Chapter M: De Livoncourt, French Navy Agent at Amsterdam, to John Paul Jones (1)

Helder, December 17th, 1779.

Sir,

I thank you for your politeness in communicating to me what Vice-Admiral Reynst had written you. I perceive by this letter, that you would give great pleasure, if you would display the royal flag. Meanwhile, I can make no more entreaty, if you persist in not using the commission, which I was charged to send you. Reflect that all the French here, in the service of the King, have strongly at heart to maintain the Republic in sentiments favorable to the allies of his Majesty. It is in conformity with these views, and for the good of the common cause, and only for this transient object, that the commission, for the origin of which you imagine a thousand ill-natured motives, and which, finally, you refuse to accept, has been addressed to you.

You know all that I have had the honor to say to you on this subject has been as well for your personal quiet, as for the honor and satisfaction of the common allies.

I am still at your service, if you desire it, and I will continue to act with the same earnestness as heretofore for the advantage of this cause, and for your own interests. The Ambassador has expressed to you the same sentiments. My dispositions and my orders are entirely conformed thereto.

I am, Sir, &c.

DE LIVONCOURT.

* * * * *

JOHN PAUL JONES TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Alliance, at Sea, December 27th, 1779.

Sir,

I am here, with a good wind at east, under my best American colors. So far you have your wish. What may be the event of this critical moment, I know not. I am not, however, without good hopes. Through the ignorance or drunkenness of the old pilot, the Alliance was last night got foul of a Dutch merchant ship, and I believe the Dutchman cut our cable.

We lost the best bower anchor, and the ship was brought up with the sheet anchor so near the shore, that this morning I have been obliged to cut the cable, in order to get clear of the shore, and that I might not lose this opportunity of escaping from Purgatory.

I wish Mr Hoogland would have the sheet and best bower anchors taken up, that they may either be sent to France, or sold, as M. de Neufville may find most expedient.

The pilot knows where the anchors lie, and unless he assists willingly in taking them up, he ought not, in my opinion, to be paid for his service on board here.

Adieu, my dear friend. Present my best respects to your family, and to the good patriot; and believe me to be always affectionately yours,

JOHN PAUL JONES.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The Hague, December 30th, 1779.

Gentlemen,

This day I have received a letter from Captain Jones, of which a copy is here joined. I hope in a short time to hear of his safe arrival. The prizes, Serapis and Scarborough, and the two French ships, Pallas and Vengeance, are still riding under French colors and captains.

The good Alliance, while here, has caused me much anxiety and trouble. Now she leaves me exposed to the ill-nature of my old foes in this country, whom, however, I dread not so much as certain false friends, highly incensed now against me, for not having found me as blind and complaisant to their particular views as they had expected I would be. The formal confirmation by Congress of my character as agent of the United States, which I have already spoken of in my former despatches, and which I must entreat you to procure for me, will silence them. Indeed I cannot be quiet nor safe without such a testimonial.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

B. FRANKLIN TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, January 27th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I received yours of the tenth instant. I shall be glad to learn how the taking of the Dutch ships has been accommodated. We have yet no news of the Alliance, but suppose she is cruising. We are more in pain for the Confederacy, which sailed on the 28th of October, from the Capes of Delaware. There is some hope that she went to Charleston, to take in Mr Laurens, as some passengers arrived in France, who left Philadelphia several weeks after her sailing, say it was a general opinion she would call there before she departed for Europe.[35]

I send you enclosed a translation of a letter, which I think I sent you the original of before. Perhaps it may serve our Leyden friend.

I am sorry you have any difference with the Ambassador, and wish you to accommodate it as soon as possible. Depend upon it that no one ever knew from me, that you had spoken or written against any person. There is one, concerning whom I think you sometimes receive erroneous information. In one particular, I know you were misinformed, that of his selling us arms at an enormous profit; the truth is, we never bought of him.

I am ever, with great esteem, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

FOOTNOTES:

[35] See the history of the voyage of the Confederacy in _John Jay's Correspondence_, Vol. VII. p. 174.

* * * * *

TO THE COMMITTEE OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS.

The Hague, March 15th, 1780.

Gentlemen,

Since my last letter of the 30th of December, the ice has so obstructed our waters, and my ill health has been such, as not to permit me to write till now. I send you herewith the plan of a treaty to be concluded between the United States and the Seven United Provinces of the Low Countries, as soon as the circumstances will permit it. A great deal of its materials has been furnished me by the Pensionary of Amsterdam, who, as well as Dr Franklin, has examined and corrected it. If Congress shall be pleased to do the same, and send me the plan back again, with powers to carry on a negotiation on such terms, then nothing will remain but to watch opportunities, which may perhaps very soon present themselves.

I am told that Mr Laurens will soon come over here as Plenipotentiary. I shall be very glad of it, and promise to be his _fidus Achates_ in every sense, for the public as well as his own service.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, March 21st, 1780.

Sir,

Honored since many years with the correspondence and friendship of Dr Franklin, I received in April, 1776, by an express, (Mr Thomas Story,) instructions and credentials from the Committee of Foreign Affairs, signed B. Franklin, J. Dickenson, and J. Jay, at Philadelphia, dated December 9th and 12th, for founding the dispositions of the several European Courts towards the American confederates, and making proposals of intercourse and alliance to those I should find inclined to accept them; "recommending to my discretion, to proceed in this affair with such caution, as to keep the same from the knowledge of the English Ambassador, and prevent any public appearance, _at present_, of my being employed in any such business, as thereby they imagine many inconveniences may be avoided, and my means of rendering service to America increased. They sent me, _for the present_, enclosed a bill for one hundred pounds sterling to defray expenses, and _desired me to be assured, that my services will be considered and honorably rewarded by Congress_." By another letter of the 2d of March, 1776, Dr Franklin "recommended to my correspondence, the bearer, Mr Silas Deane."

In the meantime I had addressed myself to the Court of France, with a deep interest in your concerns, and to the account I gave the Committee of Foreign Affairs of my negotiation, Dr Franklin answered in the following terms on the 1st of October;--"I have just time to acknowledge the receipt of your two packets, with the pamphlets enclosed, the contents of which are very satisfactory. You will hear from me more fully in a little time." He soon after came over, and brought me a letter from the same committee, signed Robert Morris, Richard H. Lee, J. Witherspoon, W. Hooper, wherein they expressly "_desire me to continue that correspondence_, which he had opened and conducted, and they write me _on behalf of Congress, requesting to hear from me frequently_, promising me the reimbursement of expenses, and a reasonable _allowance_ for my time and trouble in _this agency_." The committee wrote me two other letters, August 8th, 1777; and May 14th, 1778, in the latter of which they "acknowledge that I had so early and warmly espoused their cause, and aided it with such judgment and resolution, that they shall write particularly to the gentlemen at Paris, respecting the injuries I had received from their enemies, and shall instruct them to pay the strictest attention to the engagements made to me in behalf of Congress, at the commencement of our correspondence."

By some dark manoeuvres of those enemies, who by intercepters and spies had got at last some general knowledge of my operations, I had been defrauded not only of the sum of six hundred pounds sterling due to me, but also of a livelihood, which had rendered me hitherto, yearly, three hundred pounds sterling. However, I did not apply to the Commissioners for the above sum; and after having received for the course of the whole year, 1777, only one hundred pounds sterling, I obtained two hundred pieces a year for 1778, and twenty five pieces more for the ordinary charges and expenses of the following years. With this small sum of two hundred and twenty five pieces to live on in a country like this, I have been obliged, not only to dismiss my servant, but to make other reductions in my house, which makes my little family, as well as myself, unhappy, because they apprehend I have undone them. I keep them up, however, with the confidence I have in the justice and magnanimity of Congress, who, when affairs become more prosperous, will not forget me, nor my daughter, a good child of thirteen years old, who, from the beginning of this war, has been taught to pray fervently for the United States.

This State, by its constitution, can make no war, nor any treaty with a sovereign power, without a unanimity of all its provinces and cities. And as there is a very strong party in favor of England, there is not the least probability that they will conclude a treaty with the United States, before England permits them to do so by setting them the example. The only, but very necessary thing, therefore, which remained to be done here, was to hinder the English from drawing this Republic into their quarrel, which, by her immense wealth and public credit would have had very bad consequences against America. And to this your humble servant has greatly and daily co-operated these three years past. We found a very weak opposition, which is now strong enough to resist the torrent.

Besides the Commissioners at Paris, to whom I constantly communicate all that passes, Mr William Lee, who, from September, 1776, to May, 1779, was my correspondent, knew my exertions. He wrote to me so early as December 26, 1777, in these terms. "Though I have not for some time past, had the pleasure of your correspondence, yet I have not been a stranger to your continued exertions in the cause of humanity and liberty, for which thousands yet unborn will bless your memory." Even with respect to a treaty, I left the matter not untried. For immediately after the conclusion of the treaty between the United States and France, I concerted with the city of Amsterdam and the Commissioners at Paris to communicate the said treaty, by means of the Great Pensionary of Holland, to their High Mightinesses, together with a letter of Dr Franklin to the Great Pensionary, inviting them to treat on the same footing, _mutatis mutandis_, whenever they should think fit; on which an answer was politely declined for the present. Of this curious transaction, I sent at that time, an account to Paris, as well as to the Committee of Foreign Affairs. One of the letters of the First Pensionary of Amsterdam, our great and worthy friend, dated July 31, 1778, has been translated, and printed in the Baltimore Journal, with these words at the head of it, "_Letter of a steady friend of America, at the Hague._" I have besides in my power the proofs of all this in several letters of the honorable gentlemen at Paris and at Amsterdam. Mr William Lee knew this too, when he concerted with M. de Neufville, a merchant of Amsterdam, at Francfort first, and then at Aix la Chapelle, unknown to me, to get a Declaration from M. Van Berckel, the Pensionary, of the friendly dispositions of the city of Amsterdam, which this good gentleman delivered, thinking Mr William Lee was one of the Commissioners at Paris. A like Declaration M. Van Berckel delivered to me on the 23d of September, 1778,[36] with an explanatory letter of the expression, _dès que l'indépendence des Etats-Unis en Amérique sera reconnue par les Anglais_, because I told him, such a condition would hurt the honorable Congress, and make them pay no attention at all to a Declaration, which would appear to them insignificant. Both the Declaration and letter[37] will be found in the records of the Committee aforesaid, to whom I sent copies of them towards the end of 1778. As to the sketching and proposing a treaty, his opinion and mine also were, that it was premature at that time; and therefore we postponed it till the last summer, when he delivered me some papers, out of which, and of the French treaty, I have made the sketch, reviewed afterwards and corrected by him and by Dr Franklin, of which I have despatched on the 19th of this month three different copies to the Committee aforesaid, and which I expect back again, with the corrections of Congress, and with instructions and credentials for proposing it on the first opportunity, which in the meantime I am carefully watching.

It is with a very painful concern I mention to your Excellency this attempt of Mr Lee to undermine me in this manner; when I thought he had enough ado to fulfil his commissions through Germany, and therefore was very open and unaware in my letters to him. It is with the same concern, I learn just now by a letter of a very worthy servant of the United States, that his brother Arthur Lee, has complained against me in a Memorial to Congress, as if I had extolled Dr Franklin at his expense in the Leyden Gazette. Whoever told him so, has told him an absolute falsehood. This assertion may perhaps receive, even in his own mind, additional strength, by my ingenuously telling him, however, that his being at enmity with Dr Franklin, will not hinder me to retain still in my bosom a most tender respect and love for the latter. I am sure he will do the same when dispassionate.

I recommend myself to the protection of Congress, and am with the deepest respect, &c.

DUMAS.

FOOTNOTES:

[36] See this letter and the Declaration in the _Correspondence of the Commissioners in France_, Vol. I. pp. 456, 457, 483.

[37] The Explanatory Letter is missing, but a letter from the Commissioners in relation to the subject of it may be seen as above, p. 476.

* * * * *

B. FRANKLIN TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, March 29th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

It is some time since I have written to you, having nothing material to communicate; but I received duly your letters of February 1st, 18th, 25th, March 2d, 11th, 13th, 17th, and 23d; and thank you for the intelligence they contain. The last this minute came to hand, and I shall answer it separately.

I pray you to assure M. ---- of my respect, and that it was only on one packet for him that I put my name, when I thought to have sent it by a friend. The baseness of the post-office opening it surprises me. No other letter for him has since passed through my hands. If any others come to me for him, I shall send them under cover to you.

I forwarded your letter to Captain Jones. I do not know which of his English pilots it was, mentioned in yours to ----. I know he has been generous to an excess with them. Explain to me, if you please, the fact that is the subject of that letter, and who Mr Gordon is.

I am curious to know what the States will do about the confiscation of the goods taken in Byland's convoy.

I received your large packets; that for Captain Jones shall be carefully sent to him. I thank you for the philosophical pieces, which I will read attentively as soon as I have time. The original acts of confederation are very curious, and will be acceptable to Congress.

I am ever, my Dear Sir, yours affectionately,

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, April 13th, 1780.

Sir,

Since the Memorial presented to their High Mightinesses by the Plenipotentiary of Russia, (of which, as well as of the Declaration[38] of his Court to those of Versailles, Madrid, and London, I join here copies in the Leyden Gazette,) the Provincial States of Holland are deliberating on the invitation of the Empress, and I am sure (knowing it from a very good hand) the resolution of this Province will be taken within the next week, agreeably to the views of the Empress, and to the general wishes of all good men. Now as the resolutions of this Province are commonly adopted by the others, there is very good hope that this Republic will take a step, which must accelerate a general pacification.

This intelligence is thought, not only by myself, but by many others, very important for the United States. The most devoted partisans of the English Court here, seeing that they cannot, without rendering themselves too odious, prevent such a resolution from being taken, do what they can to enervate it by obscure and ambiguous expressions, which they propose to be inserted; but our good men take care to sweep the dust which the others throw in their way.

As to the two other objects, which at present take up this Republic, viz. the unlimited convoys, and the assistance which the English Court demands from this Republic, the Province of Holland has already, several weeks ago, unanimously resolved the former, and declined granting the succors, as being not within the _casus foederis_ by this war. To this resolution the Provinces of Friesland, Overyssel, and Groningen, have successively acceded; and it is expected the three others will do the same.

I advised the Committee of Foreign Affairs by my letter of June 21st, 1779, to think of sending here, _aliquem e medio vestrum pietate gravem ac meritis virum_; it is now time for such a man to be here, at first incognito, till it should be proper to display the character of Plenipotentiary. Some American friends here have told me, that Mr Laurens, formerly President of Congress, was designed to come over for this purpose. I should be very glad to have him already arrived. Whenever he comes, he may dispose of my faithful services.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

FOOTNOTES:

[38] See this Declaration and the Memorial in _John Adams's Correspondence_, Vol. IV. pp. 488, 490.

* * * * *

B. FRANKLIN TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Passy, April 23d, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I am much pleased with the account you give me of the disposition with which the proposals from the Empress of Russia have been received, and desire to be informed from time to time, of the progress of that interesting business.

I shall be glad to hear of your reconciliation with ---- because a continuance of your difference will be extremely inconvenient. Permit me to tell you frankly, what I formerly hinted to you, that I apprehend you suffer yourself too easily to be led into personal prejudices, by interested people, who would engross all our confidence to themselves. From this source have arisen, I imagine, the charges and suspicions you have insinuated to me, against several who have always declared a friendship for us in Holland. It is right that you should have an opportunity of giving the _carte du pays_ to Mr Laurens, when he arrives in Holland. But if in order to serve your particular friends, you fill his head with these prejudices, you will hurt him and them, and perhaps yourself. There does not appear to me the least probability in your supposition, that the ---- is an enemy to America.

Here has been with me a gentleman from Holland, who was charged, as he said, with a verbal commission from divers cities, to inquire whether it was true, that Amsterdam had, as they heard, made a treaty of commerce with the United States, and to express in that case their willingness to enter into a similar treaty. Do you know anything of this? What is become, or likely to become of the plan of treaty, formerly under consideration?

By a letter from Middlebourg, to which the enclosed is an answer, a cargo seized and sent to America, as English property, is reclaimed partly on the supposition, that free ships make free goods. They ought to do so between England and Holland, because there is a treaty which stipulates it; but there being yet no treaty between Holland and America to that purpose, I apprehend that the goods being declared by the Captain to be English, a neutral ship will not protect them, the law of nations governing in this case as it did before the treaty abovementioned. Tell me if you please your opinion.

With sincere esteem and affection, I am ever,

B. FRANKLIN.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, May 21st, 1780.

Sir,

The express sent to Petersburg, with the answer of the States-General, has not yet returned. In the meantime it is known here by a despatch of the Resident of the Republic at Petersburg, that the news of the Provincial Resolution of Holland, which always gives the tone to the others, has caused there a very agreeable sensation, not only to the Court of Russia, flattered to see the Republic enter into its views, but also to the foreign Ministers resident there; and that the Prussian Minister, above all, expressed himself very strongly on the insolence of the English, and on the indignity of their procedure to the Republic; in fine, that the system of the armed neutrality to humiliate the English, gains force more and more at the Court, and among the powers; which is very visible in the conversations among the ministers.

I wrote some days ago to Amsterdam, to advise them to offer to the State every fifth sailor of their merchant ships, in order to take away the pretext for the scarcity of sailors in the fleet of the Republic; and I recommended to them to prevent evil minded persons presenting a counter address. They answered me, that the address demands of the States the prompt protection of commerce, and offers them whatever they may wish to draw from that commerce, whether it be the every fifth or third seaman; and that though all have not signed it, no one will dare to oppose it. This address will be presented next week; and if I can have a copy of it soon enough, I will add hereto a copy or translation.

We flatter ourselves soon to see Mr Laurens arrive here, as we have been assured. It is time for the politics as well as for the credit of America that some person, as distinguished as himself, should come here. He cannot yet display a public character; but his presence will do none the less good among the friends of America in this country. I wish he was already with us.

I was going, Sir, to close this packet, when I received the visit of M. Van de Perre, partner of M. Meyners, who form together the most eminent commercial house at Middlebourg, in Zealand. He begs me to support the claim that he has made through Messrs I. de Neufville & Son, and by another way also to Congress on the ship Berkenbos, bound from Liverpool to Leghorn, and loaded with herrings and lead for Dutch and Italian account, taken by John Paul Jones, Captain of the Continental frigate Alliance. M. Van de Perre is of the most distinguished family in Zealand, Director of the East India Company, nephew of M. Van Berckel, First Counsellor, Pensionary of Amsterdam, the brave republican of whom all my letters make mention, and who is the great friend of Americans. I have no need to say anything more to recommend the affair of this vessel to Congress.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

JOHN ADAMS TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Paris, June 6th, 1780.

Sir,

I thank you for your letter, in answer to mine of the 21st of May, and for your kind congratulations on my arrival here.

Mr Brown, with whom you took your walks in the neighborhood of Paris, has been gone from home some weeks, on his way hence. I should have had much pleasure if I had been one of the party. I have rambled in most of the scenes round this city, and find them very pleasant, but much more indebted to art than to nature. Philadelphia, in the purlieus of which, as well as those of Baltimore and Yorktown, I have often sought health and pleasure in the same way, in company with our venerable Secretary, Charles Thompson, will in future time, when the arts shall have established their empire in the new world, become much more striking. But Boston above all, around which I have much oftener wandered, in company with another venerable character, little known in Europe, but to whose virtues and public merits in the cause of mankind, history will do justice, will one day present scenes of grandeur and beauty, superior to any other place I have ever yet seen.

The letter of General Clinton, when I transmitted it to you, was not suspected to be an imposition. There are some circumstances, which are sufficient to raise a question, but I think none of them are conclusive, and upon the whole I have little doubt of its authenticity. I shall be much mortified if it proves a fiction, not on account of the importance of the letter, but the stain that a practice so disingenuous will bring upon America. When I first left America, such a fiction, with all its ingenuity, would have ruined the reputation of the author of it, if discovered, and I think that both he and the printer would have been punished. With all the freedom of our presses, I really think, that not only the government but the populace would have resented it. I have had opportunities of an extensive acquaintance with the Americans, and I must say, in justice to my countrymen, that I know not a man that I think capable of a forgery at once so able and so base. Truth is indeed respected in America, and so gross an affront to her I hope will not, and I think cannot go unpunished.

Whether it is genuine or not, I have no doubt of the truth of the facts, in general, and I have reasons to believe, that if the secret correspondence of Bernard, Hutchinson, Gage, Howe, and Clinton could all be brought to light, the world would be equally surprised at the whole thread of it. The British administration and their servants have carried towards us from the beginning a system of duplicity, in the conduct of American affairs, that will appear infamous to the public whenever it shall be known.

You have seen Rodney's account of the battle of the 17th of April. The sceptre of the ocean is not to be maintained by such actions as this, and Byron's, and Keppel's. They must make themselves more terrible upon the ocean, to preserve its dominion. Their empire is founded only in fear--no nation loves it. We have no news.

I have the honor to be, &c.

JOHN ADAMS.

* * * * *

PROTEST OF THE CITY OF AMSTERDAM.

_Extracted from the Resolutions of the Council of that City of the 29th of June, 1780, and inserted in the Acts of the Provincial Assembly of Holland, at the Hague, July 1st, 1780._

The Deputies of the city of Amsterdam, in the name and on the part of their constituents, in order to justify themselves to posterity, have declared in the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses that their Committee is of opinion that it is necessary, without loss of time, to write on the part of their High Mightinesses to M. de Swart, their Resident at the Court of Russia, and charge him to enter into a conference, the sooner the better, with the Commissioners of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, and of other neutral powers in the place of his residence and elsewhere, where it shall be judged suitable, in order to conclude together a convention for the mutual protection of the commerce and navigation of neutral powers, on the basis of the declaration made by her Majesty to the belligerent powers, and of the resolution adopted on this subject by their High Mightinesses, on the 24th of April last, adding to it only, that said M. de Swart shall take for the rule of his conduct the simplicity which her Imperial Majesty of Russia herself has proposed in the explanations which she made on five points at the request of his Swedish Majesty, and which M. de Swart has communicated to their High Mightinesses, to the end, that with such a provisional convention, they would be well pleased to decree together the reciprocal protection of the merchant ships of each other, which, fortified with the requisite papers shall be nevertheless insulted on the sea; so that these merchant vessels being in reach of one or more vessels of war of one of the allied powers, wherever it may be, they may receive, in virtue of such an alliance, any assistance; and that at the same time the contracting powers engage to put to sea, provisionally, all the vessels of war they can, and to give to the officers who shall command them necessary orders and instructions that they may be able to fulfil these general, salutary and simple views.

And that, further, as to arrangements to be made for the future, which may require more particular detail, and which cannot be adjusted with the expedition which the present perilous state of the navigation of the neutral powers in general, and of this Province in particular demands, M. de Swart will reserve all this for a separate article, of which her Imperial Majesty of Russia made mention in the above named explanations, and that he will declare in regard to this that their High Mightinesses have given thereon their final and precise orders, in which they will constitute one or more Plenipotentiaries who will be able to treat of the necessary arrangements on this subject with the neutral powers.

That said constituents, to give greater weight to their present advice, add further to the above, that if this advice was rejected, and if the affair was negotiated on the basis of the previous opinion, exhibited on the 23d of June last, in the Assembly of Holland, the consequence of it will be that the Russian squadron, which, according to orders of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, must have already put to sea, will appear in the seas bordering on this country, without giving any protection to the commerce of this country; while, on the other side, though commerce has been a long time charged with double duties, their High Mightinesses, meantime, grant it no protection, because the Colleges of Admiralty of this country profess themselves unable to do it, or at least to put to sea sufficient convoys to avoid affronts like those which the squadron under the orders of Rear-Admiral de Byland had lately endured.

That from this total failure of protection to the navigation of this country, on the one side, and from the continual insults of which their High Mightinesses every day receive grievous complaints on the other, there must naturally ensue an entire suspension of the commerce of this country; and thence, it is easy to foresee, that this commerce will be diverted and take its course by other European channels, and that the burdensome impositions with which it is charged, in order to obtain means for its protection being continued, will precipitate its ruin.

That in this confusion of affairs, and in the extreme necessity in which they find themselves, to take advantage of an offer of assistance and succor so generously and magnanimously made and proposed by her Imperial Majesty of Russia to this State, on a footing so easy and so little burdensome; the Lords Constituents will leave posterity to judge of the weight of the reasons alleged by some members of the Assembly of their Noble and Grand Mightinesses in the deliberation on this subject, as if the acceptance of said means for the necessary protection of the commerce of this country, and in particular of foreign succor, could be considered a means of drawing on a war on the part of those, against whom it is found necessary to defend ourselves, in making use of said means to all lawful purposes; and as if we ought, for this reason, to decline the said offer of assistance, unless her Imperial Majesty of Russia, beside her said magnanimous plan of re-establishing the liberty of the seas, will also engage with the other neutral powers to guaranty to this nation all its possessions fixed and immovable, both in and out of Europe.

That the Lords Constituents will only remark, that in order that such an attack on the fixed and immovable possessions of the Republic may appear likely, it would be necessary at least, to allege some plausible reasons or pretexts to defend it, in the eyes of all Europe, from the most manifest injustice and violence; whereas it is clear that such hostilities could not have any foundation on a protection of commerce to which their High Mightinesses find themselves absolutely forced by the open violation of the treaty of commerce concluded with England in 1674; that thus the probability of an attack of this sort, seeing the manifest injustice of such an enterprize, must vanish; and this especially, if we consider the great number of enemies that England has drawn upon her, and that it would be madness to increase the number; that such being the case, the said suppositions are of too small weight and too far removed from all probability to refuse the means which are offered of protecting the commerce of the subjects of the State, and that to refuse an aid so powerful while it is not in a condition to protect its commerce by its own unaided forces, will be evidently to renounce all protection possible, while the burdensome imposts under which commerce, in expectation of some protection, has a long time groaned, and still groans, would, against all reason, remain in their rigor.

That in addition to this the Lords Constituents will remark further, that it appears by the successive despatches of M. de Swart to their High Mightinesses on this affair, that he insists strongly on hastening the business, and on sending, the sooner the better, necessary instructions for this purpose, after the example of Sweden, who has already instructed her Minister to conclude the said convention. That this is the more necessary because we know that all sorts of indirect means are set to work to deprive the Republic of the advantage of an alliance so beneficial, and to involve it in a war with France.

From this it is clear that such pernicious views will be accomplished, if not only they put off the completion of the convention, but also, as is but too apparent, if they evade it altogether by making her Imperial Majesty of Russia propositions of guaranty, which not only are entirely foreign to the plan which this Princess has laid before the eyes of Europe, but which her Majesty, in the explanations she has given, has roundly declared she would never listen to.

In fine that the Lords Constituents are of opinion, that it is necessary to satisfy the wishes of her Imperial Majesty of Russia, by making the declaration in question on the part of their High Mightinesses to the belligerent powers, and by assuring her Majesty that as soon as said convention shall be signed, their High Mightinesses will make the said declaration to the Courts of the belligerent powers.

Meantime the committee referred thereon to the better advice of the honorable Council. On which, having deliberated and the voices having been taken, the Burgomasters and Counsellors thanked the committee for the trouble they had taken and agreed to the above advice.

A. VAN HINGELANDT.

* * * * *

JAMES LOVELL TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Philadelphia, July 10th, 1780.

Sir,

I know not how I can profess all the regard which I feel for you, without appearing, on the one hand, to do it upon slight grounds, or, on the other, to have delayed it too long.

I have been steadily in Congress without once visiting my family in Boston, since January, 1777, and from May, that year, have been a member of the Committee of Foreign Affairs; consequently, I am well informed of your truly republican spirit, your particular affection for these States, and your industry in their service, most of your numerous letters, down to December 30th, 1779, having come to hand.

The honorable gentleman who will deliver this, being also a member of Congress, has a just esteem for you, and promises himself much advantage from an opportunity of conversing with you. Mr Searle is well able to make a due return of the benefits from the fund of his intimacy with American state affairs, his extensive commercial knowledge, and his science of mankind gained by former travels.

I shall shortly write to you again by another respectable gentleman of our assembly, and I will use every means to make him the bearer of what you have so rightfully solicited, as a faithful _first_ correspondent of our Committee, from whom you will, probably, have regular official letters under a new arrangement of a secretaryship, which has been vacant from the days of a confusion excited by an indiscreet and illiberal publication here, on the 5th of December, 1778, and which you have read with grief.

In the meantime, I hope you will receive kindly this individual testimony of cordial friendship, from, Sir, your very humble servant,

JAMES LOVELL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, July 15th, 1780.

Sir,

Since my last of the 21st of May, nothing has passed of much interest in the Assemblies of this Province, to deserve repetition. I send an account of all that passes to Dr Franklin at Paris, almost every post. The fitting out of ships of the Republic for convoy goes on slowly, and the resolutions in this respect, and for the negotiations with Russia, drag equally slow. The English party, led by the English Ambassador, and by another person who leads the majority here, continue to perplex, delay, and cross everything; and he who is at the head of all, follows their impulses. In a word, the English intrigue more here than in all Europe besides. The difficulties they excite in Germany and foment on the subject of the coadjutor of Munster and Cologne, are intended to embarrass this Republic, and hinder it from being successfully occupied in the re-establishment of its navy. It was in agitation to make choice of a Prince of Austria for coadjutor, and, of consequence, for future Elector of Cologne. The King of Prussia is opposed to it; and France also. England, in the name of Hanover, favored the views of the House of Austria. This may kindle a war in Germany.

The protest here annexed of the minority in the Chapter of Munster, is a paper as important as it is well done. I received it in German and translated it, and while I am writing this, a copy of it is making.

I have nothing more to add, except that a body of ten thousand Prussians, quartered in Westphalia, have orders to hold themselves ready to march to Munster on the first signal.

The misfortune of Charleston has animated the courage of the Anglomanes here, and filled our friends with consternation. I do my best to encourage them, and I succeed. In spite of the intrigues of the English, they will gain nothing important here, because there must be unanimity in the resolutions for war or peace.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, July 22d, 1780.

Sir,

As everything is here in the inactivity of summer, nothing new has occurred. The States of the Province of Holland do not assemble till the 26th of this month. It is to be wished that we may soon receive news from America, which will raise again the courage of the friends of the United States, to whom the misfortune of Charleston has caused much pain, in proportion as it has reanimated those who favor your enemies. The latter, in the meantime, forge and utter every day rumors injurious to the United States, such as, that they are about to submit. "The Congress," say they, "is disunited and ready to dissolve; the southern Provinces successively yield, and they flatter themselves in England, that those in the north will follow their example." The King himself flatters his Parliament with this idea. I can, for the present, only oppose patience to all this, and keep myself mostly out of sight; for they look on me as a lost man, and one who will be soon abandoned by America herself. Besides, my feeble health, which has not been able to resist this shock and a concurrence of many others, forces me to this inaction for a time.

Two Plenipotentiaries depart hence to regulate at Petersburg with the Empress of Russia, the armed neutrality. The Court of Denmark has followed the example of Russia, in making the same declarations to the other powers. It appears that the affair of Munster will not trouble the peace of Germany. This election must be made the 16th of next month, and, probably, the Archduke will be coadjutor.

_July 24th._ The sudden declaration of Denmark, unforeseen by all the world, much embarrasses those here who hope to see the armed neutrality fail. Amsterdam has protested against sending Plenipotentiaries to Petersburg, to whom embarrassing instructions have been given. She wishes, with reason, that they would be content simply to send full powers to M. de Swart, Resident of the Republic at Petersburg, with orders to conform to the resolution of their High Mightinesses, which is positive and clear on the accession to said armed neutrality. It is expected that Sweden will make, on the first opportunity, a like declaration. Then the opposition will not be able to force the Republic to recede, without making themselves odious.

We hope by the next post, among other things, to receive good news from the combined fleet of the Count de Guichen and Don Solano; as also from M. de Ternay, and from the continent.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Madrid, July 24th, 1780.

Dear Sir,

I confess myself very remiss in not answering your favor of the 21st ultimo sooner. The removal of the Court from Aranjues to this city, and a bilious disorder which has oppressed me more than a month, and which still afflicts me, have in part, been the reason. I have no news to communicate to you, which can console you for our late misfortunes; I can assure you, however, that they do not deject me. _Per aspera ad astra._ Heaven does not intend to exempt us from the adversities, which have befallen other nations, who struggled for their liberty, by giving as almost full and instantaneous enjoyment of it. I have full confidence in the perseverance of our countrymen. They will, I hope, act with more vigor in consequence of their misfortunes. I have received letters from America, dated in the end of April, and the 1st of May, which speak of the loss of Charleston as certain, and which predict other successes of the enemy in the Northern States, but which show no despondency.

I shall pay implicit obedience to the request you make me, with respect to your family, and you may rely upon me, when I tell you that as long as I have any influence, or any friends in the councils of America, they shall not want strenuous advocates, and this letter will always be a memento that would put me to the blush, should I be deficient in a promise, which I think myself even in justice to my country obliged to endeavor to fulfil in the best manner possible. The Spanish, or rather allied fleet, has returned to Cadiz, except a few vessels which cruise near that port. The Count de Estaing is expected at St Ildefonso in about a week, the Count being now at that place. I go there this week.

I see that the _Courier de l'Europe_ mentions that Mr Jay has received his _congé_, &c. &c. Not a word of truth. The English papers sent our commissioners from France frequently, yet a treaty was made by these same _congéd_ commissioners. I have received your cypher safe. Begin when you please your observations on men and things. I shall be much obliged to you, to separate and seal up all the letters you have ever received from me, unless it be this, under a cover for me, which, in case of death, which heaven forbid, you will direct to me, delivered to my orders.

My best compliments to your family, and Messrs de Neufville, and believe me ever, your friend and servant,

WILLIAM CARMICHAEL.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

The Hague, July 25th, 1780.

Sir,

The 21st of March last I had the honor to write your Excellency a long letter on my own concerns, of which I annex here an extract. I add here, that when I received the first commission of the committee on the part of Congress, dated in December, 1775, in which they honored me with their orders and credentials, I did not solicit to be employed; I did not even think of it. But chosen and named, by this respectable body, in a manner as unexpected as it was definite and authentic, to serve essentially the United States, my ardent thoughts and life were consecrated with zeal to the cause of the United States. Persuaded that it was the cause of humanity, of liberty, and of virtue, I have sacrificed everything to this noble service, during nearly five years, with all possible zeal and fidelity. The Congress also testified to me soon after, that they were well satisfied with my services. I have corresponded assiduously since that time with the Committee of Foreign Affairs, with the Plenipotentiaries of the United States at Paris, and with a number of other servants of America. I have raised up, cemented and nourished in Holland a considerable party in their favor, whereby I have drawn upon myself the hatred of a party more powerful, which wishes to see me perish, and which has already done me all the wrong and all the mischief of which it was capable. I have participated in the adverse fortune of America, in the just confidence that the United States and their Congress will have my interest at heart, as I have constantly and successfully had theirs, and as their magnanimity, their dignity, and their honor require in the eyes of the European public.

I have yet fully this confidence; and it is this which caused me to solicit, more than a year since, in several of my letters to the Committee of Foreign Affairs, a formal confirmation of my agency on the part of Congress, for my safety and quiet. I beg, Sir, that you will second my request and obtain for me a resolution as favorable as my demand is just.

I know that some Americans, whom I honor in other respects, have entertained and propagated the idea, that a commission of the honorable Committee of Foreign Affairs was not so valid as one of Congress. One of them said so to me. I will not, Sir, give myself up to an idea so injurious, as to think, that Congress would refuse to ratify what their Committee has done; and the engagements it has made, but this body is not always composed of the same persons; it has many other affairs; it may forget me, and I may be cruelly supplanted, abandoned, and consequently at the age of sixty years, ruined with my family, without resource and without means. I put, then, my cause into the hands of your Excellency, to endeavor to obtain for me, as promptly as possible, the satisfaction I desire, and to send me the commission I solicit. The service of the United States requires it, and this will not interfere with the powers of Minister Plenipotentiary, who may be sent here; on the contrary, I shall be useful to him, if God spares my life.

One consideration, also, to which I pray Congress to give their attention, is that far from being recompensed for my past labors, the two hundred and twenty five louis d'ors or guineas which I draw yearly for my subsistence and to defray the expenses of journeys, postages, &c. charges, which, from prudence, and considering circumstances, I have never carried to the account, are not sufficient; and I have been obliged constantly to expend my own in addition. Besides my age, the privation not only of a copyist, which the service demanded, but even of a valet, which I have been obliged also to deny myself in order to be able to subsist, for about three years, makes my life extremely sad and painful.

In perfect trust that Congress will consent to give attention to my petition, and to my state, I commend myself with my wife and daughter to their protection.

I have the honor to be, &c.

DUMAS.

* * * * *

JOHN PAUL JONES TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Ariel, Road of Croix, September 8th, 1780.

I dare say, my dear friend, my silence for so long a time must have an extraordinary appearance to you, and have excited in your mind various conjectures not much to my advantage. I will now endeavor to make some atonement by confessing the truth. I have been ashamed to write to you on account of the strange variety of events that have taken place, and detained me in port, from the 10th of February until this date.

I wish to pass over these events for the present in silence, choosing rather to suffer a little ill-natured misconstruction, than to attempt explanations before the matters are brought to a proper and final decision. I hope it will then appear, that I have been not very fairly treated, and that my conduct has been blameless. M. D. C. pursued his resentment to such a length as obliged me in April to pay a visit to the Minister, greatly against my will at that moment, for I then thought myself neglected, and not very well used by him; but I was most agreeably undeceived by the very friendly reception I met with. My every demand was granted respecting the prizes; it became me therefore to be very modest. I found that I had C. alone to thank for the altercations at the Texel. I had the happiness to be feasted and caressed by all the world at Paris and Versailles, except himself. He, however, looked guilty; we did not speak together, not because I had any determined objection, for I love his family, but he could not look me in the face, and fled whenever chance brought us near each other.