to seek provision of victual, and when the commander had sent the two Karabella to sail eight miles distance from that port to seek for victuals, such a storm befell them that they were both compelled to remain at sea, and they perished, being broken all to pieces, but the men escaped.[141] When the chief captain heard of this, he durst not put to sea with the other two ships; but, since they were unseaworthy, he had them broken up, and came to us in haste by land to Riodellaplata, to the town Noster Signora desumsion, on the river Paraboe, and brought not more than three hundred out of the four hundred men with him, the remainder having died of hunger and disease.[142]

[138] Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca.

[139] Caravels.

[140] Mbiaçá or Santa Catalina. Mbiaçá was the name of the country
opposite the island, and at Schmidt's time it was not Brazil, but
a part of the Government of the River Plate. That is why Barcia's
Spanish translation says that Alvar Nuñez arrived in Brazil _and_
Santa Catalina, which is perfectly correct.

[141] Cabeza de Vaca does not say that the two ships were wrecked, but
that they had to put back to S. Catherina on account of bad weather.
Cf. his _Comentarios_, _infra_.

[142] When the Emperor was made acquainted of Don Pedro de Mendoza's
death, he appointed another Adelantado to take his place, in case the
Lieutenant-Governor whom Mendoza had left there had died too. The new
Adelantado was Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, famous for his shipwrecks
and adventures in Florida. Alvar Nuñez sailed from Spain in November
1540. He brought with him orders to take possession of the sea-coast
belonging to Spain, south of the Portuguese Capitania de San Vicente.
He first took possession of the ports of Cananea, San Francisco, and
Santa Catalina, all pertaining to Spain. This island was given to
the Adelantado as a personal gift for the term of twelve years, on
condition of maintaining its possession and keeping there the Indians
who inhabited it. Alvar Nuñez stopped there several months. In May
1541 he sent out some of his people to Buenos Ayres in one of his
ships; but storms forced them to return to the island. The wrecks
mentioned by Schmidt did not occur. Towards the end of the same year,
Alvar Nuñez with half his people and twenty-six horses started by
land for Asuncion, and he gave the name of Province of Vera to the
territory of Guaira (now the Brazilian Province of Paraná), which
belonged to his Gobernacion. He marched across the province, taking
possession of it on behalf of Spain, and arrived at Asuncion on the
11th of March 1542, after a painful journey of four months and a half.
The other half of Alvar Nuñez's people, under the command of his
nephew, Pedro Estopiñan, went by sea to Buenos Ayres, and found the
town of Don Pedro de Mendoza abandoned and the houses burnt by order
of the ambitious Irala.

This Commander was eight whole months on his way, for the distance is reckoned to be five hundred miles from Noster Signora desumsion to this place or harbour of S. Catherina.

He also brought with him from Spain his commission from H. I. Majesty, and required that Martin Domingo Eijolla[143] should yield up the whole government to him, and that all the men should be obedient to him in every respect. The commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, and all the people declared they were ready to obey, but with this understanding, that he, Cabessa de Bacha, should show and lay before them some document to prove that he had received from His Imperial Majesty such powers and authority.

[143] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

But this the whole assembly could not obtain from him; only the priests and two or three of the captains affirmed it, that Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha ruled and commanded; but we shall see hereafter how things went with him.

Now, this said Albernunzo Cabessa passed all the people in review, and found that there were eight hundred men. At the same time he made friendship with Martino Domingo Eijolla, and they became sworn brothers, so that he, Martino Domingo Eijolla, no less than before commanded the people.

After this review he, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, ordered nine Bergentines to be prepared, that he might sail up the river Paraboe as far as he could. But at the same time, and before the ships were made ready, he sent out three Bergentines with one hundred and fifteen soldiers, to go as far as they could, in order to find Indians who had manioc and Turkish corn. He appointed them two captains, named Anthonius Gabrero and Diego Tabellino. They came first to a people called Surukufers,[144] who had Turkish corn, manioc, and other roots, such as mandues, which resemble hazel-nuts, and also fish and meat.

[144] Samacosis, says the Spanish translator, in Barcia's Collection.
But the Indians in those parts were the Itatis and Guaycurús,
generally known as the Cheriguanos. (Cf. _infra_, p. 40.)

The men wear in their lips a great blue stone, like a draughtsman, and the women have their privities covered.

Among these people we left our ships, and with them some of our companions to guard them, and went thence into the country. After four days' journey we came to a village, occupied by the Carios, who were about three thousand men strong, of whom we inquired diligently of the state of that country, and we received honest and peaceable answers from them. Returning thence, we again came back to our ships, and going down the river of Paraboe, we came to a nation called the Achkeres. Here we found a letter from our chief captain, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, to the effect that we should hang the chief of these Indians, named Achkere.[145] Our commander at once complied with this order, out of which afterwards a great war broke out, as will be seen hereafter.

[145] Aracaré, according to Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, in the
_Comentarios_, by Pero Hernandez, secretary to the Adelantado,
Valladolid, 1555. (See _infra_.)

Now, when this had happened, to wit, that the above-mentioned Indian had come by his death in this way, we returned down the river to Noster Signora desumsion, and told our commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, what we had done and seen during this voyage. Then he asked the chief Indian who was in the town Noster Signora,[146] that he should appoint him two thousand Indians who should go with us up the river.

[146] La Asuncion.

The Indians promised to be willing and obedient, and added that our commander should first of all think well about it before going into that country,[147] because the whole of it belonged to Dabere,[148] a chief of the Carios, who was prepared to come out in full force against the Christians. For this Dabere, they said, was Achkere's brother, whom the Christians hanged, and therefore he intended to avenge his brother's death. So our commander had to refrain from this voyage, and prepare himself to go to war against his enemies. He then ordered his sworn brother, Martino Domingo Eijolla,[149] to take four hundred Christians and two thousand Indians, and go against this Dabere and the Carios, and either drive them out of the whole country or utterly destroy them. The said Eijolla faithfully followed this mandate, and went with these people out of the city Noster Signora, and advanced towards the enemy, having first warned them on behalf of H. I. Majesty.

[147] In orig.: "auss dem Landt"; in the Latin version: "in illam
regionem", and this appears the better reading.

[148] Tabaré.

[149] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

But this Dabere, little regarding the warning, would admit no treaty of peace; for he had gathered a considerable number of people together, and his settlements were very strongly fenced with palisadoes, which means wooden walls[150]; and compassed about with three such walls and many wide pits whereof we have already spoken; but we had found all this out before. So we stood still quietly with our army till the fourth day before we proclaimed war against them; the fourth day in the morning, three hours before daybreak, we fell upon the place, slaying all that we found there, and we captured many women, preserving them from slaughter, which was a great help to us afterwards.

[150] _I.e._, stockades.

In this assault sixteen Christians were slain, and many of us wounded and hurt. Also many of our Indians perished; but they did not gain very much from us, for on their side more than three thousand were slain.

Not very long after Dabere came with his people to ask for mercy, and that we should give him back his wives and children; then he and his people would serve the Christians and obey them. Our commander was compelled by H. I. Majesty to grant them that.

After this peace had been concluded, we again went down the river Paraboe[151] to our chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha,[152] and we told him how all had happened.

[151] Paraguai.

[152] Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca.

Then he thought of making his intended voyage, and he asked of Dabere, who was now satisfied, two thousand armed Indians to go with him; and they were willing, and promised to be always obedient. He also commanded the Carios to load the nine little Bergentin ships.[153] All this being done, he took five hundred Christians out of the eight hundred, and he left the remaining three hundred in the town Noster Signora desumsion, and appointed as their commander Johann Salleisser.[154]

[153] Brigantines.

[154] Juan Salazar.

He then sailed up the river Paraboe with this army of five hundred Christians and two thousand Indians.

The Carios had eighty-three canoes, and we Christians had nine Bergentin ships, in every one of which there were two horses; but the horses were conveyed overland one hundred miles, and we went by water unto a mountain called S. Fernando,[155] where the horses were shipped, and then we came to our enemies, the Peijembus,[156] but they did not wait for us, but soon fled away with their wives and children, having first burnt down their houses. After this we travelled together for one hundred miles, and found no people all that way, till at length we came to a nation named the Bachereos,[157] who live on fish and meat. It is a numerous people, who inhabit a large country over one hundred miles in extent, and they have also many canoes. Their women have their privities covered. They would not speak with us, but fled away from us. Afterwards we came to another people called Surukusis, where the three aforesaid ships were.[158] They were at ninety miles distance from the Baschereos, and they received us in a friendly way; each of them has his own lodging, with his wife and children; the men have a rounded piece of wood like draughts, hanging at the end of their ears. The women wear a grey stone of crystal, thick and long as a finger, in their lips; they are nice-looking, and go about quite naked. They have also plenty of Turkish corn, manioc, manduis, padades, etc., fish and meat in abundance; it is a great people.

[155] Cf. _ante_, p. 24.

[156] Payaguás.

[157] Xaráyos, or Guarayos.

[158] Cf. _ante_, p. 37.

Our commander asked them about a people named Carchkareos,[159] and also about the Carios. They could not give information about the Carchkareos, but they said that the Carios were with them in their houses; but it was not true.

[159] Charcas.

Having learned this, our commander ordered us to prepare ourselves in order to go further into the country. He appointed one hundred and fifty men to stay with the ships, to whom he gave provision for two years. And he took the three hundred and fifty Christians and the eighteen horses, and the two thousand Indians or Carios who went out with us from Noster Signora desumsion, and marched into the country; but he did not do much, because he was not the right sort of man. Besides, all the officers and soldiers hated him for his perverse and rigorous carriage towards the men. We travelled eighteen days' journey without seeing either Carios or any other people; and food also failing us, our commander was again obliged to return with us to the ships. And when we turned back he sent out a Spaniard, named Franciscus Riefere,[160] with ten other armed Spaniards, and ordered them to go forward ten days' journey, and if in that time they should not find any other people, they should return to us to the ships, where we would wait for them.

[160] Francisco de Ribera.

It happened that they found a populous nation of Indians, who had plenty of Turkish corn, manioc, and other roots. But the Spaniards durst not show themselves, but returned to us, and told it to our chief captain. He was very desirous to have gone into that country, but was hindered by waters[161] that he could not proceed. He therefore ordered a ship to be furnished, wherein he put eighty men, and gave us Ernando Rieffere[162] for our captain, and sent us up the river Paraboe to discover the nation named Scherues,[163] and ordered that we should go two days' journey into the interior of the country and no farther, and then report to him of that land and its inhabitants.

[161] Floods.

[162] Hernando de Ribera.

[163] Xarayes; cf. Hernando de Ribera's narrative, _infra_.

So departing, on the first day we came on the other side of the country to a people named Surukusis, who live in an island[164] which is thirty miles wide, and encompassed by the river Paraboe; they eat manioc, maize, manduis, padades, mandepore, parpii, Bachkeku, and other roots; also fish and meat. The men and women are like the above-mentioned Surukusis in face and figure. We remained one day among them, and the second day we set off again. Ten canoes of these Indians accompanied us and showed us our way, and twice a day they hunted wild beasts and fished to supply us with food. After six days' journey we came to a people called Achkeres. They are very numerous, men and women, are big and tall, the like whereof were not to be seen in the whole Riodellaplata. These Achkeres are three miles distance from the aforesaid Surukusis; they have nothing to eat but fish and meat; the women have their privities covered. Among these Achkeres[165] we remained one day, and then the above-mentioned Surukusis returned with their ten canoes to their village. Afterwards our commander, Ernando Riefere[166] asked the Achkeres to show us the way to the Scherues, and they were willing to do so, and came with eight canoes out of their place with us, and twice every day fished and hunted, so that we should have plenty to eat. The reason why they are called Achkeres, is as follows.

[164] This island was called Isla del Paraiso (Paradise Island) by the
Spaniards. The Indians living there were the Itatis.

[165] _Yacaré_ is the name, in the Guaraní language, of the amphibious
animals similar to the crocodile, to which Schmidt alludes hereafter.
But there never was a tribe of that name; perhaps it was the name of a
cacique.

[166] Hernando de Ribera.

Achkarus is a fish which has a hard skin all over, so that it cannot be wounded with a knife, nor can one shoot it with an Indian dart. It is a big fish, which does great harm to other fishes. Its eggs, which it lays at about two or three paces from the water's edge, have the taste of musk and are good for eating; the tail is the best part, though the whole fish is harmless; it lives always in the water. In our Germany that fish is reckoned to be noxious and even venomous, and is called a crocodile. And it is said, that if one looks at that fish, and even more, if the fish breathes upon any one, that person must by all means die; which is not according to truth, for man must also die without that, and nothing is more certain.

Further it is said that if such a fish is found in a well, there is no other means to kill it than to show it a mirror, in order that it may look at itself therein; it must then die from the sight of its own atrocious face.

But all these sayings are fables, and nothing else, for I should have died a hundred times if it had been true, having caught and eaten over three thousand of these fishes myself, and I would not have written so much about this fish if I had not had such good reason for it.

The ninth day after our departure we came to the Scherues,[167] who are reckoned to be thirty-six miles distant from the Achkeres. This nation is very populous, but these were not the genuine people among whom the king lives. These Scherues to whom we now came wear a moustache, and have a wooden ring in the tips of their ears, and the ear is folded round the wooden ring in a wonderful manner. The men have also a large blue crystal in their lips of the shape and size of a draughtsman. And they are painted blue on their bodies from the head to the knees so as to give them the appearance of wearing breeches.

[167] Xarayos. These and the Itatis were the Indians living near the
island of Paraiso, on the left bank of the river Paraguai. According
to the best authorities the right name for this tribe is _Guarayos_.

But the women are painted otherwise, blue from the breast to the privities, and so artistically, that one could not soon find a painter to do it so well. They are absolutely naked, and are beautiful after their manner, and also commit transgressions in the dark.

Among these Scherues we remained one day, and afterwards in three days' journey we came to a king, who lives at fourteen miles distance, and whose people are also called Scherues. His country is only four miles wide, but he has also a settlement on the river Paraboe.

There we left our ship with twelve Spaniards to watch it, that we might use it for our defence on our return. We also ordered these Scherues dwelling there to hold friendly intercourse with the Christians, which they also did.

We remained thus two days in this place, and prepared ourselves for travel, and took all that was wanted and passed over the river Paraboe,[168] and so came to the King who lives there himself.

[168] Paraguai.

And when we were approaching near and were about one mile off, the King of the Scherues came forth to meet us with twelve thousand men, or even more, on a heath, yet in a friendly and peaceable manner. The path they followed was eight feet broad, and was covered entirely with flowers and herbs up to their place, and made so clean that not so much as any little stone, stick, or straw appeared. The King was also accompanied by his musicians, whose instruments resemble our hoboys. His Royal Majesty had also ordered that deer and other wild beasts should be hunted on both sides of the way; so that they caught about thirty deer and twenty ostriches, and it was indeed an agreeable thing to see; and when we came to their place, the King appointed a house to accommodate every two Christians, and our captain with his servants were taken into the Royal House, and I was not very far from the King's house. Then the King of the Scherues[169] and his subjects resolved to treat us Christians well, and to give us all our necessaries. And the King also held a Court in his own way, like the greatest lord in the country.

[169] Xarayos.

At dinner the musicians must play whenever it is his pleasure. Then the men and the most beautiful women must dance before him, and such a dance is to us Christians quite wonderful, so much so that looking upon them one could think of nothing else. These people are like the Scherues, of whom we spoke before.

Their wives make mantles from cotton very subtle, almost like satin, on which they embroider several figures, as deer, ostriches, Indian sheep, or what else they can. In these mantles they sleep when it is cold, or they sit upon them, or use them at their pleasure. These women are very fair and venerous, very amiable, and very hot too, as it seemed to me.

There we remained four days. Meanwhile, the King asked our commander what were our wishes, and whither we intended to go; and our commander replied he was seeking for gold and silver. The King gave him a silver crown, which weighed one and a half mark nearly, and a bar of gold, a span and a half in length and half a span broad; also a bracelet, _i.e._, a half-harness, and many other things in silver, and then said to our commander: He had no more gold or silver, and that these things were the spoils which in time past he had won in war from the Amazons.

And when he came to speak of the Amazons, and gave us to understand of their great riches, we were very glad to learn of it. And our commander presently asked the King if we could come to them by water; and how far it was to these Amazons.

The King answered we could not reach them by water, but would have to go by land, and travel during two whole months. Thereupon we decided to go to these Amazons, as will be related hereafter.

These women, the Amazons, have only one breast, and the men come to their wives only three or four times in the year; and if the woman, being in child by her husband, bring forth a male child, she sends that boy away to his father.

But if it be a girl, she keepeth it with her, and seareth the right breast, in order that it may grow no more. The reason for this is, that they may be more fit to handle their weapons and bows, for they are war-like women, making continual war against their enemies.

These women inhabit an island surrounded by water, and a large island it is too; and there is no access to it but by canoes. But in this island the Amazons have neither gold nor silver, though they are reported to have great riches in the _terra firma_ where the men live. It is a very great nation, and is said to have a King whose name appears to be Iegnis, and they told us where he lived.

Now, our commander, Ernando Rieffere,[170] desired the said King of the Scherues[171] to place at our disposal some of his subjects to carry our plunder and to show us the way, because he intended to enter the interior of the country, and to seek out those above-mentioned Amazons. The King was willing to do so, but he said that at this time of the year the land would be under water, and therefore travelling there would not do at this season. We would not, however, believe his words, but were urgent to have his Indians. He therefore gave our commander for his person twenty men to carry his plunder and victual, and to each of us he gave five Indians to serve us and carry our necessaries, for we would have to go eight days' journey without finding an Indian.

[170] Hernando de Ribera.

[171] Xarayos. All that precedes about the Amazons is a ridiculous
tale which Schmidt could not have heard from any of those poor
Indians, who had not the slightest idea about the Scythian mythology
or the ancient fables from which this passage of his book is taken,
after the fashion for the wonderful, prevalent at this period. The
source of this story in the New World is the voyage made in 1540-41 by
the Spanish officer, Orellana, who was the first to navigate the great
river called _of the Amazons_, on account of his having related that
he met on its banks a tribe of women warriors.

Afterwards we came to a certain nation called Siberis, who resemble the Scherues in their language and in other respects. We advanced for eight whole days and nights in water up to the knees, and sometimes as high as the waist; nor could we by any means come out of it. When we wished to make a fire, we heaped big fagot-sticks one on another, and made a fire thereon; and it happened several times that as we were about to cook our meat, both the pot in which we had our food and the fire fell into the water, and then we had to remain without eating. We also could not find any rest either by day or night, because of the small flies, against which we could do nothing.

We therefore asked these Siberis if there were any more water, and they said we would have to wade four more days in the water, and afterwards would have to travel five other days by land; and at length we should come to a people named Orthuses,[172] and they gave us to understand that we were too few in number, and therefore we had better return. But this we would not do for the Scherues sake, for we thought rather of sending them back to their town who were accompanying us. But the said Scherues refused to go, because the King had ordered them not to leave us, but to serve us until we came again out of that country.

[172] Urtuesses; cf. Hernando de Ribera's narrative, _infra_.

The aforesaid Siberis then gave us ten men, who, together with the Scherues, should show us the way to the aforesaid Orthuses; so we went along for another seven days through water up to the waist or the knee; this water was quite as hot as if it had been heated on the fire, and we were compelled to drink it, for want of any other water. Some might suppose that it was a flowing water, but this was not so, for at that time rain had fallen so heavily that the whole land was inundated, for it is a flat land; how we suffered from the effects of this water shall be told hereafter.

Thus on the ninth day, between ten and eleven before noon, we came to the place of the Orthuses, and by midday we arrived in the centre of the village, where the chief's house stands.

But at that very time there was a great mortality among the Orthuses, caused by famine, for they had nothing to eat, the locusts or grasshoppers having twice eaten and destroyed all the corn and the fruits of their trees. When we Christians saw this, and heard how things were going there, we became frightened, and could not remain long in the land, because we also had not much to eat. So our commander asked their chief how many days' journey we yet had to the Amazons, and he said we must yet travel one full month to reach them, and besides, all the land was full of water, as it indeed appeared.

Now the chief of the Orthuses presented our commander with four Pleynisch[173] of gold, and four silver rings which they wear on the arm; but the Indians wear the plates on their foreheads for ornaments, as our nobles do their gold chains on their necks. For all this, our commander gave the chief of the Indians a hatchet, knives, paternosters, scissors, and other things which are made at Nuremberg. We would have wished more from them, but we durst not ask it, for we Christians were not numerous enough, and therefore had to beware of them. The Indians, on the contrary, were very numerous, and their town so large, that I had hitherto never seen in the whole of India so many people together, nor such a big place, although I have been far and wide. The mortality among the Indians, dying from hunger, certainly was our good luck, for otherwise we Christians might not perhaps have escaped with our lives.

[173] Plates.

When we again returned to the aforesaid Siberis, we were ill-provided with victual, for they had nothing to eat but a tree called a palm, and cardes,[174] and other roots which grow underground. And when we came to the Scherues, our people were half dead for sickness, because of the water and the poverty that we had to undergo during this journey, for we never came out of the water for thirty days and nights together, and we were always constrained to drink of that impure water.

[174] Thistles.

So we remained among the Scherues, where the King lives, for four days, and they treated us very well, and waited on us diligently, and the King ordered his subjects to give us all things necessary.

On this journey each of us plundered nearly two hundred ducats' worth of Indian cotton mantles and silver, having secretly bartered these for knives, paternosters,[175] scissors, and looking-glasses.

[175] Rosaries.

After all this we again went down the river to our chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha,[176] and when we arrived, he ordered us on our lives not to come out of the ships, and he came also in person to us and ordered our commander, Ernando Rieffere,[177] to be cast into prison, and took from us soldiers all that we had brought with us from the country; and finally, he would have hanged our commander, Ernando Rieffere, on a tree. But when we heard of this, we being still in the Bergentin,[178] raised a great tumult along with other good friends who were on shore, against our chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, demanding that he should set our commander, Ernando Rieffere, free, and restore to us all of that which he had taken away, otherwise we should take measures accordingly. Seeing such an uproar and our wrathful indignation, he was very glad indeed to let our commander go free, and to restore to us all he had taken away, giving us fair words that we might be pacified; how it fared with him afterwards shall presently be told.

[176] Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca.

[177] Hernando de Ribera.

[178] Brigantine.

All this having occurred, and peace being established, he desired our commander, Ernando Rieffere, and us to give him a report on the country we had been to; and explain how it happened that we had remained so long absent; and we gave him an answer wherewith he was well satisfied. That he had received us so badly and taken our things away, was the result of our not having obeyed his mandate; for he had only ordered us to go as far as the Scherues,[179] and four days' journey inland, and then to return and report to him; we on the contrary had gone for eighteen days beyond the country of the Scherues.

[179] Xarayos.

Now our chief commander, after the report we had made of it, would have marched with all his people to that country to which we had just been; but we soldiers would not agree thereto, especially at this very time when the country was quite under water.

Moreover, most of the people were very feeble and ill, besides which our chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, commanded no great respect or favour among the soldiers, for he was a man who had never held a command nor any important post whatsoever.

So we remained for two months among the aforesaid Siberis (Surukusis?), during which time our chief commander got a fever, which made him very ill--it would have been no great loss had he died at this time, for he really commanded no great respect among us.

In this country of the Surukusis I did not find a single Indian who was forty or fifty years of age, nor have I ever in my life experienced a more unhealthy country; for it lies under the tropic, _i.e._, there where the sun is at the highest; it is as unhealthy as Sancte Thome.[180]

[180] The island of San Thomé, off the west coast of Africa.

Being among the Surukusis, I saw the constellation of Ursa Major, of which we had lost sight when we passed the island of S. Augo.[181]

[181] St. Iago, one of the Cape Verd islands, cf. _supra_, p. 4.
Hulsius observes that in the tropic of Capricorn, in which Surukusis
is situated, the elevation of the pole is 22½°, and the constellation
of Ursa Major would be visible here at its highest elevation in the
sky for several hours. The author's remark that he lost sight of this
constellation at the island of St. Iago is, according to the same
commentator, wholly erroneous. This island is in N. lat. 15°;
the declination of the star α Ursæ Majoris, the northernmost of
the group, is 62° 20′ 2″. It would therefore appear on the horizon
in S. lat. 27° 40′, or 2,560 miles south of St. Iago.

Now our commander-in-chief ordered, in spite of his illness, one hundred and fifty Christians and two thousand Indian Carios to go with four Bergentin ships,[182] four miles distance to the island of the Surukusis, and commanded them to slay all these Surukusis or to take them prisoners, and that they should principally destroy all persons from forty to fifty years of age. The way these Surukusis had previously entertained us has already been declared,[183] and how we rewarded and thanked them will now appear. God knows that we did them wrong.

[182] Brigantines.

[183] Cf. _supra_, p. 42.

When, therefore, we arrived at their town unawares, they came out of their houses with bows and arrows to meet us peaceably. But a tumult arising between the Carios and the Surukusis, we Christians fired at them and killed very many, and having made more than two thousand prisoners, men, women, boys, and girls, we afterwards burnt down their town, and took all they possessed that could be carried away, as in such violent assaults is usual; then we turned back again to our commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, who was very well pleased with our deeds.

But our people being for the most part feeble and ill-affected towards our chief commander, the latter could not do anything with them, so he ordered a ship to be prepared, and we all went down the river Paraboe,[184] and came to Noster Signora desumsion,[185] where we had left the other Christians. There our chief commander fell sick again of a fever, and kept indoors fourteen days together. It was, however, more out of pride than out of weakness, for he did not please the people; but showed himself unseemly towards them more than it behoved a lord or commander who would govern a country; for such a man should always give good counsel to everyone alike whatever their rank or station, and always be good-hearted to all. Also it seems well that such an one should so behave himself as he would like to appear to others, and should be wiser and cleverer than those whom he commands. For it is very bad and shameful that anyone should try to advance more in honours than in wisdom. And nobody should boast himself of his high position, despising others, like the vain and arrogant Thrasus[186] in Terentius, who thinks that every commander is appointed for the sake of the men, and not the soldiers nominated for the commander's sake.

[184] Paraguai.

[185] The town of La Asuncion.

[186] Thraso, the soldier in Terence's play of _The Eunuch_. A German
translation of this comedy, with a commentary by Hans Nythart, was
printed at Ulm in 1486.

But here there has been no regard as to persons, but our commander has in all things only followed his arrogant and vain inspiration.

Thereupon it was resolved by all, noble man and commoner, to meet in council, with a view to take prisoner this chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, and to send him to H. I. Majesty, and to report to His Majesty about his nice virtue, and how he had behaved towards us, and how, according to his reason, he had governed; and other things besides.

According to the resolution come to, these three gentlemen, namely, the treasurer or judge, the clerk or master of the toll or custom, and the secretary ordained by H. I. Majesty, whose names were Albernunzo Gabrero, Don Francisco Manchossa, Garze Hannego, Philippo de Gastra,[187] etc., taking with them two hundred soldiers, went to his lodging, and arrested our commander-in-chief, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, when he least expected it. And this happened on St. Mark's Day, Anno 1543.[188] They held prisoner the said Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha for a whole year, until a ship called a Carrabella,[189] provided with victual and a crew, had been prepared. And on board this ship the often-mentioned Cabessa de Bacha, with two other officers on behalf of H. I. Majesty, were conveyed to Spain.

[187] Alonzo Cabrera, Francisco de Mendoza, Garcia Vanegas, and Felipe
Caceres.

[188] This conspiracy against Alvar Nuñez was the work of Domingo
Martinez de Irala to get possession of the Government, in which he
succeeded. Schmidt avows himself an accomplice, and this explains his
unjust charges against the Adelantado, Alvar Nuñez Cabeza de Vaca, who
was the most honest and capable governor that this unfortunate colony
had in early times. The imprisonment took place on the 25th of April
1544, and lasted one year, during which Alvar Nuñez suffered the most
horrible treatment from his wicked enemies.

[189] Caravel.

After that we had to elect another who should rule and govern the country until H. I. Majesty had time to designate one himself. And we held it for good, as it was the meaning and the will of the community, to nominate as chief Domingo Eijollas,[190] not only because he had formerly governed the country, but especially because most of the soldiers were satisfied with him.

[190] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

However, there were some who had been the special friends of our aforesaid chief commander, Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha, who were not pleased. But we did not care for that.

About this time I was very weak and ill with dropsy, which I, along with my fellow-comrades, had caught in our journey to the Orthuses, when we waded so long in the water, besides suffering want and intolerable hunger, as I have related; for nearly eighty of our people fell ill, and not more than thirty men escaped death.

And when Albernunzo Cabessa de Bacha was sent to Spain there was discord among us Christians, and soon we fought day and night, so that any one would have thought that the devil governed among us; and no man was safe from the other.

We thus made war among ourselves for two whole years, the sending away Cabessa de Bacha being the occasion of it. And when the Carios, who had formerly been our friends, perceived that we Christians were disunited, and had such false and treacherous hearts one towards another, they were not at all pleased, for they thought that every realm that is divided in itself and cannot agree must be destroyed. They therefore held a council, and agreed that they would kill us and drive us out of their country. But God Almighty--praise to Him, always and everlastingly--did not grant these Carios that their designs should prosper; although the whole country of the Carios and other nations, such as the Aygais,[191] were against us Christians.

[191] Agazes.

But when we perceived this state of things we were obliged to make peace among ourselves. And we also entered into a treaty with two other tribes, one named the Jeperis, and the other the Bachacheis,[192] who numbered five thousand men in all. They eat only fish and flesh, are courageous in battle on land and water, but prefer fighting on land. Their weapons are tardes,[193] half a spear in length but not so thick, and the points are tipped with flint. They have also truncheons under their girdles four spans long with a knob at the end.

[192] Yapirús and Mbaiás.

[193] Darts.

Every one of these Indians has also ten or twelve small sticks of wood, or as many in fact as he chooses to carry, a good span long, and on the point of every stick is fixed a broad and long fish's tooth (named Palmede[194] in Spanish) that resembles a sea-tench. This tooth cuts like a razor; but you should know what they do with these teeth, or what use they put them to.

[194] Palometa.