Chapter V: Introduction (4)

Firstly, they fight with the aforesaid tardes, and in case they are victorious over their enemies, and that these take to flight, they abandon their tardes and run after the enemies and throw their truncheons under their feet, in order to cause them to fall to the ground; then, without looking to see if they are yet half-alive or dead, they cut their heads off with the aforesaid fish-tooth. This is done so quickly that one has scarcely time enough to turn round; afterwards they put this tooth back again under their girdle or their other clothing.

Mark you, now, what he does further with the man's head, and to what use he puts it, namely, if he has any opportunity for so doing, after such a skirmish. He takes off the skin with all the hair over the ears, then he fills the head out and leaves it to become hard; afterwards he puts this hard and dry skin on a little hoop as a souvenir, in the same way as here in Germany a knight or commander puts a scutcheon in the churches.

But to return to our narrative, and to make it short. It so happened that the Jeperis and Bachacheis[195] came to us with about one thousand men, which pleased us very much; we then went out of the town Noster Signora Desumsion with our chief commander, besides three hundred and fifty Christians and these one thousand Indians, so that every Christian had three men to look after him, whom our commander had ordered for them. And we came afterwards to a distance of three miles from the place where our enemies the Carios, who numbered fifteen thousand, were encamped in the open, in good order. Now when we were only half a mile from them we would do nothing that day for we were tired and it was raining; so we remained in the wood, where we passed the night. The following morning we marched against them at six o'clock, and coming upon them by seven, we fought together till ten. Then they were obliged to fly, and ran in haste to a place four miles distant, which they had fortified, and its name was called Froemiliere.[196] The Indian chief was Machkaria. In this skirmish the dead on the enemy's side who were killed by us numbered two thousand, whose heads the Jeperis[197] carried on their spears. And on our side there fell ten Christians besides the wounded, whom we sent back to Noster Signora Desumsion; but we pursued the enemy with all our army to their place Froemiliere, whither Machkaria their chief had fled. But these Carios had fortified their place with three wooden stockades, like a wall. The wooden posts were as thick as a man in the middle part of his body, or even thicker, three fathoms high, and sunk into the earth the height of a man.

[195] Yapirús and Mbaiás.

[196] It is impossible to interpret this name, which certainly is not
Guaraní.

[197] Yapirús.

They had also dug pits or deep holes, and planted in each of them five or six pointed stakes as sharp as needles. So this town of theirs was very strong, and contained many valiant warriors; there can be no doubt about that. And we lay three days before that place without being able to do anything or to win anything from them.

However, at length, by God's help, we became stronger than they were.

We soon made great _Bodelle_ or _Pabesse_[198] out of the skins of deer and of the _amida_.[199] This is a big beast, like a good-sized mule; it has feet like a cow, but on the whole resembles an ass; and its flesh is suitable to be eaten. There are plenty of them in this country; and their skin is half a finger thick. Such a pabesse we gave to every Indian of the Jeperis, and to others a good hatchet, and between two such Indians we placed an arquebuss shooter. There were over four hundred of these targets.

[198] Spanish words, _rodela_ or _pavés_, _i.e._, shields and targets.

[199] Anta or tapir.

Then we again attacked the enemy's town from three sides between two and three o'clock in the morning; and, in less than three hours, the three stockades were destroyed and won; we then came with all our people into the town and slew many men, women, and children. But most of them escaped and fled to another place of theirs called Carieba, twenty miles distant from this place Froemiliere. This town they also fortified, and there was a great mass of these Carios there together. This town stood very close to a big forest, in order that if we Christians again conquered it, they might retain the forest as a protection, as will be seen hereafter. Now, when we Christians, along with our Commander Martino Domingo Eijolla,[200] together with the aforesaid Jeperis and Bachacheis, had followed our enemies the Carios up to this place Carieba, at about five o'clock in the evening, we established our army on three sides of the place, on a concealed eminence in the forest. There came also reinforcements to us from Noster Signora Desumsion,[201] two hundred Christians and five hundred Jeperis and Bachacheis,[202] because many of our people, Christians and Indians, had been wounded before the aforesaid place, so that we were compelled to send them back and to have these fresh soldiers instead of them. Now, therefore, we numbered four hundred and fifty Christians and one thousand three hundred Jeperis and Bachacheis. But our enemies the Carios had now fortified their place more strongly than ever, namely with palissadoes (stockades) and very many trenches.

[200] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

[201] Asuncion.

[202] Yapirús and Mbaiás.

They had also prepared iron plates,[203] which were made like rat traps, of which a single one, if it had gone according to their wish, would have each time slain twenty or thirty men. There were plenty of these traps in the place, but God Almighty willed otherwise, so praise be to Him everlastingly. We lay, therefore, before this place, Carieba, four days without being able to do them any harm; but at length, by treachery (such as is to be found everywhere), there came an Indian from our enemies, the Carios, at night to our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla.[204] That Indian was one of the chiefs of the Carios, and to him belonged the town. This man bade us not to burn down his town, nor to destroy it; and if we consented, he was willing to show us the manner in which we could take the place. Our commander promised this to him, and that no harm should be done him. Accordingly this Cario showed us two paths in the forest by which we could penetrate into the place, and said that he would light a fire in his town, and during that time we should break into it. All this having been done, we Christians entered the town and slew a great number of people. Those who took to flight ran right into the hands of their enemies, the Jeperis, by whom the greater part were killed. But this time they had not their wives and children with them, having concealed them in a great wood four leagues distant from that place.

[203] This is a mistake of the author's; the Indians having no iron.

[204] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

Those among the Carios who had escaped this conflict fled to another Indian chief, named Thabere,[205] and the village which entertained them is called Juberich Sabaije.[206] It is at one hundred and forty miles distance from Carieba, and we could neither pursue them, nor make that journey, because the whole way they had passed they had wasted far and near with fire, in order that we might not find anything to eat; but we remained fourteen days at Carieba, where we healed the wounded and rested the while.

[205] Tabaré.

[206] Yeruquihaba.

Then we went again to our town, Noster Signora Desumsion, in order to be enabled to sail up the river and seek out the aforesaid place, Juberich Sabaije, where the Indian chief Thabere lived.

When we came to our town, Noster Signora Desumsion, we also remained there fourteen days, in order to provide ourselves with all sorts of victual and ammunition for the journey. Our commander now took reinforcements with him--Christians and Indians--because many had been wounded and many were ill.

We then went up the river Paraboe[207] to our enemies' town, Juberich Sabaije, with nine Bergentin ships and two hundred canoes and one thousand five hundred Indians. According to the Jeperis it was forty-six miles distant from Noster Signora desumsion to Juberich Sabaije, whither our enemies, the Carieba, had fled.

[207] Paraguai.

On the way thither the chief of the Carios, the same who had betrayed the town, met us; and he brought with him one thousand Carios to aid us against the aforesaid Thabere.[208] Now, when our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[209] had assembled all these people together at two miles distance from Juberich Sabaije, he sent two Carios Indians to their enemies in the town to warn them that the Christians were there again; and to tell them that they should return to their country, each of them to his wife and children, and should be obedient to the Christians and serve them again, as they had done before, and if they refused we would drive them all out of the country.

[208] Tabaré.

[209] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

Thereupon the chief Cario, Thabere,[208] answered that they should tell the Christian chiefs that he knew neither them nor the Christians, and would put us Christians to death; indeed they severely beat our two Indians and told them to disappear very quickly out of their camp else they would kill them.

The two messengers came back to our commander, and brought him the tidings how they had been treated. Thereupon Martin Domingo Eijolla was at one accord with us, and we advanced against our enemy, Thabere,[210] and the Carios, in order of battle, dividing our army into four parts.

[210] Tabaré.

We came to a river called Sthuesia,[211] which is as wide as the river Danube in our land, half the height of a man deep, and in some places even deeper, and it becomes at times very great and causes much harm in the country, and by reason of such inundation it is impossible to travel through the country.

[211] This may be the river Xejuy, or the Ipané, affluents of the
river Paraguai.

As we had to cross this river, our enemies being on the other side with their camp, they resisted us and did us a great deal of harm in the crossing, so that I even believe that none of us had come out of it with his life but for the grace of God which was beforehand on our side and but for the guns that we had.

So God Almighty gave us His divine grace that we crossed the water by His divine benediction, and landed on the other side. Now, when the enemies saw that we had passed, they fled at once towards their town, which was half a mile from the river, but we, seeing it, pursued them with all our forces and came to the town as quickly as they themselves and besieged it, so that none should enter or come out of it; we also armed ourselves forthwith with our guns and pikes, and by the grace of God Almighty we had only to stay from the morning till night to overpower them, and become masters over them. We took the place, and slaughtered much people.

However, before we attacked them, our commander ordered us not to kill the women and children, but to take them prisoners; and we dutifully obeyed his commands. But all the men we could get hold of had to die; yet many escaped by flight, and our friends, the Jeperi,[212] took nearly one thousand heads from our enemies, the Carios.

[212] Yapirús. This word is sometimes rendered in the original
"Jeperus".

After all this had happened, those Carios who had escaped came with their chief, Thaberus,[213] and several other chiefs to our commander, and entreated him for mercy that their wives and children might be restored them, and then they would become friends again with us, and serve us faithfully.

[213] Tabaré.

Thereupon our commander promised them to be merciful, and took them into favour, and ever afterwards they continued our good friends so long as I remained in the country. This war with the Carios lasted for one year and a half, _i.e._, that we never had peace with one another, and that we were never sure of them; and this happened in the year 1546.

Afterwards we again went to Noster Signora desumsion,[214] and remained there fully two years. But when during all this time no ships or tidings arrived from Spain, our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[215] assembled all the people and asked them if it pleased them that he should go with some people into the country to inquire if gold and silver were to be found. The people answered him to do it in God's name.

[214] The town of La Asuncion.

[215] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

Accordingly he collected together three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and asked them if they would accompany him, provided he found them in all necessaries for the journey, such as Indians, horses, and clothing; they declared their willingness to go. Then he had the chiefs of the Carios assembled, and asked them if two thousand of their number would go with him. They declared themselves ready to go and be obedient unto him.

With such friendly accord on both sides our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, in a little more than two months went with this folk in the year 1548 up the river Paraboe,[216] with seven Bergentin ships and two hundred canoes. Those of the people who could not go in the ships or canoes went on foot by land with the one hundred and thirty horses.[217] And coming by land and by water all together to a round and high mountain, called S. Fernando, where the aforesaid Peyembas[218] live, our commander there ordered the five ships and the canoes to go back to Noster Signora Desumsion. The other two Bergentin ships he left there at S. Fernando, with fifty Spaniards, under the command of Peter Diess[219]; he gave them also victuals and other necessaries for one year, and ordered them to wait there till he returned from the country, that the fate which befell the good gentleman Johann Eijollas[220] and his companions, all of whom were so dreadfully killed by the Peyembas,[221] might not also happen to him and his folk. God have mercy upon them all. I have narrated this before.

[216] Paraguai.

[217] The expedition was composed of 250 Spaniards, and twenty-seven
of them were cavalry.

[218] Payaguás.

[219] Ruy Diaz.

[220] Juan de Ayolas; cf. _supra_, p. 24.

[221] Payaguás. The Sierra de San Fernando is a small ridge of
mountains extending from 17° to 21° of south lat.

Then our commander went straight on with three hundred Christians, one hundred and thirty horses, and three hundred Carios, for eight full days without finding any people at all. On the ninth day we found a nation called Naperus, who have nothing to eat but meat and fish; they are tall and powerful; their wives have their nakedness covered, and are not at all beautiful.

From the aforesaid mountain S. Fernando to this nation the distance is thirty-six miles. Here we passed the night, and then went travelling seven days more, when we came to a people called Maipai.[222] They are a very numerous people, and have subjects who must plough the land and fish for them, and generally do whatever they are ordered, just as at home the peasants are subject to the noble lords. This nation is well provided with Turkish corn, mandeochade, mandepore parpii, padades, mandues,[223] bachkeku, and other roots useful for eating. They also have deer, Indian sheep, ostriches, ducks, geese, poultry, and other fowl.

[222] Mepenes, who are Abipones.

[223] These victuals are: maize, manioc, potatoes, sweet potatoes,
pea-nuts, and perhaps bananas, which the author calls "bachkeku".

Their forests are full of honey out of which wine is prepared and other things are made, and the farther you go into the country the more fertile you will find it. They have all the year round Turkish corn in the fields, and other roots as well. Their sheep, which are in a wild state, they use as we do our horses, for riding and carrying purposes.[224] I myself, having one foot ailing, once rode on such a sheep for more than forty miles, though not in this journey. In Peru goods are conveyed on these sheep as on horses at home.

[224] These are the Peruvian llamas, and guanacos, from which the
Indians took the wool, and wove rough cloth.

These Maijeaijs[225] are tall, erect, and warlike, giving all their care to warlike affairs. Their wives are very beautiful and have their nakedness covered. They do no work in the fields; the man has to look after the food. Neither at home does the woman anything else but spin wool, and prepare food, and also what pleases the man and other good companions who pray her to do it, etc. We won't say anything more about it; he who likes to see it, shall go thither, and if he does not otherwise believe it, he will find it out for himself.

[225] Mbaiás.

When we were not above half a mile distant from this people they met us on the way, where there was a small clearing, where they told our commander that we should remain for the night, and they would bring us whatsoever we had need of, but they did this out of malice; and to win more confidence, they presented our commander with four silver crowns to wear on the head, and they gave him besides six silver plates, each of which was one and a half span long and half a span wide.

These plates they bind on the forehead as ornaments, as we have told before. They also presented our commander with three beautiful young women. However, whilst we remained in that place, after supper we stationed sentries, in order that the people might be on the alert for the enemy, and afterwards we went to rest.

About midnight our commander lost his young wenches. In short, there was great excitement in the camp for that reason, and as soon as the morning dawned, our commander ordered that each of us should stand to his quarters with his arms ready.

So the aforesaid Maijeaijs,[226] numbering twenty thousand, came to attack us unawares, but they did not do us much harm. On the contrary, in this conflict, more than one thousand of their men were left dead; and they fled and we pursued them to their town, but we did not find anything therein, not so much as their wives and children. Then our commander, taking with him one hundred and fifty gunners and two thousand five hundred Indian Carios, ordered us to follow the Maijeaijs, which we did for three days and two nights together, taking no more rest than the time necessary for our dinner and four or five hours for sleep at night.

[226] Mbaiás.

The third day we suddenly came upon the Maijaijs,[227] with their women and children gathered together in a forest with them; these were not the people we sought, but their friends. They did not fear at all our coming to them. Nevertheless, the innocent had to pay for the guilty, for when we lighted upon them we killed many, and took over three thousand prisoners, men, women, and children; and, if it had been day-time instead of night, none of them would have escaped, for there was a goodly number of people gathered together on the hill, at the summit of which was a great wood.

[227] Mbaiás.

I, for my part, in this skirmish, captured over nineteen persons, men and women, who were not at all old--I have always had more esteem for young than for old people--also I took Indian mantles and other things besides as my share of the booty. Then we returned to our camp and remained there for eight days, because there was now plenty of victual. The distance from these Maijaijs to Mount S. Fernando, where we left our two ships, is seventy miles. Afterwards we went further, to a people called Zchemui,[228] who are subject to the aforesaid Maijaijs, as here at home the peasants are subject to their landlords.

[228] Perhaps Chanés. To the tribe which Schmidt calls Zchemui, and to
all the other tribes mentioned in his voyage north in search of _El
Dorado_, he gives such queer and extraordinary names, that it is
impossible to interpret them. De Barcia, the Spanish translator from
the Latin version, who consulted other documents, declares that they
are unintelligible, and generally puts down the equivalents as given
by the Latin translator. The last named of those tribes is the one
that Schmidt calls Machkokios, on arriving at the Salinas del Jaurú
in lat. 16° S. Not far from there he finds another river, to which he
gives the same name. This was the river Guapay. He goes across it
and meets Spaniards, who tell him they belong to the Gobernacion
(Government) of Pero Anzures. Irala stops there and sends messengers
to the Governor of Peru, La Gasca, to whom he offers his services.
La Gasca refuses them, and orders him back to the Gobernacion of the
River Plate.

The translators, who in other languages have tried to interpret these
names, have done it in an arbitrary manner. The unintelligible names
are the following: Peihoni, Tohanna, Symani, Barchkoni, Zeyhanni,
Karchkoni, Siberi, Peijesseni, Jeronimus, Maigeni, Karchkockies,
Marchkockios and rio Machkasies. None of them are Indian names.

On the way we found many fields sown with Turkish corn and other roots, of which one can eat all the year round, for before one crop is stored another is already ripe for harvest, and when this too is gathered it is time to sow a third, so that there is always abundance of food.

We came to a little open space belonging to the Zchemui,[229] and, when they saw us, they all fled away. We remained there for two days, and found in that place, which is four miles from the Maijaijs,[230] plenty to eat.

[229] Chanés.

[230] Mbaiás.

From thence we went in two days six miles to a nation named Thohonna; we did not find any men here, but plenty to eat. They also are subjects to the Maijaijs. Departing thence, we travelled for six days, and did not find any people; but on the seventh we came to a nation called Peihoni. They were gathered in great numbers, and their chief came to meet us with a great multitude of people in a peaceful way. This chief besought our commander that we should not enter their place, but that we should stay outside in the place where he came to meet us. Our commander, however, would not agree to that, and, will he nill he, straightway entered their town; here we found plenty of meat and food, such as hens, geese, deer, sheep, ostriches, parrots, _kuniglin_,[231] etc., not to mention Turkish corn and other roots and fruits, all in great abundance. But water is scarce, and there is no gold or silver. So we did not ask for that, for fear that the other nations living further up should flee away before we came to them.

[231] These were probably guinea-pigs; cf. Acosta, _History of the
Indies_ (Hakl. Soc.), p. 284.

With these Peihoni we stayed four days, and our commander asked them many things about the nature and condition of the country.

From the Thohonna to these Peihoni the distance is twenty-four miles. Departing from there we obtained from the Peihoni an interpreter and guide, who showed us the road, in order that we might get water to drink, for there is great scarcity of water in this country. At four miles distance we came to a people called Maijegoni, and stayed one day there, and again asked for an interpreter and guide to show us the way. They were willing to do this, and they gave us our necessaries.

Departing from these we went further for eight miles and came to a people called Marroni. They are a very numerous people, and received us very well. We abode here two days with them, and received information of the country. They also promised to show us the way. Then we went further for four miles to a nation called Parroni, who have not much to eat. They number three or four thousand fighting-men, and we remained only one day amongst them.

From there we went twelve miles further to a nation named Symanni, where a great multitude of people were gathered together on a high mountain. Their village is surrounded with a thorny wood like a wall.[232] They received us with their bows and arrows, and gave us tardes[233] to eat. But it did not last long with them; they were soon compelled to leave the place, but they burnt all down before leaving. We, however, found enough to eat in the fields, and remained for three days there, seeking for them in the woods and in the fields.

[232] Probably a cactus-hedge.

[233] Darts or javelins.

From there we went four days and came to a people called Barchkonis. These did not await our coming, but as soon as we approached their town betook themselves to flight; yet they could not escape us. We asked them for food, and they brought us hens, geese, sheep, ostriches, deer, and other necessaries, with which we were well satisfied; and we remained four days among them to learn about the country.

From there we went twelve miles in three days to a people called Zeyhannis. These had but little food, for the locusts had eaten up everything; so we remained only one night there, and then went four days' journey, twenty miles further, to a people called Karchkonis. There also the locusts had been at work, but had not done so much harm as in other places. We only abode one day among them, and took knowledge of the country. They also told us that for a distance of thirty miles we should find no water until we came to a people called Siberis.

We then took two Indians, who showed us the way, and in six days we came to these Siberis; but many of our people died from thirst, although we took water with us, on the journey from the Karchkonis. But in this journey we found in certain places a root above ground, having great, wide leaves[234] wherein the water remains and cannot get out, nor is it consumed by them, exactly as if it were in a vase. One such root contains nearly half a measure of water.

[234] The author uses the word _Wurzel_ here and in other places for
plant. Perhaps the Traveller's tree (_Urania speciosa_), with its
graceful crown of plantain-like leaves, is here referred to.

So we came, at two o'clock in the night, to the aforesaid Siberis, who would at once have fled with their wives and children. But our commander caused them to be told, through an interpreter, that they should remain in peace and quiet in their houses, and that they should not fear us. These Siberis also suffered from a great scarcity of water, for they have nothing else to drink. As it had not rained for three months they were preparing a beverage out of a root called mandepore,[235] after this manner: they take the said root and pound it in a mortar, and the juice they obtain from it is like milk; but, if you have water at hand, you may also prepare wine of this root.

[235] Mandioca or Manioc.

In that place there was only one spring, where we had to station a guard in order to look after the water and to give in a report on it. And our commander saw fit to select me for this duty, that I might give out the water after the measure that he had ordered, for the dearth was so great that one would not ask for gold, or silver, or eatables, or anything else, but for water. In this way I gained favour and grace among noblemen and common folk alike, for I was not too sparing of it; at the same time I had to be careful that we did not run short. There is not to be found in all this land a running stream, but all the water is collected in cisterns. These Siberis also wage war with other Indians for the sake of water.

With this people we remained two days, not knowing what to do, whether we should advance or go back; we therefore drew lots to decide the question. Meanwhile our commander asked the Siberis about the country, and they answered that we should have to go six days to reach a people called Peijssenos, and that on our way we should find two rivulets of drinkable water, and also the aforesaid Cardes.[236]

[236] From the Spanish word _Cardos_--"thistle"--the shoots of which
are eaten and quench the thirst.

We then began our journey, and took some Siberis with us to show the way. Three days' journey from their place these Siberis fled away one night, and we did not see them any more. So we had to find out the way for ourselves, and afterwards came to the Peijssenos, who put themselves on their defence, and refused to become friends with us. But this did not help them much; by the grace of God we mastered them and took their town, and put them to flight. However, we made several prisoners in this skirmish, who told us how that they had had in their town three Spaniards, one of whom was named Hieronimus, who had been a drummer of Petro Manchossa.[237] These three Spaniards had been left sick there by the late Johann Eijollas,[238] amongst the aforesaid Peijssenos.

[237] Don Pedro de Mendoza.

[238] Juan de Ayolas.

The Peijssenos killed these three Spaniards four days before we arrived, after they had heard of our coming through the Siberis; they were, however, well punished by us for it, for we remained fourteen days in their town, and sought them out and found them, but not all of them, in a certain wood. We killed all these, and took prisoners the rest, the lesser part, who escaped. Those whom we took prisoners were very willing in showing us the country. Then our commander took note of all their sayings, which were of good avail. Namely, they told us that we would have four days' journey, or sixteen miles to go, before reaching a people called Maigenos.

When we reached the Maigenos, they put themselves on their defence, and refused to be friendly with us. Their town was on a little hill, surrounded by a thick, thorny hedge, as high as a man might reach with his sword. We Christians attacked this town, along with the Carios, on two sides. But in this assault twelve Christians and several of the Carios were killed before we won the place.

Now, seeing that we were masters of their town, the Maigenos burned it down themselves, and speedily fled away, several of whom, as may be readily believed, had to die. Three days afterwards, five hundred Carios rose secretly, we knowing nothing about it, and took their bows and arrows, and having gone two or three miles from our camp, met the Maigenos who were fleeing. And these two people fought so desperately, that the Carios lost over three hundred men, and the Maigenos so many, that it is not possible to describe it, for they covered the space of a whole mile. But the Carios sent messengers to our commander, and besought him to come to their rescue because they were lying in the forest, and were unable to advance or retire, being beleaguered on all sides by the Maigenos.

As soon as our commander heard of this, without a moment's delay he caused the horses, one hundred and fifty Christians, together with one thousand of our Carios, to be sent, the other people remaining in the camp to defend it, if necessary, in order that our enemies, the Maigenos, might not enter and overthrow it in our absence.

So there went out to help our friends, the Carios, with the abovesaid horses, one hundred and fifty Christians and one thousand Carios. But as soon as the Maigenos saw us coming, they broke up their camp and fled away swiftly, but we pursued them, without, however, being able to overtake them. How it befell them at the last, when we returned to the town whence we had come, will be presently narrated.

So we came to the Carios, and found a wonderful number of them and of their enemies, the Maigenos, lying dead. Our friends, the Carios, those who were still alive, were greatly pleased that we were come to help them.

After that we returned with them to our camp and abode there four days, for we had plenty to eat and all things needful in this town of the Maigenos.

We then resolved to undertake our decisive journey, having now knowledge of the country. So we journeyed for thirteen consecutive days, that is to say, according to our judgment, about seventy-two miles, and came to a nation named Karchkockios; and when we were _en route_ the first nine days we came to a region six miles either way, on which there was nothing but good salt as thick as if it had snowed, and that salt remains winter and summer.[239]

[239] This place is the Salinas del Jaurú (salt lakes of Jaurú).

We remained two days in this salt region, not knowing how to come out of it or how to take the right way to continue our journey. But God Almighty gave us His grace that we found the right way, and in four days we came to a people called Karchkockios, and when we were at only four miles distance from their town, our commander sent in advance fifty Christians and five hundred Carios that they might provide lodging for us.

Now when we had entered the town, we found a numerous people together, the like of which we had not as yet seen in all our journey, and we were put somewhat in fear by it. Seeing this, we sent one of our men back to our commander, to tell him how matters were, and that he might come speedily to our help.

And when our commander heard these tidings, he set forward with all his people on the very same night, and by the morning, between three and four o'clock, he was in the midst of us; but the Karchkockios, supposing that there were not more of us than they had seen the evening before, promised themselves the victory.

But when they were aware that our commander had come with more people they were very sad and sorrowful, and showed us all possible kindness and goodwill, for they could have done nothing more, and feared for their wives and children and their village. Meanwhile they brought us venison, geese, sheep, ostriches, ducks, conies, and other game and fowl, as well as Turkish corn, wheat, rice, and other roots which abound in their country. The men wear a round blue stone in their lips, as broad as a draughtsman. Their weapons are darts, bows and arrows, and targets made of _amida_ hide. Their wives have a small hole in their lips in which they insert a green or grey crystal. They wear a cotton waistcloth about the size of a shirt, but without sleeves. They are beautiful women, and do nothing but sew and keep house; the men till the fields and provide all kinds of food.

From there we went to the Machkockios[240] and took some of the Karchkockios with us to show us the way. And after three days' journeying from this place the said Karchkockios[241] left us secretly, but we nevertheless continued our journey and came to a river named Machkasis, one mile and a half broad; and we did not know how to pass over it safely; but with God's grace we passed it well in the following way: for every two persons we made a raft of wood and branches, whereon being carried down the river they came to the other side; and in this passage four of our people were drowned. God be merciful to them and to us. Amen.

[240] Irala, in his letter to the King, of July 24, 1555, calls the
territory where he arrived Tamacoxas; and Ruy Diaz de Guzman calls it
Samocosis. This is what Schmidt means.

[241] Tamacoxas.

This river has good fish in it. Many tigers are also found in the neighbourhood. This river is only four miles distant from the Machkockios.

When we had approached within one mile of the Machkasis the inhabitants came forth to meet us, and received us very well, and soon began talking Spanish with us; whereat we were astonished, and asked them whose subjects they were and who was their lord; they answered our commander and us, that they were the subjects of a Spanish nobleman, whose name was Peter Asuelles.[242]

[242] Pero Anzures de Campo Redondo, one of the officers of Pizarro,
the conqueror of Peru, who was sent to conquer the territory of the
Chunchos, east of the river Arumaya, and between the Beni and the
Guapay.

Upon entering their village we found their children, and some of the men and women, swarming with very little vermin, like our fleas. These little vermin, if they lay hold of the toes, or any other part of the body, gnaw and enter always more and more deeply into the flesh, and at length become worms, such as are found in our filberts. If it be taken in time the mischief may be prevented, but if overlooked too long, it eats the whole toes away. I could write very much about it.[243]

[243] This is the _nigua_, in Guaraní, called _pique_ in Brazil, where
it is very plentiful, and chiefly attacks the negroes. In tropical
Africa it is vulgarly known as the "Jigger".

From our often-mentioned town of Noster Signora Desumsion to this village of the Machkasis the distance by land is three hundred and seventy-two miles.[244]

[244] The city of Asuncion del Paraguai is in lat. 25° 17′ S., and the
salt lakes of the Jaurú in lat. 16°. The distance by land between them
is about 700 English miles.

Now, when we had stayed twenty days in this place of the Machkasis, we received a letter from a city called Lieme[245] in Peru, from H. I. M. Supreme Stadthalter there named Presende or Licentiat de Cascha,[246] who had caused Consaillo Pisere[247] to be beheaded, besides other noblemen whom he caused to be beheaded along with him, or to be sent to the galleys, because the said Consaillo Pisere would not be obedient to him the Licentiate de Cascha, but was rebellious along with the country against H. I. Majesty.

[245] Lima.

[246] El Presidente Licenciado La Gasca.

[247] Gonzalo Pizarro.

So it often happens that someone makes more, or takes more power than has been delegated to him from his master; and so it is in this world. I certainly think that H. I. Majesty would have granted the said Pisere his life, if H. I. Majesty had himself arrested him. He was vexed that another lord had been placed in authority over his own land, for this country of Peru, before God and man was legitimately Consaillo Pisere's, because he, along with his brethren Margossen and Ernando Piseron,[248] had discovered and conquered it first of all. This land is rightly called the Rich Country, for all riches appertaining to H. I. Majesty come from Peru, Nova Hispania, and Terra firma.

[248] El Marqués Don Francisco and Hernando Pizarro.

But envy and hatred are so great in the world that one man wishes nothing good to another. And so it happened to poor Consaillo Pisero, who formerly had been a King, and afterwards had his head taken off. God be merciful to him. Much could be written about this, but I have no time for it.

Now, the above-mentioned letter was to the effect that, in name of H. I. Majesty, our Commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[249] should not, by any means whatever, depart from there, but should remain among the Machkasis, and wait for further orders.

[249] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

But it was really intended to this effect, that the governor, fearing that we might excite a rebellion against him in the country, and associate ourselves with those who had escaped and taken to flight into the forest and mountain (and that would doubtless have happened if we had met together again and we would have chased the governor out of the country), entered into an agreement with our commander, and made him a great present, in order to satisfy him and to get off alive. We soldiers knew nothing about this compact; had we known of it we would have tied our commander hand and foot together, and so transported him to Peru.

After this our commander sent four companions to Peru, whose names were Nueste de Schaieses, Ungnade, Michael de Ruete, Abaije de Korchua.[250] These four persons came to Peru in one month and a half.

[250] The real names of those officers were: Nuflo de Chaves, Agustin
de Ocampo, Miguel de Rutia, and Ruy Garcia.

Firstly they came to a people called Poduesis,[251] then to another called Ruessken,[252] thirdly to Riodellaplata, and to the principal town called Lieme.[253] These four are the principal and the richest cities in Peru.

[251] Potosi.

[252] Cuzco.

[253] Lima.

When those four companions came to the first town, Poduesis in Peru, the two named Michael de Ruete and Abaije remained there, because of their weakness, as they had fallen ill on the journey; the two others, Nueste and Ungnade, rode post to Lieme to the governor. He received them well and heard from them a report as to how matters were going on in the country of Riodellaplata; then he ordered that they should be treated in the best possible way, and gave them each two thousand ducats.

Then the governor ordered Nueste de Schaieses[254] to write to his commander that he should remain until further advice with his people among the Machkasis,[255] but he should not take from them anything nor do them any harm, excepting with regard to food, although we knew very well that they had silver, but being the subjects of a Spaniard, we should not do them any injury.

[254] Nuflo de Chaves.

[255] Tamacoxas: cf. _supra_, p. 73, _note_.

But this post of the governor was waylaid by a Spaniard named Parnawuie, by order of our commander, who feared that another commander might come from Peru to rule over his people; and indeed another one had already been appointed. Therefore our commander sent out on the roads the said Parnawuie and ordered him, if there were any letters, to bring them with him to where he was staying with the Carios; and this was accordingly done.

Our commander had arranged so badly that owing to the scarcity of victual we could not remain any longer among the Machkasis, for we had only enough provisions to last for one month. If we had only known that we were going to have both victual and a governor, we would not have removed from there, and we would have found food and ways and means to remain; but there is nothing but knavery in this world. Afterwards we went back again to the Karchkockios.

I should also have mentioned that the country of the Machkasis is so fertile that I have never seen the like of it before. For if an Indian goes forth into the forest, and makes a hole with an hatchet in the first tree he comes across, five or six measures of honey flow out of it, as pure as our mead. The bees that make this honey are very small and do not sting.[256] Their honey may be eaten with bread, or in any other manner. Good wine is also prepared from it, like the mead here in Germany, and even better.

[256] This description is greatly exaggerated. The bees make their
hives (called in Guaraní _camoati_) on the branches of the trees, and
it is from the hive, of course, not from the tree, that the honey is
taken.

Now, when we came to the said Karchkockios, these Indians had all fled away with wives and children, and were afraid of us, but it would have been better for them to have remained in their villages; for our commander soon sent other Indians after them, and bade them return, saying that they ought not to fear, that no harm would be done to them; they would not, however, take heed of our request, but invited us to leave their village, threatening in case of our refusal to drive us out of it by force.

Having heard this, we soon made our preparations and went out against them. However, some of us were of opinion to send a message to our commander and advise him not to march against them, because this might bring about a great want in the land; in case we had to move from Peru to Riodellaplata, for then we would have no provisions. But our commander and the whole community would not accept that proposal, but preferred the above-mentioned advice, and went out against the said Karchkockios. And when we arrived at the distance of half-a-mile from them, we found that they had pitched their camp between two hills covered with forest; so that, if we conquered them, they might the more easily escape us. But it did not befall them well, for those we reached had to die at our hands or to become our slaves. We enslaved in this skirmish over one thousand, without reckoning those men, women, and children that were killed.

Afterwards we remained two months in this village, which was as great as five or six others joined together. We then went on further, to the place where we left the two aforesaid mentioned ships, and we were one year and a half on the journey, always engaged in one war after another, and took prisoners more than twelve thousand persons, all of whom became our slaves. I had for my share about fifty men, women, and children.

And when we came to the ships, the people that had been left on these bergentines informed us how, during our absence, a commander, Diego Abriego of Sievilla,[257] in Spain, on the one side, and a commander, J. Francisco Manchossa,[258] who had been left in charge of the two ships by our chief commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla,[259] during his absence on the other side, had begun a great quarrel. They told us that Diego de Abriego claimed to rule over them, while Johann Franciscus Manchossa, in his capacity as appointed commander and substitute of Martin Domingo Eijolla, would not consent to let him do this; and so the beggars-dance began between them, until at last Diego de Abriego[260] won the victory, and even took off the head of Johann Francisco Manchossa. From that moment he made much noise in the country, and proposed to march against us. First, he fortified himself in the town, and when we came along with our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, before the said town, he refused to let our commander in, or to surrender the town, or even still less to recognise him as his master.

[257] Diego de Abrego of Seville.

[258] Don Francisco de Mendoza.

[259] Domingo Martinez de Irala.

[260] This name is written Abreu and Abrego in different chronicles
and documents. I believe the right name is Diego de Abrego.

Our commander having heard this, we beleaguered the town Noster Signora Desumsion. But the soldiers who were in that town, seeing that we meant business, came day after day to us in the open field, and prayed our commander for mercy. Diego de Abriego, having noticed that he could not trust his people, and fearing that we might enter the town by night through treason, which would have certainly happened, took counsel with his best companions and friends, and asked who would go out of the town along with him. About fifty men went out with him; the others came to our commander, as soon as Diego de Abriego had left, and surrendered, and begged for mercy. The commander promised them mercy, and entered the town. But the said Diego de Abriego fled with the fifty Christians thirty miles away, so that we could do them no harm. In this way these two commanders made war one against the other for two full years; so much so, that one was never sure of the other, for Diego de Abriego never remained long in the same place, being here to-day, there to-morrow; and where he was able to do us harm, he did it, for he resembled very much a highway robber--in short, in order to have peace, our commander was compelled to come to terms with him, and arranged a marriage with his two daughters, whom he gave to two cousins of Diego de Abriego, the one of whom was named Albernunzo Richkell, and the other Franciscus Fergere,[261] and when this marriage was arranged we had peace at last.

[261] The names of these two Spaniards, according to Ruy Diaz de
Guzman, author of _La Argentina_ (1612), and grandson of Irala, were
Alonso Riquelme de Guzman (father of Ruy Diaz), and Francisco Ortiz de
Vergara. There were four marriages, and not two, as Schmidt says. The
other two Spaniards were Gonzalo de Mendoza and Pedro Segura. Irala's
daughters were by Indian women, his captives.

At the same time I received a letter from Sievilla in Spain, from the agent of Fugger, named Christoff Keyser, to say that Sebastian Neidhart had written to him by order of my late brother, Thomas Schmidt, asking if there was no possibility of my returning to Spain. That was what the said Christoff Keyser had constantly solicited, and caused this letter to be sent to me, in the year 1552, on the second day of July, or St. Jacob's day.[262]

[262] St. James's Day is on the 25th of July. I refer the reader to my
_Introduction_ for some explanations about the Fuggers, Neidhart, etc.

Having read this letter, I immediately requested our commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, to grant me leave of absence. At first he refused to concede it to me; but at length he was obliged to take into consideration my long services, how I had faithfully served on land H. I. Majesty, having oftentimes offered my life for him (Martin Domingo Eijolla), and had never abandoned him. He considered all this, and gave me leave, at the same time giving me letters for H. I. Majesty, informing H. I. Majesty how matters stood in Riodellaplata, and all that had happened there during that time. These letters were delivered by me at Sievilla to H. I. Majesty's councillors, to whom I reported also verbally about the country.

And having now made all my preparations for the journey, I took leave of my commander, Martin Domingo Eijolla, and all my good companions and friends, and took with me twenty of the Carios Indians, who had to carry all that I had need of for this long journey (and anyone may judge for himself how many things one must necessarily have for such a journey).

Eight days before my departure a man came from Presilia[263] and brought the news that a ship had arrived there from Lisbon, in Portugal, belonging to the honourable and wise gentleman, Johann von Hulst, a merchant at Lisbon, and an agent of Erasmus Schetzen of Anttorff.[264]

[263] Brazil.

[264] Antwerp.

Having heard all that he had to say, I set out on my journey, in the name of God Almighty, in the year 1552, on the twenty-sixth of December, St. Stephen's Day. And I left Riodellaplata[265] from the town Noster Signora desumsion with twenty Indians in two canoes. We firstly came, after twenty-six miles distance, to a place called Jubericha Sabaija[266]; in that place four other companions joined themselves to me--two Spaniards and two Portuguese, but they were without grant of leave from the commander.

[265] Rio de la Plata was the official name of this country, _i.e._,
_Gobernacion del Rio de la Plata_. In the year 1618 it was divided
into three provinces--Paraguai, Guaira, and Buenos Ayres.

[266] Juberich Sabaije has been identified with Yeruquihaba; cf.
_supra_, p. 58.