Chapter IX: Front Matter (9)

I have reason to apprehend an unfavorable answer to my request, that the military effects from the public arsenals should be granted on credit. The expense of these articles will make a considerable deduction from our pecuniary resources. Your Excellency will observe that the same difficulties exist with respect to these objects, as with regard to the manufactures of cloth, the great deposits of them all being situated in the interior country, remote from the sea. The cargo of the Marquis de Lafayette, that of the Indian, (including the additional purchases, which I have directed to be made in order to complete her tonnage) and the supplies collected at Brest, or on their way thither, will nearly include the most essential articles of the Board of War's estimate. The purchases in France are made under the direction of an Intendant in the War Department. Those in Holland are made by M. de Neufville & Son, whom I employed because they appeared to possess the confidence of our Minister Plenipotentiary in that country.

I found great difficulties and delays likely to attend the plan of casting howitzers of English calibre in France. The scarcity of materials, the great danger of a want of precision in the proportions, and the facility with which we cast shells in America, induced me to substitute six inch howitzers of French calibre, to those demanded by the Board of War. This size, in the opinion of the most experienced artillerists, is preferable to the larger, their effects being the same, and their inferior size rendering them much more manageable, as well as less expensive of ammunition. A certain number of shells will accompany the howitzers, but it will be necessary that the Board of War should give immediate orders for making a larger provision of them. Their dimensions may be taken from those with the French artillery under General Rochambeau.

The same reasons as those above mentioned, determined me to substitute the French twelve-inch mortar to the thirteen inch of English calibre, as there was no other way of procuring them but by having them cast, and the same observation is to be made with respect to their shells as with respect to those of the howitzers. A store-ship, freighted by government, is to proceed under convoy of the frigate on board which I shall sail, and will be charged with such supplies as can be collected in time at Brest.

As soon as I shall have accomplished all that requires my presence here, which I flatter myself will be in a few days, I shall proceed to Brest, to do everything that can depend on me for hastening the departure of the frigate. I shall in the mean time despatch Captain Jackson, an officer of great intelligence and activity, who accompanied me from America, with instructions to exert his utmost efforts to get the Indian to sea without loss of time.[18]

I have the honor to be, with the greatest veneration, &c.

JOHN LAURENS.

FOOTNOTES:

[17] Missing.

[18] For a correspondence on this subject between Dr Franklin and Captain Jackson, see _Franklin's Correspondence_, Vol. III. pp. 121, 232.

* * * * *

_Memorial from John Laurens to the Director-General of Finance._

The underwritten, special Minister of the United States of North America, renews his representations to the Director-General of Finance, upon the necessity of augmenting the present remittance of pecuniary succors destined for America. He cannot repeat too often, that upon the quantity and seasonableness of these succors, the fate of his Majesty's allies must necessarily depend.

He entreats him to recollect, that in the first discussion with regard to the sum, the difficulties which opposed an immediate remittance, more proportionate to the urgent necessities of the United States, were unconnected with reasons of finance. With respect to the apprehension of exposing ourselves to simultaneous risks that would be too considerable, which was the principal reason alleged, he thinks himself warranted in saying, that comparing the sum with the risk, the strictest laws of prudence would not be violated in shipping the amount of six millions on board of two frigates, well armed and good sailors, despatched from ports distant from each other.

The plan of procuring money from Vera Cruz or the Havana, the success and speedy execution of which were regarded as certain, would have dispensed government from making any very considerable remittance from hence at the present moment, but as according to the Director-General's own account, there is reason to apprehend a delay, which would render this plan delusive, the underwritten sees no other remedy, than in augmenting the sums remitted from hence, as far as the present means of conveyance will authorise, and seconding this first remittance by a definitive arrangement for having it closely followed by the remainder.

With regard to the distribution between the two ships, the underwritten would prefer committing the most considerable portion of the specie to the frigate in Holland, on account of her very superior force.

He has the honor to apprize the Director-General, that he has authorised Mr W. Jackson, Captain of infantry in the service of the United States, to give receipts for the sum destined to be shipped in Holland, and that he will himself sign receipts for the sum to be shipped at Brest.

JOHN LAURENS.

_Paris, April 29th, 1781._

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Paris, May 15th, 1781.

Sir,

Since I had the honor of writing to your Excellency on the 24th ult. my prospects of pecuniary succor have suffered a very unfavorable change, first in the suspension and I apprehend the total failure of the plan of procuring a sum of specie at Vera Cruz, to be transmitted immediately from thence for the service of the United States. This arrangement which the Spanish agent at this Court was at first very desirous of making with M. Necker, and which would have been a convenience to the finance of this country, was prevented from being carried into execution by the arrival of intelligence, that the treasure had been safely transported from Vera Cruz to the Havana; in consequence of which the agent declined engaging to furnish the money on any other terms than by a schedule of bill of exchange, payable at six months' sight. M. Necker has since made him an offer of a profit on the money to be supplied at the Havana, and the agent has written to his Court on the subject, but it does not appear to me, that the offer is likely to be accepted. As soon as I was apprized of this, I delivered the preceding Memorial to the Director-General of Finance.

In addition to this disappointment we have received notice from Holland of the total refusal of the Dutch to countenance the proposed loan of ten millions on account of the United States. M. Necker was of opinion, that the Dutch would lend more readily on this footing than to France alone, as there would be a double security; but the event has proved, that its being a concern of the United States was sufficient for political reasons to occasion the overthrow of the business. I have uniformly insisted from the beginning upon the necessity of securing this aid to the United States from the finances of France, and while I pleaded the fertility of her resources, and facility of borrowing in her own name, I have enlarged upon the fatal consequences to which we should be exposed by referring the matter to an uncertain and dilatory operation. I apprehend some new efforts are making on the subject of the loan. His Majesty in the mean time engages to supply the failure of the loan from the finances of his kingdom. The future transmissions of specie are to be concerted between the Minister of Marine and the Director-General of Finance, and Count de Vergennes has promised me to urge them upon the subject. I have not been able to obtain any greater augmentation of the sums destined to be embarked at Brest and in Holland, than half a million at the first, and nearly the same sum at the latter.

With respect to the maritime succors so repeatedly solicited, I am authorised only in general terms to assure Congress, that such dispositions are made for detaching from the West Indies, as give every reason to hope a naval superiority will exist on the part of the allies in America; that the fleet will probably remain on that station three months, and that it will be time on my arrival to commence the most vigorous preparations for co-operating with it.

Immediately on closing this packet, I shall set out for Brest, and use my utmost efforts to accelerate our sailing. My frigate is ready in the roads. If any delay arises it will be owing to the store ship, which she will have under convoy.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect,

JOHN LAURENS.

_P. S._ Those despatches will be delivered to your Excellency by Captain Jackson of the first South Carolina regiment, whose zeal for the service made him cheerfully undertake the journey to Holland, for the purpose of accelerating the departure of the Indian, and to whom I am much indebted for his assistance in this country.

J. L.

* * * * *

COUNT DE VERGENNES TO JOHN LAURENS.

Translation.

Versailles, May 16th, 1781.

Congress has directed Mr Laurens to solicit from the King an aid of money, and to request his guarantee for a loan. In consequence his Majesty has been pleased to grant six millions tournois,[19] in form of a gift, and he has likewise agreed to be security for a loan of ten millions, to be opened in Holland, for account of Congress; and if that loan should meet with difficulties, he has even resolved to supply it out of his own finances, as soon as possible. The six millions, which his Majesty has granted, have been employed in the following manner; two million five hundred thousand livres are sent to Brest, there to be shipped; one million five hundred thousand are sent to Amsterdam, to be likewise shipped there; about two millions are to be employed in payment for the goods, which Mr Laurens was directed to purchase. Besides the sum above mentioned, his Majesty has been pleased to grant Dr Franklin four millions to discharge the bills of exchange drawn on him by Congress. In case the loan, which is to be opened in Holland on account of the Americans, should fail of success, his Majesty will be under the necessity of supplying it. It is understood, that the United States shall repay his Majesty the sum of ten millions, in order to fulfil the engagements, that shall be entered into in Holland.

The operations of the campaign, of which his Majesty has given a plan to the commander of his fleet in America, form the second object, in which the United States are interested; and without being able to fix the attention of Congress or General Washington upon the moment when his fleet shall appear on the coast of North America, he assures them, that the success of their armies makes a principal part of his views for the ensuing campaign. It is therefore proper, that, upon the arrival of Colonel Laurens, the United States should put themselves in condition to take advantage of the operations of his fleet in America.

DE VERGENNES.

FOOTNOTES:

[19] These six millions were not obtained "in consequence" of Colonel Laurens's solicitation, but were granted to Dr Franklin, before Colonel Laurens's arrival. See _Franklin's Correspondence_, Vol. III. p. 230, and also Colonel Laurens's letter above, dated March 20th;--also the following letter of September 2d.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, September 2d, 1781.

Sir,

Happy in this opportunity of renewing the assurances of my inviolable duty and attachment to the United States, in Congress assembled, I have the honor of submitting to them a supplementary report of the negotiation, with which they were pleased to intrust me, by their commission of the 23d of December, 1780.

Previous to my arrival in France, the letter from Congress of the 22d of December to his Most Christian Majesty had been delivered, and the application for succors supported by our Minister Plenipotentiary, the result of which was a gratuitous donation from the King of France of six millions of livres, to be drawn for by General Washington at distant periods, and an offer to provide clothing and other supplies for the army, the expense to be deducted from the donation above mentioned. The disproportion between this and the necessities of the United States upon which their demand was founded, as well as the exceptionable manner of touching the money, determined me without delay to renew the negotiation, in which I had the concurrence of our Minister Plenipotentiary, and the advantage of his counsels.

After my first interview with the Count de Vergennes, I presented, in form of a memorial, a copy of which has been transmitted to Congress, an extract of a letter from General Washington, written in consequence of my conference with him by order of Congress, making such small additions as were suggested by the state of the business. The advantage of the General's credit in Europe made me prefer his letter to any common form of memorial, especially as he had treated the principal objects of my mission in a manner no less full and explicit than conformable to the ideas of Congress.

I accompanied it with the estimate of the Board of War, after making a deduction of many articles, the demand of which I apprehended would throw an unfavorable cast on the whole business. A translated duplicate of the complete estimate had been long since delivered by Dr Franklin. The Count de Vergennes exclaimed vehemently against the exorbitance of the demand, to which the strength of our army was so disproportioned, adding, that duplicate cargoes of such value could not be afforded, and that the articles demanded would exhaust all our money; for he refused to understand as I did, the intention of Congress to solicit the supplies in addition to the loan.

Argument and expostulation on this subject were fruitless. In pursuance of his definitive request, I formed a reduced list accompanied by a letter, a copy of which has been transmitted. An allowance was made for the Lafayette's cargo, as well as a very imperfect sketch of it could enable me. This list was immediately referred to the War Department. In all my interviews with the Ministers, I endeavored to represent in their strongest light the following important articles. That notwithstanding the unalterable determination of the United States to support their independence, notwithstanding the virtue and firmness of the citizens in general, the immense pecuniary resources of Great Britain, and her constant naval superiority were advantages too decisive to be counterbalanced by any interior exertions on the part of the United States. That these must infallibly impose a term to the efforts of a nation, whose extended maritime and inland frontier rendered her obnoxious to sudden descents and incursions on all sides; whose army was consequently exposed to excessive marches, attended with insupportable expense of money and waste of soldiers, that the exhausted state of their finances reduced Congress to the impossibility of calling the natural resources of the country into activity; that the aggravated calamities of a war, which in its principles had been precautionary, began now to produce dangerous uneasinesses and discontents; that we had concealed enemies to contend against; that the British left no measures unattempted either of open force or secret intrigue; and finally, unless instant succor were afforded as solicited by Congress, that France was in danger of losing all the fruits of the part she had hitherto taken in the contest; that if instead of being actuated by a generous and enlightened policy, the Court of France had systematically protracted the war, in order that Britain and America might mutually exhaust themselves, while she had reserved her power to decide only in the last extremity, this period with respect to America had arrived; that the importance of the objects of the war on one hand, and the mischiefs of suffering Great Britain to re-annex to herself the resources of America, demanded the greatest exertions; that the honor of the King, as well as the national interest, was engaged, and that, considering the flourishing state of the French marine and finances, the succor solicited was as easy as, considering our situation, it was indispensable.

I endeavored, above all, to hasten their determinations. The general language held by the Ministry was, that the demands of Congress were excessive; that to induce succor from their ally, there should be greater exertions on the part of the United States; that the King had the greatest good will towards them, but that the expenditures of the war were immense; the necessity of supporting a maritime war in different quarters, and the indispensable defence of his own colonies, limited his power of giving assistance; that the public credit of France, however good, had its limits, which it were dangerous to exceed; that the administration of the American finances was not calculated to inspire confidence; that a dangerous wound had been given to our public credit by the resolution of the 18th of March, 1780, a measure, which, however judicious it might have been in time of peace, was exceedingly pernicious in time of war; that the application of Congress was tardy, and by its suddenness excluded expedients which might otherwise have been employed for our relief; that with regard to the national interest and honor, France had been a great kingdom, and the King a powerful monarch, when America was composed of feeble colonies.

To this kind of discourse I answered, by enlarging on the natural and political disadvantages of America in the present contest, the fertile resources of the British, their power and activity; the impossibility of our supporting a paper credit without a foundation of specie, adding, that the continental currency must have died a natural death if it had not been checked at a late stage of depreciation, by the act of Congress in question; that persons, who had clamored most on this subject, had been instrumental in hastening the discredit of our paper, by various commercial speculations, but that the downfall of the currency must be attributed principally to a want of funds for its support; for this object Congress were renewing their application in the most pressing terms; that the King of France's glory could not but suffer if the British triumphed in the present dispute, as his consideration in Europe would be lessened by it; that his interests besides, and those of his kingdom, would certainly be deeply wounded by a re-accession of America to Great Britain, and that the same fleet and army, which should prove decisive there, would be at hand to possess themselves of the French islands.

The Marquis de Castries, Minister for the Marine Department, being absent, and a vacation produced some delay, I waited on this Minister immediately on his return to Court, and observed to him that the most important decisions relative to the common cause of France and America had been suspended on account of his absence; urged him particularly on the great point of a naval superiority, reminding him, that the British Marine was the principal instrument of their power; that the efforts of the allies to reduce this force could nowhere be made with such a prospect of success as on the American coast; that it would be very easy after a decisive campaign in America, in which his personal glory was so much interested, to transport a sufficient force from the continent to reduce any British island; that in the mean time the French islands would be in the most perfect security. He repeated nearly what he had said at our first interview, with stronger assurances of his prospect of a naval superiority the ensuing campaign.

In a word I used every argument of national interest, and added such personal motives as I thought applicable to the different Ministers.

On the 8th of April Count de Vergennes communicated to me his Most Christian Majesty's determination to become security for a loan of ten millions of livres, to be opened on account of the United States in Holland; that he had immediately despatched a courier extraordinary to M. de la Vauguyon with a letter relative to this business; that I had reason to be satisfied with this in addition to the donation of six millions, and four millions that had been appropriated to the payment of bills drawn on Mr Franklin. I pressed him by many arguments to leave an opening for the remaining five millions; exposed the false policy of incomplete succors; observed that Congress had solicited no more than was necessary; that there should be no other limits to the present succor than the invincible bounds of possibility; that it was not the condition on which the money was obtained, but the sum and opportuneness of remitting it, that were above all important; that in this point of view I would prefer converting the donation into a loan, if it would make the advance more convenient to the French finances, and facilitate the augmentation of the total sum, destined for the United States. I repeated the same thing to the Director-General of Finance, but their answer was, the King had passed his word and could not retract.

I entreated both M. de Vergennes and M. Necker not to abandon the United States to the operation of a loan, but to secure us from the finances of France the sum in question, and above all, to make immediate arrangements for the remittance of it.

In the mean time I pressed the Minister of Marine on the subject of ships, but I found that it was far from the intention of the Court to furnish the means for remitting any considerable sum immediately. Count de Vergennes urged the imprudence of exposing such precious succors to a simultaneous risk, and the necessity of dividing the danger by successive remittances, adding besides, that as permission had been given to draw, an allowance was to be made on this account, and a provisional sum for payment retained; that pursuant to those ideas it had been solemnly determined to send no more than two millions in a frigate with me. I observed, that the first difficulty would be obviated by proportioning the escort to the value of the specie; with regard to the other objection, I gave it as my opinion, that no bills would be drawn in consequence of the mode for touching the donation of six millions. The Count said, that I was not sufficiently impressed with what had been already done on our account, and appealed to our Minister Plenipotentiary. In addition to the warmest verbal remonstrances on the subject, I presented the Memorial, a copy of which was forwarded to Congress.

In these circumstances I was induced to make an arrangement with Captain Gillon, of the frigate South Carolina, in order to secure an unexceptionable conveyance for a further remittance of specie, as well as for other reasons to be mentioned hereafter. This conveyance being approved by the Ministry, it was proposed by M. Necker, that one million should be remitted by this opportunity, two in the frigate from France as above mentioned, and that an arrangement should be made with the Spaniards for a further remittance from Vera Cruz, agreeably to an offer from their agent in Paris. Unfortunately, while this latter plan was in agitation, the agent received intelligence that the whole of the Spanish treasure destined for Europe had arrived safe at the Havana, in consequence of which he changed the terms of his first proposal, from an order payable at sight, to bills at six months' date; this, joined to the disagreeable intelligence from Holland of the failure of the loan proposed on account of the United States, occasioned my giving a Memorial to the Director-General, and insisting, in several interviews with him, on the necessity of something decisive in his department, adding, that the administration could not pursue a better plan for securing the triumph of Great Britain than the present system of giving inadequate and dilatory succor to America.

All that I could obtain was an addition of half a million to the specie to be embarked at Brest, and about the same sum to that in Gillon's ship. The Director-General informed me, that he had passed the sum of the proposed loan to the debit of the King's finances, and repeated his assurances, that our further remittances should be made successively.

I have already informed Congress, that the reduced list of supplies had been referred to the War Department, where it had to undergo a recopying and more methodical distribution under several heads. I used my endeavors to hasten the decisions on this subject, and to procure orders at least with respect to some particular articles, the providing of which obviously required a more early notice than others; but he said no partial arrangement could be made, and that a decision must be definitively given in council upon the whole business, previous to his engaging in the execution of his part.

On the 1st of April I received a letter from M. de Corney, Provincial Commissary, informing me, that the Marquis de Segur had appointed M. de Viemerange in conjunction with him to confer with me on the objects of the estimate, and the time and means of procuring them. I immediately repaired to Versailles for this purpose.

As the ancient administration for clothing the French troops was abolished, and each regiment in France makes its own contracts for habiliments and equipments, there exists no public magazine of supplies in this way, either in the War or Marine Department, and there was no other resource for this article than the remainder of some supplies at Brest, which had been provided for General Rochambeau's army; it was proposed then to cede these to the United States, and continue the provision upon the same terms as had been settled for the King's service. The quantity was extremely inconsiderable, compared even with the reduced list, which I had presented; the time proposed for augmenting it was long, and my prospects upon the whole were very discouraging, but the impracticability of doing better in present circumstances obliged me to yield. The difficulties and delays, however, which occurred in this transaction, and a persuasion that it would not be so economical as I had at first been taught to expect, were powerful additional motives with me for accepting Captain Gillon's offer relative to the South Carolina frigate, in order to avail myself of the supplies in his possession, and to complete his vacant tonnage by purchases in Holland, where the vicinity of the seaport and manufacturing towns insured despatch. Copies of all the papers, relative to the supplies, are in the hands of the Minister Plenipotentiary. I apprized him of the necessity of watching the punctual execution of the terms of Sabatier & Co's agreement, notwithstanding the superintendence of the War Department. The artillery, arms, ammunition, and encamping supplies, were to be collected at Brest from different arsenals in Brittany and elsewhere, at the same rates at which they were provided for the national service.

When the subject of casting howitzers, conformably to the British calibre, came to be more minutely and definitively discussed, difficulties with respect to the scarcity of materials, the danger of errors in the proportion, the want of a proper person to inspect the business, in a word, objections of different kinds were started; these, added to the facility of casting shells in America, determined me finally to substitute six inch howitzers of French calibre. Experience has proved, on a comparison of their effects with those of the larger sized howitzers, that the difference is trifling, and that the former will answer all the purposes of the latter, while their proportions render them more manageable, and economise ammunition. The French artillerists, enlightened by this discovery, have determined the reform of all their larger howitzers.

Upon my arrival at Brest I found the whole of the articles agreed to be furnished for the first convoy were not yet arrived. In these circumstances I substituted some articles which I found in the magazine there, that there might not be any further loss of time, and that there should be the least possible interval between our sailing and the embarcation of the specie, which once commenced could not be kept secret in passing through a number of hands, and might be a temptation to enterprises on the part of the enemy. The same motive determined me not to shift the whole of the money into cases, which would have been more portable. This precaution became indispensable however with respect to two of the casks, that had suffered too much from the violent shaking on the road to be embarked in that condition, and although all the casks are double, I apprehend the most scrupulous care will be necessary in their debarcation and removal. I send herewith the Chevalier de l'Angle's receipt for the specie on board the frigate Resolve, the copy of the Treasurer's note at Brest, and invoices of the cargoes on board the Cibelle and the Olimpe. Besides these, the whole of the surgical instruments, drugs, and tin and wire for camp kettles, agreeably to the Board of War's estimate, are supplied upon the same footing as the other articles. The drugs and tin I expect in the brigantine Active. In addition to the list, I left a statement of the ulterior demands. These, in addition to the cargo expected by Gillon, and the invoices already cited, include the total of the supplies.

The deduction of money for their payment was incompatible with so ample a provision, as prudence might otherwise have dictated. Necessitated to confine myself to a reduced list of the most indispensable articles, in order to leave the sum for remittances as unimpaired as possible, I avoided every purchase and additional expense of workmanship, that could be readily supplied by our artisans and manufacturers at home, as the money expended here, besides accomplishing the primary object, after descending in various channels to the encouragement of arts, and animation of industry among ourselves, would return its contribution to the great reservoir of public resources.

I am sorry not to be able to give Congress a more satisfactory and definitive account of Captain Gillon's proceedings. The papers sent herewith will show the measures I had taken, and all the intelligence I had received relative to this business previous to my departure. Relying on the zeal and activity of Captain Jackson, aided by the counsels of the Minister Plenipotentiary in Holland, I cannot apprehend any improper delay.

Captain Jackson alone was intrusted with the secret of the specie to be embarked, I enjoined him not to communicate it to any one, until the moment when it should become necessary to embark it; and, that the bankers might not be apprized of its destination, I sent the order for it enclosed to him.

I used every argument, at taking leave of the several Ministers, that I thought could influence them, and previous to my departure from Brest, renewed my solicitations in writing. I imagine some further effort will have been made relative to the loan in Holland, but at all events the ten millions are to be supplied from the King of France's finances. The Marquis de Castries, and M. Necker, were to concert the future remittances; they gave me fair promises on the subject, and Count de Vergennes assured me he would press them; he likewise gave me some hopes of credit for the supplies of military stores. The naval superiority, it is expected, will be established on the American coast for a sufficient time to enable us to enterprise something important.

Enclosed herewith is an answer from the Most Christian King to my letter of credence. Count de Vergennes informed me, that an answer to the other letter of Congress had been already despatched.

At taking my leave of his Most Christian Majesty, he desired me to renew his assurances of affection to the United States. The succeeding day his Majesty honored me with the accustomed present of his portrait. Republican strictness, and the utility of the precedent, lead me to refer it to the supreme representative of the majesty of the American people, the organ of that sovereign will to which I am devoted.

The Resolve sailed from Brest, with the Cibelle and Olimpe under her convoy, the 1st of June. The judicious precautions, and unwearied attention of the Chevalier de l'Angle, commander of the frigate, relative to his convoy, during a passage in which we experienced every contrariety, deserve the highest applause.

I entreat the further orders of Congress, being exceedingly solicitous to lose no time in rejoining the army.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest respect, &c.

JOHN LAURENS.

_P. S._ My first intention was to have steered for Philadelphia, but learning from a vessel, which we pursued for the purpose of intelligence, that Count de Grasse was not arrived, I judged it most prudent to make a safe eastern port, and arrived at Boston the afternoon of the 25th ult.

J. L.

* * * * *

TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS.

Philadelphia, September 6th, 1781.

Sir,

In consequence of the desire of the committee of conference on the subject of my mission to France, I do myself the honor to communicate to Congress all the information I am possessed of relative to the present situation of Henry Laurens, and the prospect of his enlargement or exchange. It appears from the letter of a gentleman in London, who had access to him under certain restrictions, that though the rigor of his confinement was in some degree abated, he still labored under several interdictions and restraints, as unprecedented as illiberal, and that the British Court still affected to consider him as amenable to their municipal laws, and maintained the idea of a future trial.

After I had finished the general business with which Congress had charged me, I consulted the several Ministers at the Court of France upon the proper measures to be taken, when such a flagrant violation of the laws of nations had been offered in the person of a public Minister, and solicited their intervention and assistance. They all declared, that however anxious they were to restore to his country a citizen, so valuable by his services, they had not the least hope, that any benefit would be derived from their interference, the British Court being as little disposed to gratify the Court of France, as they were to gratify the United States; and the unanimous opinion of these gentlemen further was, that nothing would determine the British to pursue a reasonable conduct in the present case, but the most exact retaliation on the part of Congress. For this purpose they advised, that one or more British prisoners of sufficient note and importance to cause a sensation by their own complaints, or those of their friends, to their Court, should be held as security for the safety of Mr Laurens, and that their mode of confinement and treatment should invariably follow the rule of the conduct of the British government towards him.

In addition to the report, which I had the honor to make the 2d instant, I take the present opportunity of enclosing to Congress the duplicate account of the frigate Alliance's disbursements, by Messrs Gourlade and Moylan of L'Orient. The misfortune of Mr Palfrey left us without other resource, than an application to a mercantile house. The persons above mentioned offered their services, and were recommended. The sum total appeared both to the Minister Plenipotentiary and myself very considerable for the short stay of the vessel in port, and the charge of advanced officers' pay unprecedented; but Captain Barry had signed the original account, and M. Moylan's house had advanced the money, and offered every authentic voucher. I thought myself obliged to write from Brest, requesting Dr Franklin to order payment after necessary security.

I found myself under the necessity of drawing, under the authority of Congress, for three hundred and fifty louis, on their Minister Plenipotentiary at the Court of France. Fifty of these were given to Mr Jackson on his departure for Holland. On my arrival at Boston, I borrowed on my private credit forty guineas, twentyfive of which have been paid for the purchase of saddles, and the expense of the journey, including that of an express with the despatches from France for the French Minister and army, and that of an escort of dragoons, which it became prudent, on account of my papers, to take from Danbury to a place a few miles on this side of the North River.

I had recourse to the State of Rhode Island for horses, &c. a particular account of which will be given to the Board of War.

I have the honor to be, with the greatest veneration, &c.

JOHN LAURENS.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

CHARLES W. F. DUMAS;

AGENT OF THE UNITED STATES IN HOLLAND.

Charles William Frederick Dumas was a native of Switzerland, but he passed a large portion of his life in Holland, chiefly employed as a man of letters. He was a person of deep learning, versed in the ancient classics, and skilled in several modern languages, a warm friend of liberty, and an early defender of the American cause. About the year 1770, or a little later, he published an edition of Vattel, with a long preface and notes, which were marked with his liberal sentiments.

When Dr Franklin was in Holland on his way to France, a short time before his return to his own country, at the beginning of the Revolution, he became acquainted with M. Dumas. Having thus witnessed his ability, his love of freedom, and his zeal in favor of America, he considered him a suitable person to act as agent in promoting our affairs abroad. When the Committee of Secret Correspondence in Congress was formed, towards the close of the year 1775, of which Dr Franklin was chairman, it was resolved to employ M. Dumas for executing the purposes of the Committee in Holland. A letter of general instructions was accordingly written to him by Dr Franklin in the name of the Committee, and from that time M. Dumas commenced a correspondence with Congress, which continued without interruption during the Revolution, and occasionally to a much later period. He acted at first as a secret agent, and after John Adams went to Holland as Minister Plenipotentiary from the United States, M. Dumas performed the office of Secretary and translator to the Minister. On the departure of Mr Adams for Paris, to engage in the negotiations for peace, M. Dumas remained in the character of _Chargé d'Affaires_ from the United States. In this capacity he exchanged with the Dutch government the ratification of the treaty, which had been previously negotiated by Mr Adams.

It will be seen by M. Dumas's correspondence, that his services were unremitted, assiduous, and important, and performed with a singular devotedness to the interests of the United States, and with a warm and undeviating attachment to the rights and liberties for which they were contending. Congress seem not to have well understood the extent or merits of his labors. He was obliged often to complain of the meagre compensation he received, and of the extreme difficulty with which he and his small family contrived to subsist on it. Both Mr Adams and Dr Franklin recommended him to Congress as worthy of better returns, but with little effect. This indifference to his worth and his services while living renders it the more just, that his memory should be honored with the respect and gratitude of posterity.

M. Dumas was still living in 1791, when Mr John Quincy Adams went to Holland as Minister from this country, but he died soon afterwards at an advanced age.

THE

CORRESPONDENCE

OF

CHARLES W. F. DUMAS.

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B. FRANKLIN TO M. DUMAS.

Philadelphia, December 19th, 1775.

Dear Sir,

I received your several favors of May 18th, June 30th, and July 8th, by Messrs Vaillant & Pochard, whom if I could serve upon your recommendation, it would give me great pleasure. Their total want of English is at present an obstruction to their getting any employment among us; but I hope they will soon obtain some knowledge of it. This is a good country for artificers or farmers, but gentlemen of mere science in _Les Belles Lettres_ cannot so easily subsist here, there being little demand for their assistance among an industrious people, who, as yet, have not much leisure for studies of that kind.

I am much obliged by the kind present you have made us of your edition of Vattel. It came to us in good season, when the circumstances of a rising State make it necessary frequently to consult the law of nations. Accordingly, that copy which I kept, (after depositing one in our own public library here, and sending the other to the College of Massachusetts Bay, as you directed,) has been continually in the hands of the members of our Congress now sitting, who are much pleased with your notes and preface, and have entertained a high and just esteem for their author. Your manuscript "_Idée sur le Gouvernement et la Royauté_," is also well relished, and may, in time, have its effect. I thank you, likewise, for the other smaller pieces, which accompanied Vattel. "_Le court Exposé de ce qui est passé entre la Cour Britanique et les Colonies, &c._" being a very concise and clear statement of facts, will be reprinted here for the use of our new friends in Canada. The translations of the proceedings of our Congress are very acceptable. I send you herewith what of them has been farther published here, together with a few newspapers, containing accounts of some of the successes Providence has favored us with.

We are threatened from England with a very powerful force to come next year against us. We are making all the provision in our power here to prevent that force, and we hope we shall be able to defend ourselves. But as the events of war are always uncertain, possibly, after another campaign, we may find it necessary to ask aid of some foreign power. It gives us great pleasure to learn from you, that "all Europe wishes us the best success in the maintenance of our liberty." But we wish to know whether any one of them, from principles of humanity, is disposed magnanimously to step in for the relief of an oppressed people, or whether if, as it seems likely to happen, we should be obliged to break off all connexion with Britain, and declare ourselves an independent people, there is any State or Power in Europe, who would be willing to enter into an alliance with us for the benefit of our commerce, which amounted, before the war, to near seven millions sterling per annum, and must continually increase, as our people increase most rapidly. Confiding, my dear friend, in your good will to us and our cause, and in your sagacity and abilities for business, the Committee of Congress, appointed for the purpose of establishing and conducting a correspondence with our friends in Europe, of which Committee I have the honor to be a member, have directed me to request of you, that as you are situated at the Hague, where Ambassadors from all the Courts reside, you would make use of the opportunity, which that situation affords you, of discovering, if possible, the disposition of the several Courts with respect to such assistance or alliance, if we should apply for the one or propose for the other. As it may possibly be necessary, in particular instances, that you should, for this purpose, confer directly with some great Ministers, and show them this letter as your credential, we only recommend it to your discretion, that you proceed therein with such caution, as to keep the same from the knowledge of the English Ambassador, and prevent any public appearance, at present, of your being employed in any such business, as thereby, we imagine, many inconveniences may be avoided, and your means of rendering us service increased.

That you may be better able to answer some questions, which will probably be put to you concerning our present situation, we inform you, that the whole continent is very firmly united, the party for the measures of the British Ministry being very small, and much dispersed; that we have had on foot the last campaign an army of near twentyfive thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block up the King's army in Boston, but to spare considerable detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met with great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will inform you, and have now reason to expect that whole Province may be soon in our possession; that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year, and thereby, we hope, with the assistance of well disciplined militia, to be able to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great extent; that we have already a small squadron of armed vessels to protect our coasting trade, which have had some success in taking several of the enemy's cruisers and some of their transport vessels and store-ships. This little naval force we are about to augment, and expect it may be more considerable in the next summer.

We have hitherto applied to no foreign power. We are using the utmost industry in endeavoring to make saltpetre, and with daily increasing success. Our artificers are also everywhere busy in fabricating small arms, casting cannon, &c. Yet both arms and ammunition are much wanted. Any merchants, who would venture to send ships laden with those articles, might make great profit; such is the demand in every Colony, and such generous prices are, and will be given, of which, and of the manner of conducting such a voyage, the bearer, Mr Story, can more fully inform you. And whoever brings in those articles is allowed to carry off the value in provisions to our West Indies, where they will fetch a very high price, the general exportation from North America being stopped. This you will see more particularly in a printed resolution of the Congress.

We are in great want of good engineers, and wish you could engage and send us two able ones in time for the next campaign, one acquainted with field service, sieges, &c. and the other with fortifying sea-ports. They will, if well recommended, be made very welcome, and have honorable appointments, besides the expenses of their voyage hither, in which Mr Story can also advise them. As what we now request of you, besides taking up your time, may put you to some expense, we send you, for the present, enclosed, a bill for one hundred pounds sterling, to defray such expenses, and desire you to be assured that your services will be considered and honorably rewarded by the Congress.

We desire, also, that you would take the trouble of receiving from Arthur Lee, agent for the Congress in England, such letters as may be sent by him to your care, and of forwarding them to us with your despatches. When you have occasion to write to him to inform him of anything, which it may be of importance that our friends there should be acquainted with, please to send your letters to him under cover, directed to Mr Alderman Lee, merchant, on Tower Hill, London, and do not send it by post, but by some trusty shipper, or other prudent person, who will deliver it with his own hand. And when you send to us, if you have not a direct safe opportunity, we recommend sending by way of St Eustatia, to the care of Messrs Robert & Cornelius Stevens, merchants there, who will forward your despatches to me.

With sincere and great esteem and respect, I am, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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B. FRANKLIN TO C. W. F. DUMAS.

Philadelphia, March 22d, 1776.

Dear Sir,

I wrote to you lately by Mr Story, and since by another conveyance. This line will be delivered to you by Mr Deane, who goes over on business of the Congress, and with whom you may freely converse on the affairs committed to you in behalf of that body. I recommend him warmly to your civilities. Messrs Vaillant & Pochard continue close at their new business, and are already able to subsist by it; as they grow more expert, they will be able to make more money.

Mr Deane will inform you of everything here, and I need not add more, than that I am, with esteem and respect, &c.

B. FRANKLIN.

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TO B. FRANKLIN, CHAIRMAN OF THE COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE.

Utrecht, April 30th, 1776.

Sir,

I received on the 6th instant at the Hague, from Mr Thomas Story, the despatches of the 19th December, 1775, of which he was the bearer.

I am deeply penetrated by the honor done me, and the confidence reposed in me by the committee appointed by the General Congress to maintain the correspondence between the American United Provinces and Europe, and of which you, Sir, are one of the worthy members. I shall die content if the remainder of my life can be devoted to the service of so glorious and just a cause. I accept, therefore, joyfully the commission you have bestowed, and whatever you may think fit to give me in future, and I promise a hearty good will and an untiring zeal. I hope my ability will justify the favorable opinion you entertain of me. This promise on my part is in fact an oath of allegiance, which I spontaneously take to Congress; receive it as such.

When I remarked in my last letter to you, "that all Europe wishes you the most happy issue in your defence of your liberty," I meant the unprejudiced, equitable, humane, European public; in a word, the citizens of universal society, men in general. You must except from this number the holders of English funds, and those Courts of Europe who have an understanding with England; these, far from assisting you, will sacrifice you to their interests or their fears. The allies, which under such circumstances are suitable for you, are France and Spain; for it is their interest that you should be free and independent of England, whose enormous maritime power fills them with apprehensions. I have, therefore, opened myself to the French Minister, and a copy and translation of your requests and letters of credence to me have been for a fortnight in his hands. In the conversation I had with this Minister I observed, that the wishes of his nation are for you. He said, that there was one difficulty in affording aid to the Colonies; if they should be reconciled with England, they would assist her against the power which had aided them, and would imitate the dog in the fable. I had no reply to make to this, except that in this case reasonable beings were concerned, that if they saw the object was not to deprive them of the liberty for which they were contending, but to assure it to them, they would not be so ungrateful as to join against their benefactors, those who wished to destroy that liberty. Finally, he desired to know from me positively, what I would ask for the Colonies of his Court. I answered, that you wished to be informed, 1. If the King of France would, from motives of humanity and magnanimity, interpose his mediation on behalf of an oppressed people and effect a reconciliation, which should preserve to them all the liberties they formerly enjoyed. 2. In case such a reconciliation could not be effected, would the nations, subjects of the house of Bourbon, be willing to accede to an alliance with the Colonies, with the advantages of an immense commerce? He was pleased with the former proposition to offer to his young king the glory of conferring peace on the subjects of others as well as on his own. The other proposition is not disagreeable to him, were it not for the dreadful war which would ensue in Europe. I then delivered to him, together with your letter, a memorial, showing how important it was for France not to allow the subjugation of the Colonies. The whole was sent to his Court about a fortnight since, and if the answer should be delayed it will be of no disadvantage. Meanwhile, we have gained this advantage, that an opening is made, which must dispose France in your favor, and engage her to tolerate and secretly to encourage even any assistance your vessels can derive from France, Spain, and the Indies. I have, therefore, in the extract, copied exactly what you pointed out to me as the most necessary, as engineers, arms, munitions, &c.