Chapter XLI: Act I: Scene I.--An Indian Trading House (6)

[Footnote 263: This name is commonly written _Pawnee_. The tribe who bore it lived west of the Mississippi. They were at war with many surrounding nations, and, among the rest, with the Sacs and Foxes, who often brought their prisoners to the French settlements for sale. It thus happened that Pawnee slaves were to be found in the principal families of Detroit and Michillimackinac.]

[Footnote 264: MS. Letter--_Etherington to Gladwyn, June 28_.]

[Footnote 265: Henry, _Travels_, 102. The authenticity of this very interesting book has never been questioned. Henry was living at Montreal as late as the year 1809. In 1797 he, with others, claimed, in virtue of Indian grants, a large tract of land west of the River Cuyahoga, in the present State of Ohio. A letter from him is extant, dated in April of that year, in which he offers this land to the Connecticut Land Company, at one-sixth of a dollar an acre.]

[Footnote 266: Tradition, preserved by Henry Conner. See also Schoolcraft, _Algic Researches_, II. 159.

"Their tradition concerning the name of this little island is curious. They say that Michapous, the chief of spirits, sojourned long in that vicinity. They believed that a mountain on the border of the lake was the place of his abode, and they called it by his name. It was here, say they, that he first instructed man to fabricate nets for taking fish, and where he has collected the greatest quantity of these finny inhabitants of the waters. On the island he left spirits, named Imakinakos; and from these aerial possessors it has received the appellation of Michillimakinac.

"When the savages, in those quarters, make a feast of fish, they invoke the spirits of the island, thank them for their bounty, and entreat them to continue their protection to their families. They demand of them to preserve their nets and canoes from the swelling and destructive billows, when the lakes are agitated by storms. All who assist in the ceremony lengthen their voices together, which is an act of gratitude. In the observance of this duty of their religion, they were formerly very punctual and scrupulous; but the French rallied them so much upon the subject, that they became ashamed to practise it openly."--Heriot, _Travels in Canada_, 185.]

[Footnote 267: The following description of Minavavana, or the Grand Sauteur, who was the leader of the Ojibwas at the massacre of Michillimackinac, is drawn from Carver's _Travels_:--

"The first I accosted were Chipeways, inhabiting near the Ottowaw lakes; who received me with great cordiality, and shook me by the hand, in token of friendship. At some little distance behind these stood a chief remarkably tall and well made, but of so stern an aspect that the most undaunted person could not behold him without feeling some degree of terror. He seemed to have passed the meridian of life, and by the mode in which he was painted and tatowed, I discovered that he was of high rank. However, I approached him in a courteous manner, and expected to have met with the same reception I had done from the others; but, to my great surprise, he withheld his hand, and looking fiercely at me, said, in the Chipeway tongue, '_Cawin nishishin saganosh_,' that is, 'The English are no good.' As he had his tomahawk in his hand, I expected that this laconick sentence would have been followed by a blow; to prevent which I drew a pistol from my belt, and, holding it in a careless position, passed close by him, to let him see I was not afraid of him.... Since I came to England, I have been informed, that the Grand Sautor, having rendered himself more and more disgustful to the English by his inveterate enmity towards them, was at length stabbed in his tent, as he encamped near Michillimackinac, by a trader."--Carver, 96.]

[Footnote 268: Carver, _Travels_, 47.]

[Footnote 269: Gorell, _Journal_, MS. The original manuscript is preserved in the library of the Maryland Historical Society, to which it was presented by Robert Gilmor, Esq.]

[Footnote 270: Gorell, _Journal_, MS.]

[Footnote 271: There was a cluster of log houses even around Fort Ligonier, and a trader named Byerly had a station at Bushy Run.]

[Footnote 272: The authorities for the foregoing topographical sketch are drawn from the Pennsylvania _Historical Collections_, and the _Olden Time_, an excellent antiquarian work, published at Pittsburg; together with various maps, plans, and contemporary papers.]

[Footnote 273: Gordon, _Hist. Pa._ 622. MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, 29 May, 1763.]

[Footnote 274: MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, June 5.

Extract from a letter--_Fort Pitt, May 31_ (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1798).

"We have most melancholy Accounts here--The Indians have broke out in several Places, and murdered Colonel Clapham and his Family; also two of our Soldiers at the Saw-mill, near the Fort, and two Scalps are taken from each man. An Indian has brought a War-Belt to Tuscarora, and says Detroit is invested; and that St. Dusky is cut off, and Ensign Pawley made Prisoner--Levy's Goods are stopt at Tuscarora by the Indians--Last Night Eleven men were attacked at Beaver Creek, eight or nine of whom, it is said, were killed--And Twenty-five of Macrae's and Alison's Horses, loaded with Skins, are all taken."

Extract from a MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_.

"Fort Pitt, 29th May, 1763.

"Just as I had finished my Letter, Three men came in from Clapham's, with the Melancholy News, that Yesterday, at three O'clock in the Afternoon, the Indians Murdered Clapham, and Every Body in his House: These three men were out at work, & Escaped through the Woods. I Immediately Armed them, and sent them to Assist our People at Bushy Run. The Indians have told Byerly (at Bushy Run) to Leave his Place in Four Days, or he and his Family would all be murdered: I am Uneasy for the little Posts--As for this, I will answer for it."

The above is a contemporary translation. The original, which is before me, is in French, like all Ecuyer's letters to Bouquet.]

[Footnote 275: _Copy of intelligence brought to Fort Pitt by Mr. Calhoun_, MS.]

[Footnote 276: M'Cullough gives the following account of the murder of another of the traders, named Green:--

"About sunrise, _Mussoughwhese_ (an Indian, my adopted brother's nephew, known by the name of Ben Dickson, among the white people), came to our house; he had a pistol and a large scalping-knife, concealed under his blanket, belted round his body. He informed _Kettoohhalend_ (for that was my adopted brother's name), that he came to kill Tom Green; but _Kettoohhalend_ endeavoured to persuade him off it. They walked out together, and Green followed them, endeavouring, as I suppose, to discover the cause of the alarm the night before; in a short time they returned to the house, and immediately went out again. Green asked me to bring him his horse, as we heard the bell a short distance off; he then went after the Indians again, and I went for the horse. As I was returning, I observed them coming out of a house about two hundred yards from ours; _Kettoohhalend_ was foremost, Green in the middle; I took but slight notice of them, until I heard the report of a pistol; I cast my eyes towards them, and observed the smoke, and saw Green standing on the side of the path, with his hands across his breast; I thought it had been him that shot; he stood a few minutes, then fell on his face across the path. I instantly got off the horse, and held him by the bridle,--_Kettoohhalend_ sunk his pipe tomahawk into his skull; _Mussoughwhese_ stabbed him under the armpit with his scalping-knife; he had shot him between the shoulders with his pistol. The squaws gathered about him and stripped him naked, trailed him down the bank, and plunged him into the creek; there was a freshet in the creek at the time, which carried him off. _Mussoughwhese_ then came to me (where I was holding the horse, as I had not moved from the spot where I was when Green was shot), with the bloody knife in his hand; he told me that he was coming to kill me next; he reached out his hand and took hold of the bridle, telling me that that was his horse; I was glad to parley with him on the terms, and delivered the horse to him. All the Indians in the town immediately collected together, and started off to the Salt Licks, where the rest of the traders were, and murdered the whole of them, and divided their goods amongst them, and likewise their horses."]

[Footnote 277: _Gent. Mag._ XXXIII. 413. The loss is here stated at the greatly exaggerated amount of L500,000.]

[Footnote 278: Loskiel, 99.]

[Footnote 279: Heckewelder, _Hist. Ind. Nat._ 250.]

[Footnote 280: _Pennsylvania Gazette_, No. 1799. I shall frequently refer to the columns of this journal, which are filled with letters, and extracts from letters, written at different parts of the frontier, and containing very minute and authentic details of the events which daily occurred.]

[Footnote 281: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, June 16, 1763 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1801).

"We have Alarms from, and Skirmishes with, the Indians every Day; but they have done us little Harm as yet. Yesterday I was out with a Party of Men, when we were fired upon, and one of the Serjeants was killed; but we beat off the Indians, and brought the Man in with his Scalp on. Last Night the Bullock Guard was fired upon, when one Cow was killed. We are obliged to be on Duty Night and Day. The Indians have cut off above 100 of our Traders in the Woods, besides all our little Posts. We have Plenty of Provisions; and the Fort is in such a good Posture of Defence, that, with God's Assistance, we can defend it against 1000 Indians."]

[Footnote 282: MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, June 5. _Ibid._ June 26.]

[Footnote 283: MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, June 16 (Translation).]

[Footnote 284: MS. _Report of Alexander M'Kee, deputy agent for Indian affairs at Fort Pitt._]

[Footnote 285: MS. Letter--_Ecuyer to Bouquet_, June 26.]

[Footnote 286: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, June 26 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1802).

"This Morning, Ensign Price, of the Royal Americans, with Part of his Garrison, arrived here, being separated from the rest in the night.--The Enemy attacked his Post, and set it on Fire, and while they watched the Door of the House, he got out on the other side, and the Indians continued firing a long Time afterwards, imagining that the Garrison was in it, and that they were consumed with the House.--He touched at Venango, found the Fort burnt to the Ground, and saw one of our Expresses lying killed on the Road.

"Four o'clock in the Afternoon. Just now came in one of the Soldiers from Presque Isle, who says, Mr. Christie fought two Days; that the Enemy Fifty times set Fire to the Blockhouse, but that they as often put it out: That they then undermined the House, and was ready to blow it up, when they offered Mr. Christie Terms, who accepted them, viz., That he, and his Garrison, was to be conducted to this Place.--The Soldier also says, he suspected they intended to put them all to Death; and that on hearing a Woman scream out, he supposed they were murdering her; upon which he and another Soldier came immediately off, but knows nothing of the rest: That the Vessel from Niagara was in Sight, but believes she had no Provisions, as the Indian told them they had cut off Little Niagara, and destroyed 800 Barrels: And that he thinks, by what he saw, Venango had capitulated."

The soldier here spoken of was no doubt Gray, who was mentioned above, though his story is somewhat differently given in the letter of Captain Ecuyer, just cited.]

[Footnote 287: _Record of Court of Inquiry, Evidence of Corporal Fisher._ The statement is supported by all the rest of the men examined.]

[Footnote 288: On the 27th of June, Price wrote to Colonel Bouquet from Fort Pitt, announcing his escape; and again on the 28th, giving an account of the affair. Both letters are before me; but the most satisfactory evidence is furnished by the record of the court of inquiry held at Fort Pitt on the 12th of September, to ascertain the circumstances of the loss of Presqu' Isle and Le B[oe]uf. This embraces the testimony of most of the survivors; namely, Ensign George Price, Corporals Jacob Fisher and John Nash, and privates John Dogood, John Nigley, John Dortinger, and Uriah Trunk. All the men bear witness to the resolution of their officer. One of them declared that it was with the utmost difficulty that they could persuade him to leave the blockhouse with them.]

[Footnote 289: MS. _Johnson Papers._ Not many years since, some traces of Fort Venango were yet visible. The following description of them is from the _Historical Collections of Pennsylvania_:--

"Its ruins plainly indicate its destruction by fire. Burnt stone, melted glass and iron, leave no doubt of this. All through the groundworks are to be found great quantities of mouldering bones. Amongst the ruins, knives, gun-barrels, locks, and musket-balls have been frequently found, and still continue to be found. About the centre of the area are seen the ruins of the magazine, in which, with what truth I cannot vouch, is said to be a well. The same tradition also adds, 'And in that well there is a cannon,' but no examination has been made for it."]

[Footnote 290: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Bedford, June 30, 1763_ (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1802).

"This Morning a Party of the Enemy attacked fifteen Persons, who were mowing in Mr. Croghan's Field, within a Mile of the Garrison; and News is brought in of two Men being killed.--Eight o'clock. Two Men are brought in, alive, tomahawked and scalped more than Half the Head over--Our Parade just now presents a Scene of bloody and savage Cruelty; three Men, two of which are in the Bloom of Life, the other an old man, lying scalped (two of them still alive) thereon: Any thing feigned in the most fabulous Romance, cannot parallel the horrid Sight now before me; the Gashes the poor People bear are most terrifying.--Ten o'clock. They are just expired--One of them, after being tomahawked and scalped, ran a little way, and got on a Loft in Mr. Croghan's House, where he lay till found by a Party of the Garrison."]

[Footnote 291: This is a common Indian metaphor. To destroy an enemy is, in their phrase, to eat him.]

[Footnote 292: MS. _Report of Conference with the Indians at Fort Pitt_, July 26, 1763.]

[Footnote 293: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Colonel Bouquet to Sir J. Amherst_:--

"Fort Pitt, 11th Aug. 1763.

"Sir:

"We Arrived here Yesterday, without further Opposition than Scattered Shots along the Road.

"The Delawares, Shawnese, Wiandots, & Mingoes had closely Beset, and Attacked this Fort from the 27th July, to the First Instant, when they Quitted it to March against us.

"The Boldness of those Savages is hardly Credible; they had taken Post under the Banks of Both Rivers, Close to the Fort, where Digging Holes, they kept an Incessant Fire, and threw Fire Arrows: They are good Marksmen, and though our People were under Cover, they Killed one, & Wounded seven.--Captain Ecuyer is Wounded in the Leg by an Arrow.--I Would not Do Justice to that Officer, should I omit to Inform Your Excellency, that, without Engineer, or any other Artificers than a few Ship Wrights, he has Raised a Parapet of Logs round the Fort, above the Old One, which having not been Finished, was too Low, and Enfiladed; he has Fraised the Whole; Palisadoed the Inside of the Aria, Constructed a Fire Engine; and in short, has taken all Precautions, which Art and Judgment could suggest for the Preservation of this Post, open before on the three sides, which had suffered by the Floods."]

[Footnote 294: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1805-1809.]

[Footnote 295: "The next object of the immediate attention of Parliament in this session was the raising of a new regiment of foot in North America, for which purpose the sum of L81,178 16_s._ was voted. This regiment, which was to consist of four battalions of 1000 men each, was intended to be raised chiefly out of the Germans and Swiss, who, for many years past, had annually transported themselves in great numbers to British plantations in America, where waste lands had been assigned them upon the frontiers of the provinces; but, very injudiciously, no care had been taken to intermix them with the English inhabitants of the place, so that very few of them, even of those who have been born there, have yet learned to speak or understand the English tongue. However, as they were all zealous Protestants, and in general strong, hardy men, accustomed to the climate, it was judged that a regiment of good and faithful soldiers might be raised out of them, particularly proper to oppose the French; but to this end it was necessary to appoint some officers, especially subalterns, who understood military discipline and could speak the German language; and as a sufficient number of such could not be found among the English officers, it was necessary to bring over and grant commissions to several German and Swiss officers and engineers. But as this step, by the Act of Settlement, could not be taken without the authority of Parliament, an act was now passed for enabling his Majesty to grant commissions to a certain number of foreign Protestants, who had served abroad as officers or engineers, to act and rank as officers or engineers in America only."--Smollett, _England_, III. 475.

The Royal American Regiment is now the 60th Rifles. Its ranks, at the time of the Pontiac war, were filled by provincials of English as well as of German descent.]

[Footnote 296: There is a sketch of Bouquet's life prefixed to the French translation of the _Account of Bouquet's Expedition_. See also the reprint in the first volume of Clarke's "Ohio Valley Historical Series."]

[Footnote 297: An extract from this letter, which is dated May 30, is given on page 280.]

[Footnote 298: The italics and capitals are Sir Jeffrey's.]

[Footnote 299: On the 29th of July following, the fragments of five more regiments arrived from Havana, numbering in all 982 men and officers fit for duty.--_Official Returns._]

[Footnote 300: _i.e._, Cuyler's detachment.]

[Footnote 301: Amherst wrote again on the 16th of July: "My former orders for putting such of the Indians as are or have been in arms against us, and that fall in our power, to death, remain in full force; as the barbarities they have committed on the late commanding officer at Venango" (Gordon, whom they roasted alive during several nights) "and his unfortunate garrison fully prove that no punishment we can inflict is adequate to the crimes of those inhuman villains."]

[Footnote 302: The following is a characteristic example. He is writing to Johnson, 27 Aug. 1763: "I shall only say that it Behoves the Whole Race of Indians to Beware (for I Fear the best of them have in some Measure been privy to, and Concerned in the Late Mischief) of Carrying Matters much farther against the English, or Daring to form Conspiracys; as the Consequence will most Certainly occasion Measures to be taken, that, in the End, will put a most Effectual Stop to their Very Being."

The following is his view of the Indians, in a letter to Bouquet, 7 Aug. 1763:--

"I wish there was not an Indian Settlement within a thousand miles of our Country, for they are only fit to live with the Inhabitants of the woods: (i.e., _wild beasts_), being more allied to the _Brute_ than the _human_ Creation."]

[Footnote 303: This correspondence is among the manuscripts of the British Museum, _Bouquet and Haldimand Papers_, No. 21, 634. The first postscript by Amherst is on a single leaf of foolscap, written at the top of the page and addressed on the back,--

"On His Majesty's Service.
To Colonel BOUQUET,
etc."

-------------------------
"JEFF. AMHERST."
-------------------------

The postscript seems to belong to a letter written on the first leaf of the foolscap sheet, which is lost or destroyed. The other postscript by Amherst has neither indorsement nor address, but that of Bouquet is appended to a letter dated Carlisle, 13 July, 1763, and addressed to "His Excellency, Sir Jeffrey Amherst." It appears from a letter of Capt. Ecuyer that the small-pox had lately broken out at Fort Pitt, which would have favored the execution of the plan. We hear nothing more of it; but, in the following spring, Gershom Hicks, who had been among the Indians, reported at Fort Pitt that the small-pox had been raging for some time among them, and that sixty or eighty Mingoes and Delawares, besides some Shawanoes, had died of it.

The suggestion of using dogs against the Indians did not originate with Bouquet. Just before he wrote, he received a letter from one John Hughes, dated Lancaster, July 11, in which an elaborate plan is laid down for conquering the Indians with the help of canine allies.

The following is the substance of the proposal, which is set forth under eight distinct heads: 1st, Each soldier to have a dog, which he is to lead on the march by a strap three feet long. 2d, All the dogs to be held fast by the straps, except one or two on each flank and as many in advance, to discover the enemy in ambush. 3d, When you are fired upon, let loose all the dogs, which will rush at the concealed Indians, and force them in self-defence to expose themselves and fire at their assailants, with so little chance of hitting them, that, in the words of the letter, "if 1000 Indians fired on 300 dogs, there would be at least 200 dogs left, besides all the soldiers' fires, which must put the Indians to flight very soon." 4th, If you come to a swamp, thicket, or the like, "only turn loose 3 or 4 dogs extraordinary, and you are immediately convinced what you have to fear." 5th, "No Indian can well conceal himself in a swamp or thicket as a spy, for y^{r}. dogs will discover him, and may soon be learnt to destroy him too." 6th, "The leading the dogs makes them more fierce, and keeps them from being tired in running after wild beasts or fighting one another." 7th, Expatiates on the advantages of having the leading-straps short. 8th, "The greater the number of dogs, the more fierce they will be by a great deal, and the more terrible to the Indians; and if, when you get to Bedford, a few scouting parties were sent out with dogs, and one or two Indians killed and the dogs put at them to tear them to pieces, you would soon see the good effects of it; and I could almost venture my life that 500 men with 500 dogs would be much more dreadful to 2000 Indians than an army of some thousand of brave men in the regular way.

"J^{N} HUGHES.

"COLONEL BOUQUET."

Probably there is no man who ever had occasion to fight Indians in the woods who would object to a dog as an ally.]

[Footnote 304: This is the letter in which he accepts Amherst's proposal to infect the Indians. His just indignation at the atrocities which had caused so much misery is his best apology.]

[Footnote 305: The blockhouse at Presqu' Isle had been built under the direction of Bouquet. Being of wood, it was not fire-proof; and he urged upon Amherst that it should be rebuilt of brick with a slate roof, thus making it absolutely proof against Indians.]

[Footnote 306: Bouquet had the strongest reasons for wishing that Fort Ligonier should hold out. As the event showed, its capture would probably have entailed the defeat and destruction of his entire command.]

[Footnote 307: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1804.]

[Footnote 308: Robison, _Narrative_. Robison was one of the party, and his brother was mortally wounded at the first fire.]

[Footnote 309: Extract from a Letter--_Carlisle_, July 13 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1804)--

"Last Night Colonel Armstrong returned. He left the Party, who pursued further, and found several dead, whom they buried in the best manner they could, and are now all returned in.--From what appears, the Indians are travelling from one Place to another, along the Valley, burning the Farms, and destroying all the People they meet with.--This Day gives an Account of six more being killed in the Valley, so that since last Sunday Morning to this Day, Twelve o'clock, we have a pretty authentic Account of the Number slain, being Twenty-five, and four or five wounded.--The Colonel, Mr. Wilson, and Mr. Alricks, are now on the Parade, endeavouring to raise another Party, to go out and succour the Sheriff and his Party, consisting of Fifty Men, which marched Yesterday, and hope they will be able to send off immediately Twenty good Men.--The People here, I assure you, want nothing but a good Leader, and a little Encouragement, to make a very good Defence."]

[Footnote 310: Extract from a Letter--_Carlisle_, July 5 (_Haz. Pa. Reg._ IV. 390):--

"Nothing could exceed the terror which prevailed from house to house, from town to town. The road was near covered with women and children, flying to Lancaster and Philadelphia. The Rev. ----, Pastor of the Episcopal Church, went at the head of his congregation, to protect and encourage them on the way. A few retired to the Breast works for safety. The alarm once given could not be appeased. We have done all that men can do to prevent disorder. All our hopes are turned upon Bouquet."]

[Footnote 311: Extract from a Letter--_Carlisle_, July 12 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1804):--

"I embrace this first Leisure, since Yesterday Morning, to transmit you a brief Account of our present State of Affairs here, which indeed is very distressing; every Day, almost, affording some fresh Object to awaken the Compassion, alarm the Fears, or kindle into Resentment and Vengeance every sensible Breast, while flying Families, obliged to abandon House and Possession, to save their Lives by an hasty Escape; mourning Widows, bewailing their Husbands surprised and massacred by savage Rage; tender Parents, lamenting the Fruits of their own Bodies, cropt in the very Bloom of Life by a barbarous Hand; with Relations and Acquaintances, pouring out Sorrow for murdered Neighbours and Friends, present a varied Scene of mingled Distress.

"To-day a British Vengeance begins to rise in the Breasts of our Men.--One of them that fell from among the 12, as he was just expiring, said to one of his Fellows, Here, take my Gun, and kill the first Indian you see, and all shall be well."]

[Footnote 312: _Account of Bouquet's Expedition; Introduction_, vi.]

[Footnote 313: "I cannot send a Highlander out of my sight without running the risk of losing the man, which exposes me to surprise from the skulking villains I have to deal with."--MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 26 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 314: "Our Accounts from the westward are as follows, viz.:--

"On the 25th of July there were in Shippensburg 1384 of our poor distressed Back Inhabitants, viz. Men, 301; Women, 345; Children, 738; Many of whom were obliged to lie in Barns, Stables, Cellars, and under old leaky Sheds, the Dwelling-houses being all crowded."--_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1806.]

[Footnote 315: "The government of Pennsylvania having repeatedly refused to garrison Fort Lyttleton (a provincial fort), even with the kind of troops they have raised, I have stationed some inhabitants of the neighborhood in it, with some provisions and ammunition, to prevent the savages burning it."--MS. Letter--_Bouquet to Amherst_, 26 July, 1763.]

[Footnote 316: MS. Letter--_Ourry to Bouquet_, 20 June, 1763.]

[Footnote 317: Extract from a _Letter of Bouquet to Amherst, Bedford_, July 26th, 1763:

"The troops & Convoy arrived here yesterday.... Three men have been massacred near Shippensburg since we left, but we have not perceived yet any of the Villains.... Having observed in our march that the Highlanders lose themselves in the woods as soon as they go out of the road, and cannot on that account be employed as Flankers, I have commissioned a person here to procure me about thirty woodsmen to march with us.... This is very irregular, but the circumstances render it so absolutely necessary that I hope you will approve it."]

[Footnote 318: MS. Letters--_Bouquet to Amherst_, Aug. 5, 6. _Penn. Gaz._ 1809-1810. _Gent. Mag._ XXXIII. 487. _London Mag._ for 1763, 545. _Account of Bouquet's Expedition. Annual Register_ for 1763, 28. Mante, 493.

The accounts of this action, published in the journals of the day, excited much attention, from the wild and novel character of this species of warfare. A well-written description of the battle, together with a journal of Bouquet's expedition of the succeeding year, was published in a thin quarto, with illustrations from the pencil of West. The writer was Dr. William Smith, of Philadelphia, and not, as has usually been thought, the geographer Thomas Hutchins. See the reprint, _Clarke's Historical Series_, Vol. I. A French translation of the narrative was published at Amsterdam in 1769.

Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, August 12 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1810):--

"We formed a Circle round our Convoy and Wounded; upon which the Savages collected themselves, and continued whooping and popping at us all the Evening. Next Morning, having mustered all their Force, they began the War-whoop, attacking us in Front, when the Colonel feigned a Retreat, which encouraged the Indians to an eager Pursuit, while the Light Infantry and Grenadiers rushed out on their Right and Left Flanks, attacking them where they little expected it; by which Means a great Number of them were killed; and among the rest, Keelyuskung, a Delaware Chief, who the Night before, and that Morning, had been Blackguarding us in English: We lost one Man in the Rear, on our March the Day after.

"In other Letters from Fort Pitt, it is mentioned that, to a Man, they were resolved to defend the Garrison (if the Troops had not arrived), as long as any Ammunition, and Provision to support them, were left; and that then they would have fought their Way through, or died in the Attempt, rather than have been made Prisoners by such perfidious, cruel, and Blood-thirsty Hell-hounds."

See Appendix, D.]

[Footnote 319: Extract from a Letter--_Fort Pitt_, August 12 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1810):

"As you will probably have the Accounts of these Engagements from the Gentlemen that were in them, I shall say no more than this, that it is the general Opinion, the Troops behaved with the utmost Intrepidity, and the Indians were never known to behave so fiercely. You may be sure the Sight of the Troops was very agreeable to our poor Garrison, being penned up in the Fort from the 27th of May to the 9th Instant, and the Barrack Rooms crammed with Men, Women, and Children, tho' providentially no other Disorder ensued than the Small-pox.--From the 16th of June to the 28th of July, we were pestered with the Enemy; sometimes with their Flags, demanding Conferences; at other Times threatening, then soothing, and offering their Cordial Advice, for us to evacuate the Place; for that they, the Delawares, tho' our dear Friends and Brothers, could no longer protect us from the Fury of Legions of other Nations, that were coming from the Lakes, &c., to destroy us. But, finding that neither had any Effect on us, they mustered their whole force, in Number about 400, and began a most furious Fire from all Quarters on the Fort, which they continued for four Days, and great Part of the Nights, viz., from the 28th of July to the last.--Our Commander was wounded by an Arrow in the Leg, and no other Person, of any Note, hurt, tho' the Balls were whistling very thick about our Ears. Nine Rank and File wounded, and one Hulings having his Leg broke, was the whole of our Loss during this hot Firing; tho' we have Reason to think that we killed several of our loving Brethren, notwithstanding their Alertness in skulking behind the Banks of the Rivers, &c.--These Gentry, seeing they could not take the Fort, sheered off and we heard no more of them till the Account of the above Engagements came to hand, when we were convinced that our good Brothers did us this second Act of Friendship.--What they intend next, God knows, but am afraid they will disperse in small Parties, among the Inhabitants, if not well defended."]

[Footnote 320: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir J. Amherst to Colonel Bouquet_:--

"New York, 31st August, 1763.

"The Disposition you made for the Reception of the Indians, the Second Day, was indeed very wisely Concerted, and as happily Executed; I am pleased with Every part of your Conduct on the Occasion, which being so well seconded by the Officers and Soldiers under your Command, Enabled you not only to Protect your Large Convoy, but to rout a Body of Savages that would have been very formidable against any Troops but such as you had with you."]

[Footnote 321: MS. _Minutes of Conference with the Six Nations and others, at Johnson Hall_, Sept. 1763. _Letters of Sir William Johnson._]

[Footnote 322: MS. _Harrisburg Papers_.]

[Footnote 323: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir W. Johnson to Sir J. Amherst_:--

"Johnson Hall, July 8th, 1763.

"I Cannot Conclude without Representing to Your Excellency the great Panic and uneasiness into which the Inhabitants of these parts are cast, which I have endeavored to Remove by every Method in my power, to prevent their Abandoning their Settlements from their apprehensions of the Indians: As they in General Confide much in my Residence, they are hitherto Prevented from taking that hasty Measure, but should I be Obliged to retire (which I hope will not be the case), not only my Own Tenants, who are upwards of 120 Families, but all the Rest would Immediately follow the Example, which I am Determined against doing 'till the last Extremity, as I know it would prove of general bad Consequence."]

[Footnote 324: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1809.]

[Footnote 325: MS. Letter--_Amherst to Egremont_, October 13. Two anonymous letters from officers at Fort Niagara, September 16 and 17. _Life of Mary Jemison_, Appendix. MS. _Johnson Papers_.

One of the actors in the tragedy, a Seneca warrior, named Blacksnake, was living a few years since at a very advanced age. He described the scene with great animation to a friend of the writer; and, as he related how the English were forced over the precipice, his small eyes glittered like those of the serpent whose name he bore.

Extract from a Letter--_Niagara_, September 16 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1815):

"On the first hearing of the Firing by the Convoy, Capt. Johnston, and three Subalterns, marched with about 80 Men, mostly of Gage's Light Infantry, who were in a little Camp adjacent; they had scarce Time to form when the Indians appeared at the above Pass; our People fired briskly upon them, but was instantly surrounded, and the Captain who commanded mortally wounded the first Fire; the 3 Subalterns also were soon after killed, on which a general Confusion ensued. The Indians rushed in on all Sides and cut about 60 or 70 Men in Pieces, including the Convoy: Ten of our Men are all we can yet learn have made their Escape; they came here through the Woods Yesterday. From many Circumstances, it is believed the Senecas have a chief Hand in this Affair."

Extract from a Letter--_Niagara_, September 17 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1815):

"Wednesday the 14th Inst. a large Body of Indians, some say 300, others 4 or 500, came down upon the Carrying-Place, attacked the Waggon Escort, which consisted of a Serjeant and 24 Men. This small Body immediately became a Sacrifice, only two Waggoners escaped. Two Companies of Light Infantry (the General's and La Hunt's), that were encamped at the Lower Landing, hearing the Fire, instantly rushed out to their Relief, headed by Lieuts. George Campbell, and Frazier, Lieutenant Rosco, of the Artillery, and Lieutenant Deaton, of the Provincials; this Party had not marched above a Mile and Half when they were attacked, surrounded, and almost every Man cut to Pieces; the Officers were all killed, it is reported, on the Enemy's first Fire; the Savages rushed down upon them in three Columns."]

[Footnote 326: MS. _Diary of an officer in Wilkins's Expedition against the Indians at Detroit_.]

[Footnote 327: "I have often seen them get up early in the morning at this season, walk hastily out, and look anxiously to the woods, and snuff the autumnal winds with the highest rapture; then return into the house, and cast a quick and attentive look at the rifle, which was always suspended to a joist by a couple of buck's horns, or little forks. His hunting dog, understanding the intentions of his master, would wag his tail, and, by every blandishment in his power, express his readiness to accompany him to the woods."--Doddridge, _Notes on Western Va. and Pa._, 124.

For a view of the state of the frontier, see also Kercheval, _Hist. of the Valley of Virginia_; and Smyth, _Travels in America_.]

[Footnote 328: For an account of the population of Pennsylvania, see Rupp's two histories of York and Lancaster, and of Lebanon and Berks Counties. See also the _History of Cumberland County_, and the _Penn. Hist. Coll._]

[Footnote 329: "There are many Letters in Town, in which the Distresses of the Frontier Inhabitants are set forth in a most moving and striking Manner; but as these Letters are pretty much the same, and it would be endless to insert the whole, the following is the Substance of some of them, as near as we can recollect, viz.:--

"That the Indians had set Fire to Houses, Barns, Corn, Hay, and, in short, to every Thing that was combustible, so that the whole Country seemed to be in one general Blaze--That the Miseries and Distresses of the poor People were really shocking to Humanity, and beyond the Power of Language to describe--That Carlisle was become the Barrier, not a single Individual being beyond it--That every Stable and Hovel in the Town was crowded with miserable Refugees, who were reduced to a State of Beggary and Despair; their Houses, Cattle and Harvest destroyed; and from a plentiful, independent People, they were become real Objects of Charity and Commiseration--That it was most dismal to see the Streets filled with People, in whose Countenances might be discovered a Mixture of Grief, Madness and Despair; and to hear, now and then, the Sighs and Groans of Men, the disconsolate Lamentations of Women, and the Screams of Children, who had lost their nearest and dearest Relatives: And that on both Sides of the Susquehannah, for some Miles, the Woods were filled with poor Families, and their Cattle, who make Fires, and live like the Savages."--_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1805.

Extract from a MS. Letter, signature erased--_Staunton_, July 26:--

"Since the reduction of the Regiment, I have lived in the country, which enables me to enform yr Ho^{nr} of some particulars, I think it is a duty incumbent on me to do. I can assert that in eight years' service, I never knew such a general consternation as the late irruption of Indians has occasioned. Should they make a second attempt, I am assured the country will be laid desolate, which I attribute to the following reasons. The sudden, great, and unexpected slaughter of the people; their being destitute of arms and ammunition; the country Lieut. being at a distance and not exerting himself, his orders are neglected; the most of the militia officers being unfit persons, or unwilling, not to say afraid to meet an Enemy; too busy with their harvest to run a risk in the field. The Inhabitants left without protection, without a person to stead them, have nothing to do but fly, as the Indians are saving and caressing all the negroes they take; should it produce an insurrection, it may be attended with the most serious consequences."]

[Footnote 330: "_To Col. Francis Lee, or, in his Absence, to the next Commanding Officer in Loudoun County._" (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1805).

"I examined the Express that brought this Letter from Winchester to Loudoun County, and he informed me that he was employed as an Express from Fort Cumberland to Winchester, which Place he left the 4^{th} Instant, and that passing from the Fort to Winchester, he saw lying on the Road a Woman, who had been just scalped, and was then in the Agonies of Death, with her Brains hanging over her Skull; his Companions made a Proposal to knock her on the Head, to put an End to her Agony, but this Express apprehending the Indians were near at Hand, and not thinking it safe to lose any Time, rode off, and left the poor Woman in the Situation they found her."

The circumstances referred to in the text are mentioned in several pamphlets of the day, on the authority of James Smith, a prominent leader of the rangers.]

[Footnote 331: Her absence was soon perceived, on which one of the Indians remarked that he would bring the cow back to her calf, and, seizing the child, forced it to scream violently. This proving ineffectual, he dashed out its brains against a tree. This was related by one of the captives who was taken to the Indian villages and afterwards redeemed.]

[Footnote 332: Doddridge, _Notes_, 221. MS. _Narrative_, written by Colonel Stuart from the relation of Glendenning's wife.]

[Footnote 333: Gordon, _Hist. Penn._ Appendix. Bard, _Narrative_.

"Several small parties went on to different parts of the settlements: it happened that three of them, whom I was well acquainted with, came from the neighborhood of where I was taken from--they were young fellows, perhaps none of them more than twenty years of age,--they came to a school-house, where they murdered and scalped the master, and all the scholars, except one, who survived after he was scalped, a boy about ten years old, and a full cousin of mine. I saw the Indians when they returned home with the scalps; some of the old Indians were very much displeased at them for killing so many children, especially _Neeppaugh-whese_, or Night Walker, an old chief, or half king,--he ascribed it to cowardice, which was the greatest affront he could offer them."--M'Cullough, _Narrative_.

Extract from an anonymous Letter--_Philadelphia_, August 30, 1764:

"The Lad found alive in the School, and said to be since dead, is, I am informed, yet alive, and in a likely Way to recover."]

[Footnote 334: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Thomas Cresap to Governor Sharpe_:--

"Old Town, July 15th, 1763.

"May it please y^{r} Excellency:

"I take this opportunity in the height of confusion to acquaint you with our unhappy and most wretched situation at this time, being in hourly expectation of being massacred by our barbarous and inhuman enemy the Indians, we having been three days successively attacked by them, viz. the 13th, 14th, and this instant.... I have enclosed a list of the desolate men and women, and children who have fled to my house, which is enclosed by a small stockade for safety, by which you see what a number of poor souls, destitute of every necessary of life, are here penned up, and likely to be butchered without immediate relief and assistance, and can expect none, unless from the province to which they belong. I shall submit to your wiser judgment the best and most effectual method for such relief, and shall conclude with hoping we shall have it in time."

Extract from a Letter--_Frederick Town_, July 19, 1763 (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1807):--

"Every Day, for some Time past, has offered the melancholy Scene of poor distressed Families driving downwards, through this Town, with their Effects, who have deserted their Plantations, for Fear of falling into the cruel Hands of our Savage Enemies, now daily seen in the Woods. And never was Panic more general or forcible than that of the Back Inhabitants, whose Terrors, at this Time, exceed what followed on the Defeat of General Braddock, when the Frontiers lay open to the Incursions of both French and Indians."]

[Footnote 335: Extract from a Letter--_Winchester, Virginia_, June 22d (_Penn. Gaz._ No. 1801):--

"Last Night I reached this Place. I have been at Fort Cumberland several Days, but the Indians having killed nine People, and burnt several Houses near Fort Bedford, made me think it prudent to remove from those Parts, from which, I suppose, near 500 Families have run away within this week.--I assure you it was a most melancholy Sight, to see such Numbers of poor People, who had abandoned their Settlements in such Consternation and Hurry, that they had hardly any thing with them but their Children. And what is still worse, I dare say there is not Money enough amongst the whole Families to maintain a fifth Part of them till the Fall; and none of the poor Creatures can get a Hovel to shelter them from the Weather, but lie about scattered in the Woods."]

[Footnote 336: _Votes of Assembly_, V. 259.]

[Footnote 337: Extract from a MS. Letter--_John Elder to Governor Penn_:--

"Paxton, 4th August, 1763.

"Sir:

"The service your Hon^{r} was pleased to appoint me to, I have performed to the best of my power; tho' not with success equal to my desires. However, both companies will, I imagine, be complete in a few days: there are now upwards of 30 men in each, exclusive of officers, who are now and have been employed since their enlistment in such service as is thought most safe and encouraging to the Frontier inhabitants, who are here and everywhere else in the back countries quite sunk and dispirited, so that it's to be feared that on any attack of the enemy, a considerable part of the country will be evacuated, as all seem inclinable to seek safety rather in flight than in opposing the Savage Foe."]

[Footnote 338: Sparks, _Writings of Washington_, II. 340.]

[Footnote 339: _Petition of the Inhabitants of the Great Cove._ Smith, _Narrative_. This is a highly interesting account of the writer's captivity among the Indians, and his adventures during several succeeding years. In the war of the Revolution, he acted the part of a zealous patriot. He lived until the year 1812, about which time, the western Indians having broken out into hostility, he gave his country the benefit of his ample experience, by publishing a treatise on the Indian mode of warfare. In Kentucky, where he spent the latter part of his life, he was much respected, and several times elected to the legislature. This narrative may be found in Drake's _Tragedies of the Wilderness_, and in several other similar collections.]

[Footnote 340: _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1811.]

[Footnote 341: _Penn. Gaz._ Nos. 1816-1818. MS. Letter--_Graydon to Bird_, October 12.]

[Footnote 342: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Paxton_, October 23:--

"The woman was roasted, and had two hinges in her hands, supposed to be put in red hot, and several of the men had awls thrust into their eyes, and spears, arrows, pitchforks, etc., sticking in their bodies."]

[Footnote 343: MS. _Elder Papers_. Chapman, _Hist. Wyoming_, 70. Miner, _Hist. Wyoming_, 56.]

[Footnote 344: It has already been stated that the Quakers were confined to the eastern parts of the province. That their security was owing to their local situation, rather than to the kind feeling of the Indians towards them, is shown by the fact, that, of the very few of their number who lived in exposed positions, several were killed. One of them in particular, John Fincher, seeing his house about to be attacked, went out to meet the warriors, declared that he was a Quaker, and begged for mercy. The Indians laughed, and struck him dead with a tomahawk.]

[Footnote 345: MS. _Gage Papers_.

Extract from a MS. Letter--_William Smith, Jr._, to ----:

"New York, 22d Nov. 1763.

"Is not Mr. Amherst the happiest of men to get out of this Trouble so seasonably? At last he was obliged to submit, to give the despised Indians so great a mark of his Consideration, as to confess he could not defend us, and to make a requisition of 1400 Provincials by the Spring--600 more he demands from New Jersey. Our People refused all but a few for immediate Defence, conceiving that all the Northern Colonies ought to contribute equally, and upon an apprehension that he has called for too insufficient an aid....

"Is not Gage to be pitied? The war will be a tedious one, nor can it be glorious, even tho' attended with Success. Instead of decisive Battles, woodland skirmishes--instead of Colours and Cannon, our Trophies will be stinking scalps.--Heaven preserve you, my Friend, from a War conducted by a spirit of Murder rather than of brave and generous offence."]

[Footnote 346: MS. Letter--_Gage to Johnson_, Dec. 25, 1763. _Penn. Gaz._ No. 1827.]

[Footnote 347: MS. _Lettre de M. Neyon de la Valliere, a tous les nations de la Belle Riviere et du Lac_, etc.]

[Footnote 348: The following is Pontiac's message to Gladwyn, written for him by a Canadian: "Mon Frere,--La Parole que mon Pere m'a envoyee, pour faire la paix, je l'ai acceptee, tous nos jeunes gens ont enterre leurs Casse-tetes. Je pense que tu oublieras les mauvaises choses qui sont passees il y a longtemps; de meme j'oublierai ce que tu peux m'avoir fait pour ne penser que de bonnes, moi, les Saulteurs (_Ojibwas_), les Hurons, nous devons t'aller parler quand tu nous demanderas. Fais moi la reponse. Je t'envoyes ce conseil (_Q. collier?_) afin que tu le voyes. Si tu es bien comme moi, tu me feras reponse. Je te souhaite le bonjour.

(Signe) "PONDIAC."

Gladwyn's answer is also in French. He says that he will communicate the message to the General; and doubts not that if he, Pontiac, is true to his words, all will be well.

The following is from the letter in which Gladwyn announces the overtures of peace to Amherst (Detroit, Nov. 1): "Yesterday M. Dequindre, a volunteer, arrived with despatches from the Commandant of the Illinois, copies of which I enclose you.... The Indians are pressing for peace.... I don't imagine there will be any danger of their breaking out again, provided some examples are made of our good subjects, the French, who set them on.... They have lost between 80 and 90 of their best warriors; but if y^{r} Excellency still intends to punish them further for their barbarities, _it may easily be done without any expense to the Crown, by permitting a free sale of rum, which will destroy them more effectually than fire and sword_."]

[Footnote 349: Extract from a MS. Letter--_Sir W. Johnson to_ ----:

"For God's Sake exert yourselves like Men whose Honour & every thing dear to them is now at stake; the General has great Expectations from the success of your Party, & indeed so have all People here, & I hope they will not be mistaken,--in Order to Encourage your party I will, out of my own Pocket, pay to any of the Party 50 Dollars for the Head Men of the Delawares there, viz., Onuperaquedra, and 50 Dollars more for the Head of Long Coat, alias ----, in which case they must either bring them alive or their whole Heads; the Money shall be paid to the Man who takes or brings me them, or their Heads,--this I would have you tell to the Head men of the Party, as it will make them more eager."]

[Footnote 350: MS. _Johnson Papers_.]

[Footnote 351: Extract from a MS. Letter--_George Croghan to the Board of Trade_:

"They can with great ease enter our colonies, and cut off our frontier settlements, and thereby lay waste a large tract of country, which indeed they have effected in the space of four months, in Virginia, Maryland, Pennsylvania, and the Jerseys, on whose frontiers they have killed and captivated not less than two thousand of his Majesty's subjects, and drove some thousands to beggary and the greatest distress, besides burning to the ground nine forts or blockhouses in the country, and killing a number of his Majesty's troops and traders."]

[Footnote 352: Extract from the _Declaration of Lazarus Stewart_:--

"Did we not brave the summer's heat and the winter's cold, and the savage tomahawk, while the Inhabitants of Philadelphia, Philadelphia county, Bucks, and Chester, 'ate, drank, and were merry'?

"If a white man kill an Indian, it is a murder far exceeding any crime upon record; he must not be tried in the county where he lives, or where the offence was committed, but in Philadelphia, that he may be tried, convicted, sentenced and hung without delay. If an Indian kill a white man, it was the act of an ignorant Heathen, perhaps in liquor; alas, poor innocent! he is sent to the _friendly Indians_ that he may be made a _Christian_."]

[Footnote 353: And when the Lord thy God shall deliver them before thee, thou shalt smite them, and utterly destroy them; thou shalt make no covenant with them, nor show mercy unto them."--_Deuteronomy_, vii. 2.]

[Footnote 354: So promising a theme has not escaped the notice of novelists, and it has been adopted by Dr. Bird in his spirited story of _Nick of the Woods_.]

[Footnote 355: See Appendix, E.]