Chapter XXXIX: Act I: Scene I.--An Indian Trading House (4)

School children, with their master, murdered and scalped by the
Indians, 338, 339.

Schoolcraft, Henry R., quoted, 17, 22, 24, 164, 166.

Scotch-Irish in Pennsylvania, 335;
their peculiarities, _ib._

Seneca Indians join in the plot against the English, 137, 142;
a party of them take and destroy Venango, 290, 296;
destroy a convoy at the Devil's Hole, 331;
make peace with the English, 397.
See _Iroquois_.

_Shawanoes_, scattered widely after their defeat by the Iroquois,
37;
driven again from their homes, 74;
carry on hostilities against the English, 111;
their number estimated, 115;
their villages, 117;
Colonel Bouquet compels them to sue for peace, 436.

Shippen, Edward, a magistrate of Lancaster, gives to Governor Bain an
account of the massacre in Lancaster jail, 364 _note_.
See _Appendix_ E.

Shippensburg, Pa., crowded with fugitives from the frontiers, 316
_note_.

Small-pox, proposal to infect the Indians with it, 304, 305;
this disease found to exist among them, 304 _note_.

Smith, James, commands a body of border riflemen, 345;
adopts the Indian costume and tactics, _ib._;
a further account of him, 345 _note_;
heads a predatory expedition of Paxton men, 476;
his narration of the affair, 478 _note_.

Smith, Matthew, a leader among the Paxton men, 360;
conducts a party of men against the Indians at Conestoga, 361;
the massacre, 361;
Smith's narration of the affair, 361 _note_;
he threatens to fire on his minister's horse if not allowed to
pass, 363;
leads in the massacre of Indians in Lancaster jail, _ib._;
conducts an armed rabble to Philadelphia, with a purpose to kill
the Moravian Indians, 372;
proceeds to Germantown, and there halts, 379;
treaty with the rioters, 381.
See _Appendix_ E., pp. 543-547.

Smith, William, of New York, his account of Pontiac, 192 _note_.

Smollett's history of England, quoted in reference to the "Royal
Americans," 297 _note_.

Solomons, an English fur-trader, 244.

Spangenburg, a Moravian bishop, attends the great Iroquois council at
Onondaga, 21 _note_;
his account of it, _ib._

St. Ange de Bellerive, commander of the French fort Chartres, 464;
keeps the Indians quiet, _ib._;
has a visit from Pontiac, 468;
to whom he refuses aid, 468, 482.

St. Aubin, a Canadian, 165;
his account of the siege of Detroit, _Appendix_ C.

St. Ignace, mission of, 240.

St. Joseph River, a French fort there, 54, 57;
taken possession of by the English, 130;
the fort captured by Indians, 204.

St. Louis founded by Laclede, 463;
surprising changes there in the memory of the living, 463.

St. Pierre, Legardeur de, French commandant on the waters of the
Ohio, 81.

Stedman, conductor of a convoy, escapes from the Indians, 330.

Stewart, Lazarus, a leader of the Paxton men, 362;
apprehended on a charge of murder, 366;
escapes to Wyoming, _ib._;
issues a "declaration," _ib._;
the document quoted, 357 _note_;
favorable character of him given by Rev. John Elder, 365 _note_.

Superstitious regard of Indians for insane persons illustrated by a
curious story, 283;
superstitious regard for rattlesnakes, 395 _note_, 456 _note_.

Susquehanna River, its banks a scene of Indian warfare, 345 _et seq._

T.

Thunder, god of, 41.

Ticonderoga, its position, 97;
repulse of the English there, 98, 99;
taken by General Amherst, 100.

_Totems_, emblems of clans, 17, 18, 21;
their influence, 21.

Tracy, a fur-trader, at Mackinaw, 251.

Traders among the Indians, their bad character, 63;
many of them killed, 281, 282;
treacherous conduct of the Indians towards them, 283.

Treacherous conduct of Indians, 146, 250, 281, 283, 288.

Treatment of captives taken in war, 28, 61, 180 _note_.

Treatment of Indians by the French, 64-67;
by the English, 64, 131, 132 _note_, 141;
by William Penn, 69;
by his sons, 70, 71;
by the Quakers, 69, 70;
by the New England people, 70.

Treaty of 1763, its probable effect on the Indians had it been made
sooner, 147, 148.

Trent, Captain, occupies the site of Pittsburg, 81;
obliged to leave it, 82.

Tribute exacted by the Iroquois, what, 19 _note_.

_Tuscaroras_, a later member of the _Iroquois_ confederacy, 20;
removal from North Carolina, 33.

U.

Union of the colonies proposed, 83.

Union of the Mississippi and Missouri Rivers, 452.

V.

Venango, on the Alleghany River, 278;
destroyed by the Indians and the garrison slaughtered, 290;
the remains visible many years after, 291 _note_.

Vincennes, a French settlement, 120, 278.

Virginia troops, their good conduct at the time of Braddock's defeat,
91;
Virginia wasted by Indian war, 111;
character of the settlers of Western Virginia, 333;
extent of settlement, 334;
ravages of the Indians, 337, 338;
energetic measures taken to protect the settlers, 344.

W.

"Walking Purchase," the, a fraudulent transaction, 71;
its consequences, 72.

Walpole, Horace, his low opinion of General Braddock, 86.

Wampum, of what made, 141 _note_;
its uses, 142 _note_;
what the spurning of it denotes, 113 _note_;
used in making a treaty, 401 _note_;
black wampum and its use, 473.

_Wapocomoguth_, an Ojibwa chief, visits Detroit with proposals of
peace, 351.

War, Indian appetite for it, 146;
their mode of preparation for it, 27;
wars of the Iroquois with other Indians, 31-33;
with the French, 61, 62;
war of 1755, 84-110;
of the Indians of Ohio against the English, 111;
war-parties of Indians, how formed, 145;
Indian wars, how conducted, 146, 147;
preparation for war, how made, 148-150;
the war-feast, 149;
prognostics of the war, 159;
the war dance, 176;
the war instigated by Pontiac begins, 177;
end of the war, its distresses, 496.

War of 1755, its beginning, 84;
its peculiar character, 85;
plan formed for 1755 by the English ministry, 86;
plan for 1759, 99.

Washington, George, sent to remonstrate against French encroachment,
80;
his interview with the French commandant on the waters of the Ohio,
81;
surprises and captures a party of French on the Monongahela, 82;
sustains the attack of a superior force of French and Indians,
_ib._;
his calm behavior at the time of Braddock's defeat, 89.

_Wawatam_, an Ojibwa chief, his singular friendship for Alexander
Henry, 246;
warns Henry of danger, 247;
the warning disregarded, _ib._;
procures the release of Henry from those who had him in their
power, 260, 261;
again preserves the life of Henry, 264.

Webb, General, his dastardly conduct, 113.

Wilderness of the West described, 114;
its vastness, its small and scattered Indian population, 115;
estimate of the number, _ib._;
hunters and trappers, their character and habits, 122, 123.

Wilkins, Major, commands at Niagara, 331;
conducts an expedition against the Indians, 332;
meets with disaster, _ib._;
the failure of the expedition announced at Detroit, 353.

William Henry, Fort, its position, 97;
taken by Montcalm, 97;
massacre there, 66, 97.

Williams, Colonel Ephraim, slain at the battle of Lake George, 94.

Williamson, an English trader, procures the assassination of Pontiac,
499, 500.

_Winnebagoes_, their location, 265.

Winston, Richard, trader at St. Joseph's, his curious letter, 205
_note_.

Wisconsin, first white settlers in it, 252 _note_.

Wolfe, General James, arrives before Quebec, 100;
his character, 101;
difficulties of his situation, 101, 102;
repeats Gray's "Elegy," 104;
occupies the Plains of Abraham, 106;
the battle, 107, 108;
death of Wolfe in the arms of victory, 109.

Wyandots, or Hurons, where situated, 30;
their early prosperity, 31;
fiercely attacked and slaughtered by the Iroquois, 31;
a fugitive remnant left, 31, 38;
their energy of character, 33, 117;
their steadiness in fight, 33, 34;
their village near Detroit, 129, 163;
they join in the conspiracy of Pontiac, 142;
some of them do this under coercion, 183;
a body of them surprise Cuyler's detachment, 200;
a party of them capture Fort Sandusky, 202.

Wyoming Valley, settled from Connecticut, 347, 366;
massacre of the settlers, 347.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 1: Many Indian tribes bear names which in their dialect signify _men_, indicating that the character belongs, _par excellence_, to them. Sometimes the word was used by itself, and sometimes an adjective was joined with it, as _original men, men surpassing all others_.]

[Footnote 2: The dread of female infidelity has been assigned, and with probable truth, as the origin of this custom. The sons of a chief's sister must necessarily be his kindred; though his own reputed son may be, in fact, the offspring of another.]

[Footnote 3: Schoolcraft, _Oneota_, 172.

The extraordinary figures intended to represent tortoises, deer, snakes, and other animals, which are often seen appended to Indian treaties, are the totems of the chiefs, who employ these devices of their respective clans as their sign manual. The device of his clan is also sometimes tattooed on the body of the warrior.

The word _tribe_ might, perhaps, have been employed with as much propriety as that of _clan_, to indicate the totemic division; but as the former is constantly employed to represent the local or political divisions of the Indian race, hopeless confusion would arise from using it in a double capacity.]

[Footnote 4: For an ample view of these divisions, see the _Synopsis_ of Mr. Gallatin, _Trans. Am. Ant. Soc._ II.]

[Footnote 5: It appears from several passages in the writings of Adair, Hawkins, and others, that the totem prevailed among the southern tribes. In a conversation with the late Albert Gallatin, he informed me that he was told by the chiefs of a Choctaw deputation, at Washington, that in their tribe were eight totemic clans, divided into two classes, of four each. It is very remarkable that the same number of clans, and the same division into classes, were to be found among the Five Nations or Iroquois.]

[Footnote 6: A great difficulty in the study of Indian history arises from a redundancy of names employed to designate the same tribe; yet this does not prevent the same name from being often used to designate two or more different tribes. The following are the chief of those which are applied to the Iroquois by different writers, French, English, and German:--

Iroquois, Five, and afterwards Six Nations; Confederates, Hodenosaunee, Aquanuscioni, Aggonnonshioni, Ongwe Honwe, Mengwe, Maquas, Mahaquase, Massawomecs, Palenachendchiesktajeet.

The name of Massawomecs has been applied to several tribes; and that of Mingoes is often restricted to a colony of the Iroquois which established itself near the Ohio.]

[Footnote 7: Francois, a well-known Indian belonging to the remnant of the Penobscots living at Old Town, in Maine, told me, in the summer of 1843, that a tradition was current, among his people, of their being attacked in ancient times by the Mohawks, or, as he called them, Mohogs, a tribe of the Iroquois, who destroyed one of their villages, killed the men and women, and roasted the small children on forked sticks, like apples, before the fire. When he began to tell his story, Francois was engaged in patching an old canoe, in preparation for a moose hunt; but soon growing warm with his recital, he gave over his work, and at the conclusion exclaimed with great wrath and earnestness, "Mohog all devil!"]

[Footnote 8: The tribute exacted from the Delawares consisted of wampum, or beads of shell, an article of inestimable value with the Indians. "Two old men commonly go about, every year or two, to receive this tribute; and I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor Indians were under, while these two old men remained in that part of the country where I was. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket and a dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his orders with as arbitrary an authority as a Roman dictator."--Colden, _Hist. Five Nations_, 4.]

[Footnote 9: The following are synonymous names, gathered from various writers:--

Mohawks, Anies, Agniers, Agnierrhonons, Sankhicans, Canungas, Mauguawogs, Ganeagaonoh.

Oneidas, Oneotas, Onoyats, Anoyints, Onneiouts, Oneyyotecaronoh, Onoiochrhonons.

Onondagas, Onnontagues, Onondagaonohs.

Cayugas, Caiyoquos, Goiogoens, Gweugwehonoh.

Senecas, Sinnikes, Chennessies, Genesees, Chenandoanes, Tsonnontouans, Jenontowanos, Nundawaronoh.]

[Footnote 10: "In the year 1745, August Gottlieb Spangenburg, a bishop of the United Brethren, spent several weeks in Onondaga, and frequently attended the great council. The council-house was built of bark. On each side six seats were placed, each containing six persons. No one was admitted besides the members of the council, except a few, who were particularly honored. If one rose to speak, all the rest sat in profound silence, smoking their pipes. The speaker uttered his words in a singing tone, always rising a few notes at the close of each sentence. Whatever was pleasing to the council was confirmed by all with the word Nee, or Yes. And, at the end of each speech, the whole company joined in applauding the speaker by calling Hoho. At noon, two men entered bearing a large kettle filled with meat, upon a pole across their shoulders, which was first presented to the guests. A large wooden ladle, as broad and deep as a common bowl, hung with a hook to the side of the kettle, with which every one might at once help himself to as much as he could eat. When the guests had eaten their fill, they begged the counsellors to do the same. The whole was conducted in a very decent and quiet manner. Indeed, now and then, one or the other would lie flat upon his back to rest himself, and sometimes they would stop, joke, and laugh heartily."--Loskiel, _Hist. Morav. Miss._ 138.]

[Footnote 11: The descent of the sachemship in the female line was a custom universally prevalent among the Five Nations, or Iroquois proper. Since, among Indian tribes generally, the right of furnishing a sachem was vested in some particular totemic clan, it results of course that the descent of the sachemship must follow the descent of the totem; that is, if the totemship descend in the female line, the sachemship must do the same. This custom of descent in the female line prevailed not only among the Iroquois proper, but also among the Wyandots, and probably among the Andastes and the Eries, extinct members of the great Iroquois family. Thus, among any of these tribes, when a Wolf warrior married a Hawk squaw, their children were Hawks, and not Wolves. With the Creeks of the south, according to the observations of Hawkins (_Georgia Hist. Coll. III. 69_), the rule was the same; but among the Algonquins, on the contrary, or at least among the northern branches of this family, the reverse took place, the totemships, and consequently the chieftainships, descending in the male line, after the analogy of civilized nations. For this information concerning the northern Algonquins, I am indebted to Mr. Schoolcraft, whose opportunities of observation among these tribes have surpassed those of any other student of Indian customs and character.]

[Footnote 12: An account of the political institutions of the Iroquois will be found in Mr. Morgan's series of letters, published in the _American Review_ for 1847. Valuable information may also be obtained from _Schoolcraft's Notes on the Iroquois_.

Mr. Morgan is of opinion that these institutions were the result of "a protracted effort of legislation." An examination of the customs prevailing among other Indian tribes makes it probable that the elements of the Iroquois polity existed among them from an indefinite antiquity; and the legislation of which Mr. Morgan speaks could only involve the arrangement and adjustment of already existing materials.

Since the above chapter was written, Mr. Morgan has published an elaborate and very able work on the institutions of the Iroquois. It forms an invaluable addition to this department of knowledge.]

[Footnote 13: Recorded by Heckewelder, Colden, and Schoolcraft. That the Iroquois had long dwelt on the spot where they were first discovered by the whites, is rendered probable by several circumstances. See Mr. Squier's work on the _Aboriginal Monuments of New York_.]

[Footnote 14: This preposterous legend was first briefly related in the pamphlet of Cusick, the Tuscarora, and after him by Mr. Schoolcraft, in his _Notes_. The curious work of Cusick will again be referred to.]

[Footnote 15: For traditions of the Iroquois see Schoolcraft, _Notes_, Chap. IX. Cusick, _History of the Five Nations_, and Clark, _Hist. Onondaga_, I.

Cusick was an old Tuscarora Indian, who, being disabled by an accident from active occupations, essayed to become the historian of his people, and produced a small pamphlet, written in a language almost unintelligible, and filled with a medley of traditions in which a few grains of truth are inextricably mingled with a tangled mass of absurdities. He relates the monstrous legends of his people with an air of implicit faith, and traces the presiding sachems of the confederacy in regular descent from the first Atotarho downwards. His work, which was printed at the Tuscarora village, near Lewiston, in 1828, is illustrated by several rude engravings representing the Stone Giants, the Flying Heads, and other traditional monsters.]

[Footnote 16: Lafitau, _M[oe]urs des Sauvages Ameriquains_, II. 4-10.

Frontenac, in his expedition against the Onondagas, in 1696 (see Official Journal, _Doc. Hist. New York_, I. 332), found one of their villages built in an oblong form, with four bastions. The wall was formed of three rows of palisades, those of the outer row being forty or fifty feet high. The usual figure of the Iroquois villages was circular or oval, and in this instance the bastions were no doubt the suggestion of some European adviser.]

[Footnote 17: Bartram gives the following account of the great council-house at Onondaga, which he visited in 1743:--

"We alighted at the council-house, where the chiefs were already assembled to receive us, which they did with a grave, cheerful complaisance, according to their custom; they shew'd us where to lay our baggage, and repose ourselves during our stay with them; which was in the two end apartments of this large house. The Indians that came with us were placed over against us. This cabin is about eighty feet long and seventeen broad, the common passage six feet wide, and the apartments on each side five feet, raised a foot above the passage by a long sapling, hewed square, and fitted with joists that go from it to the back of the house; on these joists they lay large pieces of bark, and on extraordinary occasions spread mats made of rushes: this favor we had; on these floors they set or lye down, every one as he will; the apartments are divided from each other by boards or bark, six or seven foot long, from the lower floor to the upper, on which they put their lumber; when they have eaten their homony, as they set in each apartment before the fire, they can put the bowl over head, having not above five foot to reach; they set on the floor sometimes at each end, but mostly at one; they have a shed to put their wood into in the winter, or in the summer to set to converse or play, that has a door to the south; all the sides and roof of the cabin are made of bark, bound fast to poles set in the ground, and bent round on the top, or set aflatt, for the roof, as we set our rafters; over each fireplace they leave a hole to let out the smoke, which, in rainy weather, they cover with a piece of bark, and this they can easily reach with a pole to push it on one side or quite over the hole; after this model are most of their cabins built."--Bartram, _Observations_, 40.]

[Footnote 18: "Being at this place the 17 of June, there came fifty prisoners from the south westward. They were of two nations, some whereof have few guns, the other none at all. One nation is about ten days journey from any Christians, and trade onely with one greatt house, nott farr from the sea, and the other trade onely, as they say, with a black people. This day of them was burnt two women, and a man and a child killed with a stone. Att night we heard a great noise as if y^{e} houses had all fallen butt itt was only y^{e} inhabitants driving away y^{e} ghosts of y^{e} murthered.

'The 18^{th} going to Canagorah, that day there were most cruelly burnt four men, four women and one boy. The cruelty lasted aboutt seven hours. When they were almost dead letting them loose to the mercy of y^{e} boys, and taking the hearts of such as were dead to feast on'--Greenhalgh, _Journal_, 1677.]

[Footnote 19: For an account of the habits and customs of the Iroquois, the following works, besides those already cited, may be referred to:--

Charlevoix, _Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguieres_; Champlain, _Voyages de la Nouv. France_; Clark, _Hist. Onondaga_, I., and several volumes of the Jesuit _Relations_, especially those of 1656-1657 and 1659-1660.]

[Footnote 20: This is Colden's translation of the word Ongwehonwe, one of the names of the Iroquois.]

[Footnote 21: La Hontan estimated the Iroquois at from five thousand to seven thousand fighting men; but his means of information were very imperfect, and the same may be said of several other French writers, who have overrated the force of the confederacy. In 1677, the English sent one Greenhalgh to ascertain their numbers. He visited all their towns and villages, and reported their aggregate force at two thousand one hundred and fifty fighting men. The report of Colonel Coursey, agent from Virginia, at about the same period, closely corresponds with this statement. Greenhalgh's Journal will be found in Chalmers's _Political Annals_, and in the _Documentary History of New York_. Subsequent estimates, up to the period of the Revolution, when their strength had much declined, vary from twelve hundred to two thousand one hundred and twenty. Most of these estimates are given by Clinton, in his _Discourse on the Five Nations_, and several by Jefferson, in his _Notes on Virginia_.]

[Footnote 22: Hurons, Wyandots, Yendots, Ouendaets, Quatogies.

The Dionondadies are also designated by the following names: Tionontatez, Petuneux--Nation of Tobacco.]

[Footnote 23: See Sagard, _Hurons_, 115.]

[Footnote 24: Bancroft, in his chapter on the Indians east of the Mississippi, falls into a mistake when he says that no trade was carried on by any of the tribes. For an account of the traffic between the Hurons and Algonquins, see Mercier, _Relation des Hurons_, 1637, p. 171.]

[Footnote 25: See "Jesuits in North America."]

[Footnote 26: According to Lallemant, the population of the Neutral Nation amounted to at least twelve thousand; but the estimate is probably exaggerated.--_Relation des Hurons_, 1641, p. 50.]

[Footnote 27: The Iroquois traditions on this subject, as related to the writer by a chief of the Cayugas, do not agree with the narratives of the Jesuits. It is not certain that the Eries were of the Iroquois family. There is some reason to believe them Algonquins, and possibly identical with the Shawanoes.]

[Footnote 28: Charlevoix, _Nouvelle France_, I. 443.]

[Footnote 29: Gallatin places the final subjection of the Lenape at about the year 1750--a printer's error for 1650.--_Synopsis_, 48.]

[Footnote 30: _Nouvelle France_, I. 196.]

[Footnote 31: William Henry Harrison, _Discourse on the Aborigines of the Ohio_. See _Ohio Hist. Trans. Part Second_, I. 257.]

[Footnote 32: "Here y^{e} Indyans were very desirous to see us ride our horses, w^{ch} wee did: they made great feasts and dancing, and invited us y^{t} when all y^{e} maides were together, both wee and our Indyans might choose such as lyked us to ly with."--Greenhalgh, _Journal_.]

[Footnote 33: The Lenape, on their part, call the other Algonquin tribes Children, Grandchildren, Nephews, or Younger Brothers; but they confess the superiority of the Wyandots and the Five Nations, by yielding them the title of Uncles. They, in return, call the Lenape Nephews, or more frequently Cousins.]

[Footnote 34: Loskiel, Part I. 130.]

[Footnote 35: The story told by the Lenape themselves, and recorded with the utmost good faith by Loskiel and Heckewelder, that the Five Nations had not conquered them, but, by a cunning artifice, had cheated them into subjection, is wholly unworthy of credit. It is not to be believed that a people so acute and suspicious could be the dupes of so palpable a trick; and it is equally incredible that a high-spirited tribe could be induced, by the most persuasive rhetoric, to assume the name of Women, which in Indian eyes is the last confession of abject abasement.]

[Footnote 36: Heckewelder, _Hist. Ind. Nat._ 53.]

[Footnote 37: The evidence concerning the movements of the Shawanoes is well summed up by Gallatin, _Synopsis_, 65. See also Drake, _Life of Tecumseh_, 10.]

[Footnote 38: Father Rasles, 1723, says that there were eleven. Marest, in 1712, found only three.]

[Footnote 39: Morse, _Report, Appendix_, 141.]

[Footnote 40: See Tanner, Long, and Henry. A comparison of Tanner with the accounts of the Jesuit Le Jeune will show that Algonquin life in Lower Canada, two hundred years ago, was essentially the same with Algonquin life on the Upper Lakes within the last half century.]

[Footnote 41: For Algonquin legends, see Schoolcraft, in _Algic Researches_ and _Oneota_. Le Jeune early discovered these legends among the tribes of his mission. Two centuries ago, among the Algonquins of Lower Canada, a tale was related to him, which, in its principal incidents, is identical with the story of the "Boy who set a Snare for the Sun," recently found by Mr. Schoolcraft among the tribes of the Upper Lakes. Compare _Relation_, 1637, p. 172, and _Oneota_, p. 75. The coincidence affords a curious proof of the antiquity and wide diffusion of some of these tales.

The Dacotah, as well as the Algonquins, believe that the thunder is produced by a bird. A beautiful illustration of this idea will be found in Mrs. Eastman's _Legends of the Sioux_. An Indian propounded to Le Jeune a doctrine of his own. According to his theory, the thunder is produced by the eructations of a monstrous giant, who had unfortunately swallowed a quantity of snakes; and the latter falling to the earth, caused the appearance of lightning. "Voila une philosophie bien nouvelle!" exclaims the astonished Jesuit.]

[Footnote 42: Le Jeune, Schoolcraft, James, Jarvis, Charlevoix, Sagard, Brebeuf, Mercier, Vimont, Lallemant, Lafitau, De Smet, &c.]

[Footnote 43: Raynal. _Hist. Indies_, VII. 87 (Lond. 1783).

Charlevoix, _Voyages, Letter_ X.

The Swedish traveller Kalm gives an interesting account of manners in Canada, about the middle of the eighteenth century. For the feudal tenure as existing in Canada, see Bouchette, I. Chap. XIV (Lond. 1831), and Garneau, _Hist. Canada_, Book III. Chap. III.]

[Footnote 44: Charlevoix, _Nouv. France_, I. 197.]

[Footnote 45: Charlevoix, I. 198.]

[Footnote 46: A. D. 1635. _Relation des Hurons_, 1636, p. 2.]

[Footnote 47: "Vivre en la Nouvelle France c'est a vray dire vivre dans le sein de Dieu." Such are the extravagant words of Le Jeune, in his report of the year 1635.]

[Footnote 48: See Jesuit _Relations_ and _Lettres Edifiantes_; also, Charlevoix, _passim_; Garneau, _Hist. Canada_, Book IV. Chap. II.; and Bancroft, _Hist. U. S._ Chap. XX.]

[Footnote 49: Charlevoix, I. 292.]

[Footnote 50: _Ibid._ 238-276.]

[Footnote 51: For remarks on the futility of Jesuit missionary efforts, see Halkett, _Historical Notes_, Chap. IV.]

[Footnote 52: Picquet was a priest of St. Sulpice. For a sketch of his life, see _Lett. Edif._ XIV.]

[Footnote 53: For an account of Priber, see _Adair_, 240. I have seen mention of this man in contemporary provincial newspapers, where he is sometimes spoken of as a disguised Jesuit. He took up his residence among the Cherokees about the year 1736, and labored to gain them over to the French interest.]

[Footnote 54: Sparks, _Life of La Salle_, 21.]

[Footnote 55: Hennepin, _New Discovery_, 98 (Lond. 1698.)]

[Footnote 56: _Proces Verbal_, in appendix to Sparks's _La Salle_.]

[Footnote 57: Du Pratz, _Hist. Louisiana_, 5. Charlevoix, II. 259.]

[Footnote 58: Smith, _Hist. Canada_, I. 208.]

[Footnote 59: Champlain, _Voyages_, 136 (Paris, 1632) Charlevoix, I, 142.]

[Footnote 60: Vimont, Colden, Charlevoix, _passim_.]

[Footnote 61: Vimont seems to believe the story--_Rel. de la N. F._ 1640, 195.]

[Footnote 62: Charlevoix, I. 549.]

[Footnote 63: A. D. 1654-1658.--_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 47.]

[Footnote 64: Official Papers of the Expedition.--_Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 323.]

[Footnote 65: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 446.]

[Footnote 66: La Hontan, _Voyages_, I. 74. Colden, _Memorial on the Fur-Trade_.]

[Footnote 67: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 444.]

[Footnote 68: Smith, _Hist. Canada_, I. 214.]

[Footnote 69: _Precis des Faits_, 89.]

[Footnote 70: Smith, _Hist. N. Y. passim_.]

[Footnote 71: _Rev. Military Operations, Mass. Hist. Coll. 1st Series_, VII. 67.]

[Footnote 72: Colden, _Hist. Five Nat._ 161.]

[Footnote 73: _MS. Papers of Cadwallader Colden. MS. Papers of Sir William Johnson._

"We find the Indians, as far back as the very confused manuscript records in my possession, repeatedly upbraiding this province for their negligence, their avarice, and their want of assisting them at a time when it was certainly in their power to destroy the infant colony of Canada, although supported by many nations; and this is likewise confessed by the writings of the managers of these times."--_MS. Letter--Johnson to the Board of Trade, May 24, 1765._]

[Footnote 74: "I apprehend it will clearly appear to you, that the colonies had all along neglected to cultivate a proper understanding with the Indians, and from a mistaken notion have greatly despised them, without considering that it is in their power to lay waste and destroy the frontiers. This opinion arose from our confidence in our scattered numbers, and the parsimony of our people, who, from an error in politics, would not expend five pounds to save twenty."--_MS. Letter--Johnson to the Board of Trade, November 13, 1763._]

[Footnote 75: Adair, _Post's Journals_. Croghan's _Journal_, MSS. of Sir W. Johnson, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 76: La Hontan, I. 177. Potherie, _Hist. Am. Sept._ II. 298 (Paris, 1722).

These facts afford no ground for national reflections, when it is recollected that while Iroquois prisoners were tortured in the wilds of Canada, Elizabeth Gaunt was burned to death at Tyburn for yielding to the dictates of compassion, and giving shelter to a political offender.]

[Footnote 77: Le Jeune, _Rel. de la N. F._ 1636, 193.]

[Footnote 78: "I have exactly followed the Bishop of London's counsel, by buying, and not taking away, the natives' land."--_Penn's Letter to the Ministry, Aug. 14, 1683._ See Chalmer's _Polit. Ann._ 666.]

[Footnote 79: "If any of the salvages pretend right of inheritance to all or any part of the lands granted in our patent, we pray you endeavor to purchase their tytle, that we may avoid the least scruple of intrusion."--_Instructions to Endicot_, 1629. See Hazard, _State Papers_, I. 263.

"The inhabitants of New England had never, except in the territory of the Pequods, taken possession of a foot of land without first obtaining a title from the Indians."--Bancroft, _Hist. U. S._ II. 98.]

[Footnote 80: He paid twice for his lands; once to the Iroquois, who claimed them by right of conquest, and once to their occupants, the Delawares.]

[Footnote 81: 1755-1763. The feelings of the Quakers at this time may be gathered from the following sources: MS. _Account of the Rise and Progress of the Friendly Association for gaining and preserving Peace with the Indians by pacific Measures._ _Address of the Friendly Association to Governor Denny._ See Proud, _Hist. Pa., appendix_. Haz., _Pa. Reg._ VIII. 273, 293, 323. But a much livelier picture of the prevailing excitement will be found in a series of party pamphlets, published at Philadelphia in the year 1764.]

[Footnote 82: _Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest_, 33, 68, (Lond. 1759). This work is a pamphlet written by Charles Thompson, afterwards secretary of Congress, and designed to explain the causes of the rupture which took place at the outbreak of the French war. The text is supported by copious references to treaties and documents. I have seen a copy in the possession of Francis Fisher, Esq., of Philadelphia, containing marginal notes in the handwriting of James Hamilton, who was twice governor of the province under the proprietary instructions. In these notes, though he cavils at several unimportant points of the relation, he suffers the essential matter to pass unchallenged.]

[Footnote 83: _Witham Marshe's Journal._]

[Footnote 84: Onas was the name given by the Indians to William Penn and his successors.]

[Footnote 85: _Minutes of Indian council held at Philadelphia_, 1742.]

[Footnote 86: Chapman, _Hist. Wyoming_, 19.]

[Footnote 87: _Colonial Records_, III. 340.]

[Footnote 88: Letter of Governor Spotswood, of Virginia, Jan. 25, 1720. See _Colonial Records of Pa._ III. 75.]

[Footnote 89: _Minutes of Indian Council_, 1746.]

[Footnote 90: _Doc. Hist. N. Y._ I. 423.]

[Footnote 91: MS. Letter--_Colden to Lord Halifax_, no date.]

[Footnote 92: Allen, _Am. Biog. Dict._ and authorities there referred to. Campbell, _Annals of Tryon County, appendix_. Sabine, _Am. Loyalists_, 398. _Papers relating to Sir W. Johnson_. See _Doc. Hist. New York_, II. _MS. Papers of Sir W. Johnson_, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 93: Garneau, Book VIII. Chap. III.]

[Footnote 94: Holmes, _Annals_, II. 183. _Memoire contenant Le Precis des Faits, Pieces Justificatives_, Part I.]

[Footnote 95: Smollett, III. 370 (Edinburgh, 1805).]

[Footnote 96: Sparks's _Life and Writings of Washington_, II. 478. _Gist's Journal_.]

[Footnote 97: _Olden Time_, II. 9, 10. This excellent antiquarian publication contains documents relating to this period which are not to be found elsewhere.]

[Footnote 98: "He invited us to sup with them, and treated us with the greatest complaisance. The wine, as they dosed themselves pretty plentifully with it, soon banished the restraint which at first appeared in their conversation, and gave a license to their tongues to reveal their sentiments more freely. They told me that it was their absolute design to take possession of the Ohio, and by G--d they would do it; for that, although they were sensible the English could raise two men for their one, yet they knew their motions were too slow and dilatory to prevent any undertaking of theirs. They pretend to have an undoubted right to the river from a discovery made by one La Salle, sixty years ago; and the rise of this expedition is, to prevent our settling on the river or waters of it, as they heard of some families moving out in order thereto."--Washington, _Journal_.]

[Footnote 99: Sparks, _Life and Writings of Washington_, II. 6.]

[Footnote 100: Sparks, II. 447. The conduct of Washington in this affair is regarded by French writers as a stain on his memory.]

[Footnote 101: For the French account of these operations, see _Memoire contenant le Precis des Faits_. This volume, an official publication of the French court, contains numerous documents, among which are the papers of the unfortunate Braddock, left on the field of battle by his defeated army.]

[Footnote 102: _First Journal_ of C. F. Post.]

[Footnote 103: Letters of Robert Stobo, an English hostage at Fort du Quesne.

"Shamokin Daniel, who came with me, went over to the fort [du Quesne] by himself, and counselled with the governor, who presented him with a laced coat and hat, a blanket, shirts, ribbons, a new gun, powder, lead, &c. When he returned he was quite changed, and said, 'See here, you fools, what the French have given me. I was in Philadelphia, and never received a farthing,' and (directing himself to me) said, 'The English are fools, and so are you.'"--Post, _First Journal_.

Washington, while at Fort Le B[oe]uf, was much annoyed by the conduct of the French, who did their utmost to seduce his Indian escort by bribes and promises.]

[Footnote 104: Trumbull, _Hist. Conn._ II. 355. Holmes, _Annals_, II. 201.]

[Footnote 105: At this council an Iroquois sachem upbraided the English, with great boldness, for their neglect of the Indians, their invasion of their lands, and their dilatory conduct with regard to the French, who, as the speaker averred, had behaved like men and warriors.--_Minutes of Conferences at Albany, 1754._]

[Footnote 106: _Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanoe Indians from the British Interest_, 77.]

[Footnote 107: Garneau, II. 551. _Gent. Mag._ XXV. 330.]

[Footnote 108: Smollett, III. 436.

"The French inveighed against the capture of their ships, before any declaration of war, as flagrant acts of piracy; and some neutral powers of Europe seemed to consider them in the same point of view. It was certainly high time to check the insolence of the French by force of arms; and surely this might have been as effectually and expeditiously exerted under the usual sanction of a formal declaration, the omission of which exposed the administration to the censure of our neighbors, and fixed the imputation of fraud and freebooting on the beginning of the war."--Smollett, III. 481. See also Mahon, _Hist. England_, IV. 72.]

[Footnote 109: Instructions of General Braddock. See _Precis des Faits_, 160, 168.]

[Footnote 110: The following is Horace Walpole's testimony, and writers of better authority have expressed themselves, with less liveliness and piquancy, to the same effect:--

"Braddock is a very Iroquois in disposition. He had a sister, who, having gamed away all her little fortune at Bath, hanged herself with a truly English deliberation, leaving only a note upon the table with those lines, 'To die is landing on some silent shore,' &c. When Braddock was told of it, he only said, 'Poor Fanny! I always thought she would play till she would be forced _to tuck herself up_.'"

Here follows a curious anecdote of Braddock's meanness and profligacy, which I omit. The next is more to his credit. "He once had a duel with Colonel Gumley, Lady Bath's brother, who had been his great friend. As they were going to engage, Gumley, who had good humor and wit (Braddock had the latter), said, 'Braddock, you are a poor dog! Here, take my purse. If you kill me, you will be forced to run away, and then you will not have a shilling to support you.' Braddock refused the purse, insisted on the duel, was disarmed, and would not even ask his life. However, with all his brutality, he has lately been governor of Gibraltar, where he made himself adored, and where scarce any governor was endured before."--_Letters to Sir H. Mann_, CCLXV. CCLXVI.

Washington's opinion of Braddock may be gathered from his Writings, II. 77.]

[Footnote 111: MS. _Diary of the Expedition_, in the British Museum.]

[Footnote 112: Sparks's _Life and Writings of Washington_, II. 473. I am indebted to the kindness of President Sparks for copies of several French manuscripts, which throw much light on the incidents of the battle. These manuscripts are alluded to in the Life and Writings of Washington.]

[Footnote 113: _Smith's Narrative._ This interesting account has been several times published. It may be found in Drake's _Tragedies of the Wilderness_.]

[Footnote 114: "Went to Lorette, an Indian village about eight miles from Quebec. Saw the Indians at mass, and heard them sing psalms tolerably well--a dance. Got well acquainted with Athanase, who was commander of the Indians who defeated General Braddock, in 1755--a very sensible fellow."--_MS. Journal of an English Gentleman on a Tour through Canada, in 1765._]

[Footnote 115: "My feelings were heightened by the warm and glowing narration of that day's events, by Dr. Walker, who was an eye-witness. He pointed out the ford where the army crossed the Monongahela (below Turtle Creek, 800 yards). A finer sight could not have been beheld,--the shining barrels of the muskets, the excellent order of the men, the cleanliness of their appearance, the joy depicted on every face at being so near Fort du Quesne--the highest object of their wishes. The music re-echoed through the hills. How brilliant the morning--how melancholy the evening!"--_Letter of Judge Yeates, dated August, 1776._ See Haz., _Pa. Reg._, VI. 104.]

[Footnote 116: Letter--_Captain Orme, his aide-de-camp, to_ ----, July 18.]

[Footnote 117: Sparks, I. 67.]

[Footnote 118: "The Virginia troops showed a good deal of bravery, and were nearly all killed; for I believe, out of three companies that were there, scarcely thirty men are left alive. Captain Peyrouny, and all his officers, down to a corporal, were killed. Captain Polson had nearly as hard a fate, for only one of his was left. In short, the dastardly behavior of those they call regulars exposed all others, that were inclined to do their duty, to almost certain death; and at last, in despite of all the efforts of the officers to the contrary, they ran, as sheep pursued by dogs, and it was impossible to rally them."--_Writings of Washington_, II. 87.

The English themselves bore reluctant testimony to the good conduct of the Virginians.--See Entick, _Hist. Late War_, 147.]

[Footnote 119: Haliburton, _Hist. Nova Scotia_, I. Chap. IV.]

[Footnote 120: Holmes, II. 210. Trumbull, _Hist. Conn._ II. 368. Dwight, _Travels_, III. 361. Hoyt, _Indian Wars_, 279. Entick, _Hist. Late War_, I. 153. _Review of Military Operations in North America._ Johnson's _Letter to the Provincial Governors_. Blodgett's _Prospective View of the Battle near Lake George_.

Blodgett's pamphlet is accompanied by a curious engraving, giving a bird's eye view of the battle, including the surprise of Williams' detachment, and the subsequent attack on the camp of Johnson. In the first half of the engraving, the French army is represented lying in ambuscade in the form of a horseshoe. Hendrick is conspicuous among the English, from being mounted on horseback, while all the others are on foot. In the view of the battle at the lake, the English are represented lying flat on their faces, behind their breastwork, and busily firing at the French and Indians, who are seen skulking among the woods and thickets.

I am again indebted to President Sparks for the opportunity of examining several curious manuscripts relating to the battle of Lake George. Among them is Dieskau's official account of the affair, and a curious paper, also written by the defeated general, and containing the story of his disaster, as related by himself in an imaginary conversation with his old commander, Marshal Saxe, in the Elysian Fields. Several writers have stated that Dieskau died of his wounds. This, however, was not the case. He was carried prisoner to England, where he lived for several years, but returned to France after the peace of 1763.]

[Footnote 121: Holmes, II. 226.]

[Footnote 122: _Annual Register_, 1759, p. 33.]

[Footnote 123: Mante, _Hist. Late War_, 238.]

[Footnote 124: "I have this day signified to Mr. Pitt that he may dispose of my slight carcass as he pleases; and that I am ready for any undertaking within the reach and compass of my skill and cunning. I am in a very bad condition, both with the gravel and rheumatism; but I had much rather die than decline any kind of service that offers: if I followed my own taste, it would lead me into Germany; and if my poor talent was consulted, they should place me to the cavalry, because nature has given me good eyes, and a warmth of temper to follow the first impressions. However, it is not our part to choose, but to obey."--_Letter--Wolfe to William Rickson, Salisbury, December 1, 1758._]

[Footnote 125: Knox, _Journals_, I. 358.]

[Footnote 126: Entick, IV. III.

In his letter to the Ministry, dated Sept. 2, Wolfe writes in these desponding words:--

"By the nature of the river, the most formidable part of this armament is deprived of the power of acting; yet we have almost the whole force of Canada to oppose. In this situation there is such a choice of difficulties, that I own myself at a loss how to determine. The affairs of Great Britain I know require the most vigorous measures, but then the courage of a handful of brave troops should be exerted only when there is some hope of a favorable event. However, you may be assured, that the small part of the campaign which remains shall be employed (as far as I am able) for the honor of his Majesty, and the interest of the nation; in which I am sure of being well seconded by the admiral and by the generals: happy if our efforts here can contribute to the success of his Majesty's arms in any other part of America."]

[Footnote 127: "This anecdote was related by the late celebrated John Robison, Professor of Natural Philosophy in the University of Edinburgh, who, in his youth, was a midshipman in the British navy, and was in the same boat with Wolfe. His son, my kinsman, Sir John Robison, communicated it to me, and it has since been recorded in the Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh.

'The paths of glory lead but to the grave'

is one of the lines which Wolfe must have recited as he strikingly exemplified its application."--Grahame, _Hist. U. S._ IV. 50. See also _Playfair's Works_, IV. 126.]

[Footnote 128: Smollett, V. 56, _note_ (Edinburgh, 1805). Mante simply mentions that the English were challenged by the sentinels, and escaped discovery by replying in French.]

[Footnote 129: This incident is mentioned in a manuscript journal of the siege of Quebec, by John Johnson, clerk and quartermaster in the 58th regiment. The journal is written with great care, and abounds in curious details.]

[Footnote 130: Knox, _Journal_, II. 68, note.]

[Footnote 131: Despatch of Admiral Saunders, Sept. 20, 1759.]

[Footnote 132: Despatch of General Townshend, Sept. 20. Gardiner, _Memoirs of the Siege of Quebec_, 28. _Journal of the Siege of Quebec, by a Gentleman in an Eminent Station on the Spot_, 40. _Letter to a Right Honorable Patriot on the Glorious Success of Quebec._ _Annual Register for 1759_, 40.]

[Footnote 133: Knox, II. 78. Knox derived his information from the person who supported Wolfe in his dying moments.]

[Footnote 134: Knox, II. 77.]

[Footnote 135: _Annual Register for 1759_, 43.]

[Footnote 136: Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ 321. _Causes of the Alienation of the Delaware and Shawanese Indians from the British Interest._ _MS. Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 137: The following are extracts from his journals:--

"We set out from Kushkushkee for Sankonk; my company consisted of twenty-five horsemen and fifteen foot. We arrived at Sankonk in the afternoon. The people of the town were much disturbed at my coming, and received me in a very rough manner. They surrounded me with drawn knives in their hands, in such a manner that I could hardly get along; running up against me with their breasts open, as if they wanted some pretence to kill me. I saw by their countenances they sought my death. Their faces were quite distorted with rage, and they went so far as to say, I should not live long; but some Indians, with whom I was formerly acquainted, coming up and saluting me in a friendly manner, their behavior to me was quickly changed." ... "Some of my party desired me not to stir from the fire, for that the French had offered a great reward for my scalp, and that there were several parties out on that purpose. Accordingly I stuck constantly as close to the fire as if I had been chained there....

"In the afternoon, all the captains gathered together in the middle town; they sent for us, and desired we should give them information of our message. Accordingly we did. We read the message with great satisfaction to them. It was a great pleasure both to them and us. The number of captains and counsellors were sixteen. In the evening, messengers arrived from Fort Duquesne, with a string of wampum from the commander; upon which they all came together in the house where we lodged. The messengers delivered their string, with these words from their father, the French king:--

"'My children, come to me, and hear what I have to say. The English are coming with an army to destroy both you and me. I therefore desire you immediately, my children, to hasten with all the young men; we will drive the English and destroy them. I, as a father, will tell you always what is best.' He laid the string before one of the captains. After a little conversation, the captain stood up, and said, 'I have just heard something of our brethren, the English, which pleaseth me much better. I will not go. Give it to the others; maybe they will go,' The messenger took up again the string, and said, 'He won't go; he has heard of the English.' Then all cried out, 'Yes, yes, we have heard from the English.' He then threw the string to the other fireplace, where the other captains were; but they kicked it from one to another, as if it was a snake. Captain Peter took a stick, and with it flung the string from one end of the room to the other, and said, 'Give it to the French captain, and let him go with his young men; he boasted much of his fighting; now let us see his fighting. We have often ventured our lives for him; and had hardly a loaf of bread when we came to him; and now he thinks we should jump to serve him.' Then we saw the French captain mortified to the uttermost; he looked as pale as death. The Indians discoursed and joked till midnight; and the French captain sent messengers at midnight to Fort Duquesne."

The kicking about of the wampum belt is the usual indication of contempt for the message of which the belt is the token. The uses of wampum will be described hereafter.]

[Footnote 138: _Minutes of Council at Easton, 1758._]

[Footnote 139: _Account of Conferences between Major-General Sir W. Johnson and the Chief Sachems and Warriors of the Six Nations_ (Lond. 1756).]

[Footnote 140: MS. _Johnson Papers._]

[Footnote 141: The estimates given by Croghan, Bouquet, and Hutchins, do not quite accord with that of Johnson. But the discrepancy is no greater than might have been expected from the difficulties of the case.]

[Footnote 142: Bartram, _Observations_, 41.]

[Footnote 143: I am indebted to the kindness of Rev. S. K. Lothrop for a copy of the journal of Mr. Kirkland on his missionary tour among the Iroquois in 1765. The journal contains much information respecting their manners and condition at this period.]

[Footnote 144: MS. _Journal of Lieutenant Gorell_, 1763. Anonymous MS. _Journal of a Tour to Niagara in 1765_. The following is an extract from the latter:--

"July 2d. Dined with Sir Wm. at Johnson Hall. The office of Superintendent very troublesome. Sir Wm. continually plagued with Indians about him--generally from 300 to 900 in number--spoil his garden, and keep his house always dirty....

"10th. Punted and rowed up the Mohawk River against the stream, which, on account of the rapidity of the current, is very hard work for the poor soldiers. Encamped on the banks of the river, about 9 miles from Harkimer's.

"The inconveniences attending a married Subaltern strongly appear in this tour. What with the sickness of their wives, the squealing of their children, and the smallness of their pay, I think the gentlemen discover no common share of philosophy in keeping themselves from running mad. Officers and soldiers, with their wives and children, legitimate and illegitimate, make altogether a pretty compound oglio, which does not tend towards showing military matrimony off to any great advantage....

"Monday, 14th. Went on horseback by the side of Wood Creek, 20 miles, to the Royal Blockhouse, a kind of wooden castle, proof against any Indian attacks. It is now abandoned by the troops, and a sutler lives there, who keeps rum, milk, rackoons, etc., which, though none of the most elegant, is comfortable to strangers passing that way. The Blockhouse is situated on the east end of the Oneida Lake, and is surrounded by the Oneida Indians, one of the Six Nations."]

[Footnote 145: Mitchell, _Contest in America_. Pouchot, _Guerre de l'Amerique_. _Expedition against the Ohio Indians, appendix._ Hutchins, _Topographical Description of Virginia_, etc. Pownall, _Topographical Description of North America_. Evans, _Analysis of a Map of the Middle British Colonies_. Beatty, _Journal of a Tour in America_. Smith, _Narrative_. M'Cullough, _Narrative_. Jemmison, _Narrative_. Post, _Journals_. Washington, _Journals_, 1753-1770. Gist, _Journal_, 1750. Croghan, _Journal_, 1765, etc., etc.]

[Footnote 146: A striking example of Indian acuteness once came under my observation. Travelling in company with a Canadian named Raymond, and an Ogillallah Indian, we came at nightfall to a small stream called Chugwater, a branch of Laramie Creek. As we prepared to encamp, we observed the ashes of a fire, the footprints of men and horses, and other indications that a party had been upon the spot not many days before. Having secured our horses for the night, Raymond and I sat down and lighted our pipes, my companion, who had spent his whole life in the Indian country, hazarding various conjectures as to the numbers and character of our predecessors. Soon after, we were joined by the Indian, who, meantime, had been prowling about the place. Raymond asked what discovery he had made. He answered, that the party were friendly, and that they consisted of eight men, both whites and Indians, several of whom he named, affirming that he knew them well. To an inquiry how he gained his information, he would make no intelligible reply. On the next day, reaching Fort Laramie, a post of the American Fur Company, we found that he was correct in every particular,--a circumstance the more remarkable, as he had been with us for three weeks, and could have had no other means of knowledge than we ourselves.]

[Footnote 147: MS. _Gage Papers_.]

[Footnote 148: Sabine, _American Loyalists_, 576. Sparks, _Writings of Washington_, III. 208, 244, 439; IV, 128, 520, 524.

Although Rogers, especially where his pecuniary interest was concerned, was far from scrupulous, I have no hesitation in following his account of the expedition up the lakes. The incidents of each day are minuted down in a dry, unambitious style, bearing the clear impress of truth. Extracts from the orderly books and other official papers are given, while portions of the narrative, verified by contemporary documents, may stand as earnests for the truth of the whole.