Chapter XXX: Appendix: S (3)

[507] Speed's map shows the curtain wall surrounding the top of the hill and also a large round tower towards the N.E. part, but not standing on any "other mount." The square keep is not indicated separately. It must be remembered that Speed's details are not always accurate or complete.

[508] "Ipse comes tenet in dominio Bishopstowe, et ibi est castellum ejus quod vocatur Montagud. Hoc manerium geldabat T. R. E. pro 9 hidas, et erat de abbatia de Adelingi, et pro eo dedit comes eidem ecclesiæ manerium quod Candel vocatur." D. B., i., 93a, 1.

[509] _Itin._, ii., 92.

[510] From a description communicated by Mr Basil Stallybrass. The motte is shown in a drawing in Stukeley's _Itinerarium Curiosum_. The "immense Romano-British camp" of which Mr Clark speaks (_M. M. A._, i., 73) is nearly a mile west.

[511] Mountjoy, Monthalt (Mold), Beaumont, Beaudesert, Egremont, are instances in point.

[512] _Gaimar_, 214, Wright's edition. Gaimar wrote in the first half of the 12th century; Wright states that his work is mainly copied from the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_, but its chief value lies in the old historical traditions of the north and east of England which he has preserved.

[513] Hodgson's _History of Northumberland_, Part II., ii., 384, 389.

[514] This account is taken from a description kindly furnished by Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[515] Bates' _Border Holds_, p. 11.

[516] _Simeon of Durham_, 1080. "Castellum Novum super flumen Tyne condidit."

[517] See the map in an important paper on Newcastle by Longstaffe, _Arch. Æliana_, iv., 45.

[518] _Guide to the Castle of Newcastle_, published by Society of Antiquaries of Newcastle, 1901.

[519] Longstaffe, as above.

[520] "Condidit castellum in excelso preruptæ rupis super Twedam flumen, ut inde latronum incursus inhiberet, et Scottorum irruptiones. Ibi enim utpote in confinia regni Anglorum et Scottorum creber prædantibus ante patebat excursus, _nullo enim quo hujusmodi impetus repelleretur præsidio locato_." _Symeon of Durham_, R. S., i., 140.

[521] "Castellum di Northam, quod munitionibus infirmum reperit, turre validissima forte reddidit." _Geoffrey of Coldingham_, 12 (Surtees Society). Symeon says it was built "precepto regis." The keep was extensively altered in the Decorated period.

[522] _M. M. A._, ii., 331.

[523] _Richard of Hexham_, 319 (Twysden).

[524] "In illa terra de quâ Herold habebat socam sunt 15 burgenses et 17 mansuræ vastæ, quæ sunt in occupatione castelli; et in burgo 190 mansuræ vacuæ in hoc quod erat in soca regis et comitis, et 81 in occupatione castelli." D. B., ii., 116. This shows that the castle and its ditches occupied ground partly within and partly without the ancient _burh_.

[525] Harrod's _Gleanings among Castles_, p. 142.

[526] The authorities from which this map is compiled are not given.

[527] The "new borough" at Norwich was the quarter inhabited by the Normans. D. B., ii., 118. "Franci de Norwich: in novo burgo 36 burgenses et 6 Anglici." Mr Hudson says that Mancroft Leet corresponds to the new burgh added to Norwich at the Conquest. See his map in _Arch. Journ._, xlvi.

[528] Norwich was not a Roman town; see Haverfield, _Vict. Hist. of Norfolk_, i., 320. But the Roman road from Caistor passed exactly underneath the castle motte. _Brit. Arch. Assoc. Journ._, xlvi., Rev. H. Dukinfield Astley.

[529] Harrod's _Gleanings among Castles_, p. 137.

[530] _Mon. Ang._, iv., 13. In 37 Henry III. the monks of Norwich Priory received "licentiam includendi eandem villam cum fossis," and by doing this they enclosed the lands of other fees.

[531] _Arch. Journ._, xlvi., 445.

[532] Kirkpatrick's _Notes of Norwich Castle_, written about 1725. He states that the angles of the motte had been spoilt, and much of it fallen away.

[533] _Archæologia_, vol. xii.

[534] Mr Hartshorne thought it was built between 1120 and 1125. _Arch. Journ._, xlvi., 260. It is certainly not as late as Henry II.'s reign, or the accounts for it would appear in the _Pipe Rolls_.

[535] _Pipe Rolls_, 19 Henry II., p. 117. In reparatione pontis lapidei et palicii et 3 bretascharum in eodem castello, 20_l._ 4_s._ 8_d._

[536] _Close Rolls_, ii., 22. Order that the palicium of Norwich Castle, which has fallen down and is threatened with ruin, be repaired.

[537] Kirkpatrick, _Notes on Norwich Castle_.

[538] Except Kirkpatrick, who shows a judicious scepticism on the subject. _Ibid._, p. 248.

[539] _Mon. Ang._, i., 482.

[540] D. B., ii., 117.

[541] Ordericus, ii., 184.

[542] Published in a paper on Nottingham Castle by Mr Emanuel Green, in _Arch. Journ._ for December 1901.

[543] See Mr Green's paper, as above, p. 388.

[544] "Apud Rokingham liberavimus Philippo Marco ad faciendam turrim quam dominus Rex precepit fieri in Mota de Notingham 100 marcas quas burgenses de Notingham et Willelmus Fil. Baldwini dederunt domino Regi pro benevolencia sua habenda." In Cole's _Documents Illustrative of English History_, 235. There is some reason to think that John instead of building the cylindrical keeps which were then coming into fashion, reverted to the square form generally followed by his father.

[545] _Pipe Rolls_, 1170-1186. The _Pipe Roll_ of 6 Richard I. mentions the making of "1 posterne in mota," which may be the secret passage in the rock.

[546] This is rendered probable by a writ of Henry III.'s reign, ordering that half a mark is to be paid annually to Isolde de Gray for the land which she had lost in King John's time "_per incrementum forinseci ballii Castri de Notinge_." _Close Rolls_, i., 508.

[547] _Close Rolls_, i., 548b. "Videat quid et quantum mæremii opus fuerit ad barbecanas et palitia ipsius castri reparanda" (1223). _Close Rolls_, i., 531b. Timber ordered for the repair of the bridges, bretasches, and _palicium gardini_ (1223). _Cal. of Close Rolls_, 1286, p. 390: Constable is to have timber to repair the weir of the mill, and the _palings of the court_ of the castle. Nottingham was one of eight castles in which John had baths put up. _Rot. Misæ._, 7 John.

[548] The murage of the town of Nottingham was assigned "to the repair of the outer bailey of the castle there" in 1288. _Patent Rolls_, Edward I., i., 308.

[549] Chapter xlii.

[550] D. B., i., 280.

[551] "Ipse Baldwinus vicecomes tenet de Rege Ochementone, et ibi sedet castellum." D. B., i., 105b, 2.

[552] The late Mr Worth thought the lower part of the keep was early Norman. He was perhaps misled by the round arched loops in the basement. But round arches are by no means conclusive evidence in themselves of Norman date, and the size of these windows, as well as the absence of buttresses, and the presence of pointed arches, are quite incompatible with the early Norman period. The whole architecture of the castle agrees with a 14th century date, to which the chapel undoubtedly belongs.

[553] Eyton, _Antiquities of Shropshire_, vol. vii.

[554] "Ibi fecit Rainaldus Castellum Luure." D. B., i., 253b. Rainald was an under-tenant of Roger, Earl of Shrewsbury.

[555] This sketch is reproduced in Mr Parry-Jones' _Story of Oswestry Castle_. Leland says, "Extat turris in castro nomine Madoci." _Itin._, v., 38.

[556] "In operatione palicii de Blancmuster 2_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._" XII., 124. Oswestry was known as Blancmoustier or Album Monasterium in Norman times.

[557] _Abingdon Chronicle_ and _Osney Chronicle_, which, though both of the 13th century, were no doubt compiled from earlier sources.

[558] _Osney Chronicle_, 1071.

[559] See Ingram's _Memorials of Oxford_ for an account of the very interesting crypt of this church, p. 8. The battlement storey of the tower is comparatively late.

[560] Mackenzie, _Castles of England_, i., 160.

[561] D. B., p. 154.

[562] Rymer's _Foedera_, vol. i.

[563] "Terram castelli Pechefers tenuerunt Gerneburn et Hunding." D. B., i., 276a, 2.

[564] There are similar nook-shafts to Henry II.'s keep at Scarborough, and to Castle Rising. Mr Hartshorne (_Arch. Journ._, v., 207) thought that there had been an earlier stone keep at Peak Castle, because some moulded stones are used in the walls, and because there is some herring-bone work in the basement. But this herring-bone work only occurs in a revetment wall to the rock in the cellar; and the moulded stones may be quite modern insertions for repairs, and may have come from the oratory in the N.E. angle, or from some of the ruined windows and doorways. The sums entered to this castle between the years 1172 and 1176 are less than half the cost of Scarborough keep, and do not appear adequate, though the keep was a small one. But there is some reason to think that the cost of castles was occasionally defrayed in part from sources not entered in the _Pipe Rolls_.

[565] Rex E. tenuit Peneverdant. Ibi 2 carucatæ terræ et reddebant 10 denarios. Modo est ibi castellum.... Valent 3 libras. D. B., i., 270.

[566] We need not resort to any fanciful British origins of the name Peneverdant, as it is clearly the effort of a Norman scribe to write down the unpronounceable English name Penwortham.

[567] See _ante_, under Clitheroe.

[568] Mr Halton's book (_Documents relating to the Priory of Penwortham_) throws no light on this point.

[569] _Transactions of the Historic Society of Lancashire and Cheshire_, vol. ix., 1856-1857, paper on "The Castle Hill of Penwortham," by the Rev. W. Thornber; Hardwick's _History of Preston_, pp. 103-11.

[570] In a paper published in the _Trans. Soc. Ant. Scot_, for 1900, on "Anglo-Saxon Burhs and Early Norman Castles," the present writer was misled into the statement that this hut was the remains of the cellar of the Norman _bretasche_. A subsequent study of Mr Hardwick's more lucid account of the excavations showed that this was an error. There were two pavements of boulders, one on the natural surface of the hill, on which the hut had been built, the other 5 feet above it, and 12 feet below the present surface. The hut appeared to have been circular, with wattled walls and a thatched roof. Several objects were found in its remains, and were pronounced to be Roman or Romano-British. The upper pavement would probably be the flooring of a Norman keep.

[571] Mr Roach Smith pronounced this spur to be Norman. As its evidence is so important, it is to be regretted that its position was not more accurately observed. It was found in the lowest stratum of the remains, but Mr Hardwick says: "As it was not observed until thrown to the surface, a possibility remained that it might have fallen from the level of the upper boulder pavement, 5 feet higher." We may regard this possibility as a certainty, if the lower hut was really British.

[572] Mr Willoughby Gardner says the castle commands a ford, to which the ancient sunk road leads. _Victoria Hist. of Lancashire_, vol. ii.

[573] Hugh Candidus, _Coenob. Burg. Historia_, in Sparke's _Scriptores_, p. 63. This passage was kindly pointed out to me by Mr Round. Hugh lived in Henry III.'s reign, but he must have had the more ancient records of the monastery at his disposal.

[574] Domesday Book mentions that the value of the burgus had greatly risen. It was one of the _burhs_ mentioned in the _Burghal Hidage_.

[575] _Pipe Roll_, 1187-1188. William of Jumièges says, "Statim firmissimo vallo castrum condidit, probisque militibus commisit." VII., 34. Wace professes to give the account of an eye-witness, who saw the timber for the castle landed from the ships, and the ditch dug. But Wace was not a contemporary, and as he has made the mistake of making William land at Pevensey instead of Hastings, his evidence is questionable. _Roman de Rou_, p. 293 (Andresen's edition).

[576] The ruins of this keep, until 1908, were buried under so large a mound of earth and rubbish that Mr G. T. Clark mistook it for a motte, and the present writer was equally misled. It ought to be stated, before the date of this keep is finally settled, that the _Gesta Stephani_ speaks of this castle as "editissimo aggere sublatum." P. 106.

[577] _Ibid._

[578] _Close Rolls_, i., 631a.

[579] D. B., i., 20b.

[580] D. B., i., 373b.

[581] Cited in Holmes' _History of Pontefract_, p. 62.

[582] Another charter, which is a confirmation by the second Ilbert de Lacy of the ecclesiastical gifts of Ilbert I. and Robert his son, states that the Chapel of St Clement in the castle of Pontefract was founded by Ilbert I. in the reign of William II. _Mon. Ang._, v., 128.

[583] It is not necessary to discuss the meaning of the name Pontefract, since for whatever reason it was given, it was clearly bestowed by the Norman settlers.

[584] "Castrum de Pontefracto est quasi clavis in comitatu Ebor." Letter of Ralph Neville to Henry III., _Foedera_, i., 429, cited by Holmes, _Pontefract_, 194.

[585] The Conqueror had given him more than 200 manors in Yorkshire. _Yorks. Arch. Journ._, xiv., 17.

[586] Four roundels are shown in the plate given in Fox's _History of Pontefract_, "from a drawing in the possession of the Society of Antiquaries." But the drawing is so incorrect in some points that it can hardly be relied upon for others. There were only three roundels in Leland's time.

[587] Drake's account of the siege says that there was a hollow place between Piper's Tower and the Round Tower all the way down to the well; the gentlemen and soldiers all fell to carrying earth and rubbish, and so filled up the place in a little space. Quoted in Holmes' _Manual of Pontefract Castle_.

[588] In the _English Historical Review_ for July 1904, where this paper first appeared, the writer spoke of _two_ mottes at Pontefract, having been led to this view by the great height of the east end of the bailey, where the ruins of John of Gaunt's work are found. This view is now withdrawn, in deference to the conclusions of Mr D. H. Montgomerie, F.S.A., who has carefully examined the spot.

[589] _Mon. Ang._, iv., 178.

[590] From a description by Mr D. H. Montgomerie.

[591] D. B., i., 224.

[592] See Chapter IV.

[593] Domesday Book says: "Ipse comes (Roger) tenet Ardinton. Sancta Milburga tenuit T. R. E. Ibi molinum et nova domus et burgus Quatford dictus, nil reddentes." I., 254.

[594] G. T. Clark, in _Arch. Cambrensis_, 1874, p. 264.

[595] _Ord. Vit._, iv., 32.

[596] "In hoc manerio fecit Suenus suum castellum." D. B., ii., 33b.

[597] Freeman, _N. C._, ii., 329, and iv., Appendix H.

[598] Mr Round has suggested that this castle was at Canfield in Essex, where there is a motte and bailey.

[599] "Isdem Osbernus habet 23 homines in castello Avreton et reddit 10 solidos. Valet ei castellum hoc 20 solidos." D. B., i., 186b.

[600] Mr Clark's plan is strangely incorrect, as he altogether omits the bailey. Compare the plan in Mr Round's Castles of the Conquest, _Archæologia_, vol. lviii., and Mr Montgomerie's plan here, Fig. 27.

[601] "Comes Alanus habet in sua castellata 199 maneria.... Præter castellariam habet 43 maneria." D. B., i., 381a, 2.

[602] This is stated in a charter of Henry II., which carefully recapitulates the gifts of the different benefactors to St Mary's. _Mon. Ang._, iii., 548. It is curious that the charter of William II., the first part of which is an inspeximus of a charter of William I., does not mention this chapel in the castle.

[603] Mr Skaife, the editor of the _Yorkshire Domesday_, thinks that it was at Hinderlag, but gives no reasons. Hinderlag, at the time of the Survey, was in the hands of an under-tenant. _Yorks. Arch. Journ._, lii., 527, 530.

[604] "Hic Alanus primo incepit facere castrum et munitionem juxta manerium suum capitale de Gilling, pro tuitione suorum contra infestationes Anglorum tunc ubique exhæredatorum, similiter et Danorum, et nominavit dictum castrum Richmond suo ydiomate Gallico, quod sonat Latine divitem montem, in editiori et fortiori loco sui territorii situatum." _Mon. Ang._, v., 574.

[605] There are no remains of fortification at Gilling, but about a mile and a half away there used to be an oval earthwork, now levelled, called Castle Hill, of which a plan is given in M'Laughlan's paper, _Arch. Journ._, vol. vi. It had no motte. Mr Clark says, "The mound at Gilling has not long been levelled." _M. M. A._, i., 23. It probably never existed except in his imagination.

[606] See Clarkson's _History of Richmond_.

[607] _Journal of Brit. Arch. Ass._, lxiii., 179.

[608] These are the dates given in Morice's _Bretagne_.

[609] Henry spent 51_l._ 11_s._ 3_d._ in 1171 on "operationes domorum et turris," and 30_l._ 6_s._ in 1174 on "operationes castelli et domorum."

[610] "Episcopus de Rouecestre, pro excambio terræ in qua castellum sedet, tantum de hac terra tenet quod 17 sol. et 4 den. valet." D. B., i., 2b.

[611] See Mr George Payne's paper on _Roman Rochester_, in _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi. Mr Hope tells me that parts of all the four sides are left.

[612] Thus Egbert of Kent, in 765, gives "terram intra castelli moenia supra-nominati, id est Hrofescestri, unum viculum cum duobus jugeribus," _Kemble_, i., 138; and Offa speaks of the "episcopum castelli quod nominatur Hrofescester," Earle, _Land Charters_, p. 60.

[613] See an extremely valuable paper on _Mediæval Rochester_ by the Rev. Greville M. Livett, _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[614] See the charter of Coenulf, King of Mercia, giving to Bishop Beornmod three ploughlands on the southern shore of the city of Rochester, from the highway on the east to the Medway on the west. _Textus Roffensis_, p. 96.

[615] The name Boley may possibly represent the Norman-French _Beaulieu_, a favourite Norman name for a castle or residence. Professor Hales suggested that Boley Hill was derived from Bailey Hill (cited in Mr Gomme's paper on Boley Hill, _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xvii.). The oldest form of the name is Bullie Hill, as in Edward IV.'s charter, cited below, p. 200.

[616] Roman urns and lachrymatories were found in the Boley Hill when it was partially levelled in the 18th century to fill up the castle ditch. _History of Rochester_, p. 281. At the part now called Watt's Avenue, Mr George Payne found "the fag-end of an Anglo-Saxon cemetery." _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[617] "In pulchriore parte civitatis Hrouecestre." _Textus Roffensis_, p. 145. Mr Freeman and others have noticed that the special mention of a _stone_ castle makes it probable that the first castle was of wood. Mr Round remarks that the building of Rochester Castle is fixed, by the conjunction of William II. and Lanfranc in its history, to some date between September 1087 and March 1089. _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, p. 339. Probably, therefore, it was this new castle which Bishop Odo held against Rufus in 1088. Ordericus says that "cum quingentis militibus intra Rofensem urbem se conclusit." P. 272.

[618] It is now attributed to Archbishop William of Corbeuil, to whom Henry I. gave the custody of the castle in the twenty-seventh year of his reign, with permission to make within it a defence or keep, such as he might please. _Continuator of Florence_, 1126. Gervase of Canterbury also says "idem episcopus turrim egregiam ædificavit." Both passages are cited by Hartshorne, _Arch. Journ._, xx., 211. Gundulf's castle cost 60_l._ and can scarcely have been more than an enclosing wall with perhaps one mural tower. See Mr Round, _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, 340, and Mr Livett's paper, cited above.

[619] Two common friends of Rufus and Gundulf advised the king that in return for the grant of the manor of Hedenham and the remission of certain moneys, "episcopus Gundulfus, quia in opere cæmentario plurimum sciens et efficax erat, castrum sibi Hrofense _lapideum_ de suo construeret." _Textus Roffensis_, p. 146. There was therefore an exchange of land in this affair also.

[620] _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi.

[621] _Arch. Cantiana_, vol. xxi., p. 49.

[622] There are several entries in the _Close Rolls_ relating to this wall of Henry III. in the year 1225.

[623] Mr Beale Poste says that this ancient wall was met with some years since in digging the foundations of the Rev. Mr Conway's house, standing parallel to the present brick walls and about 2 feet within them. "Ancient Rochester as a Roman Station," _Arch. Cantiana_, ii., 71. The Continuator of Gervase of Canterbury tells us (ii., 235) that at the siege of Rochester in 1265, Simon de Montfort captured the outer castle up to the keep (forinsecum castellum usque ad turrim), and Mr Livett thinks this outer castle must have been the Boley Hill.

[624] _Close Rolls_, ii., 98b.

[625] Hasted's _Kent_, iv., 163.

[626] "Ymb sætan tha ceastre and worhton other fæsten ymb hie selfe." See _ante_, p. 49, _note 120_.

[627] Mr Hope suggests the east side, as the north was a marsh.

[628] _History of Rochester_ (published by Fisher, 1772), p. 285.

[629] D. B., i., 56.

[630] "Wasta erat quando Rex W. iussit ibi castellum fieri. Modo valet 36 solidos." D. B., i., 220.

[631] "I markid that there is stronge Tower in the Area of the Castelle, and from it over the Dungeon Dike is a drawbridge to the Dungeon Toure." _Itin._, i., 14.

[632] "In operatione nove turris et nove camere in cast. 126_l._ 18_s._ 6_d._"

[633] D. B., i., 120.

[634] See the plan reproduced in Wise's _Rockingham Castle and the Watsons_, p. 66.

[635] Vol. i., p. 224: cited by Mr Irving in his valuable paper on Old Sarum in _Arch. Journ._, xv., 1859. Sir Richard made a vague reference to an MS. in the Cottonian and Bodleian libraries, for which Mr Irving says he has searched in vain.

[636] General Pitt-Rivers in his Address to the Salisbury meeting of the Archæological Institute in 1887, says that traces of these roads may still be seen. He adds that Old Sarum does not resemble the generality of ancient British fortifications, in that the rampart is of the same height all round, instead of being lower where the ground is steeper; this led him to think that the original fortress had been modernised in later times. Sir Richard Colt Hoare noticed that the ramparts of Sarum were twice as high as those of the fine prehistoric camps with which he was acquainted. _Ancient Wiltshire_, p. 226.

[637] Benson and Hatcher's _Old and New Sarum_, p. 604.

[638] _Cf._ Benson and Hatcher, 63, with _Beauties of England and Wales_, xv., 78.

[639] D. B., i., 66. "Idem episcopus tenet Sarisberie." Part of the land which had been held under the bishop was now held by Edward the Sheriff, the ancestor of the earls of Salisbury. This in itself is a proof that the castle was new. See Freeman, _N. C._, iv., 797.

[640] This policy had been dictated by an oecumenical council.

[641] He gives to the canons of the church two hides in the manor, "et ante portam castelli Seriberiensis terram ex utraque parte viæ in ortorum domorumque canonicorum necessitate." _M. A._, vi., 1294.

[642] _Gentleman's Magazine_, 1795.

[643] The area of the outer camp is 29-1/2 acres.

[644] It is unlikely that this is the _turris_ mentioned in the solitary _Pipe Roll_ of Henry I. "In unum ostium faciendum ad cellarium turris Sarum, 20s." This entry is of great interest, as entrances from the outside to the basement of keeps were exceptional in the 12th century; but the basement entrance of Colchester keep has every appearance of having been added by Henry I.

[645] William of Malmesbury, _Hist. Nov._, ii., 91.

[646] In 1152; the writ is given by Benson and Hatcher, p. 32.

[647] "In operatione unius Bretesche in eodem Castro 50s." _Pipe Rolls_, 1193-4.

[648] "Virgam et mairemium ad hordiandum castrum." _Close Rolls_, i., 198b (1215).

[649] Benson and Hatcher, p. 704.

[650] "Dicunt quod castrum cum burgo Veteris Sarum et dominicus burgus domini Regis pertinent ad coronam cum advocatione cujusdam ecclesiæ quæ modo vacat." _Hundred Rolls_, Edward I., cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[651] Cited by Benson and Hatcher, p. 802.

[652] D. B., 66a, 1. The value T. R. E. is not, however, very distinctly stated.

[653] "Dicunt Angligenses burgenses de Sciropesberie multum grave sibi esse quod ipsi reddunt totum geldum sicut reddebant T. R. E. quamvis castellum comitis occupaverit 51 masuras et aliæ 50 masuræ sunt wastæ." D. B., i., 252.

[654] Some writers, such as Mr Kerslake and Mr C. S. Taylor, have supposed Sceargate to mean Shrewsbury.

[655] Mandatum est vicecomiti Salopie quod veterem palum et veterem bretaschiam de vetere fossato ville Salopie faciat habere probos homines ville Salopie ad novum fossatum ejusdem ville, quod fieri fecerant, efforciandum et emendendum. _Close Rolls_, 1231, p. 508. The honest men of the city are also to have "palum et closturam" from the king's wood of Lichewood "ad hirucones circa villam Salopie faciendas ad ipsam villam claudendam." _Ibid._ _Hirucones_ are the same as _heritones_ or _hericias_, a defence of stakes on the counterscarp of the ditch.

[656] "In op. castelli de Salop^be in mota 5_l._" _Pipe Rolls_, 19 Henry II., p. 108.

[657] "Dampnum mote castri Salopp' ad valenciam 60 marcarum, sed non recolligunt totum evenisse propter molendinum abbatis Salopp', quia 30 annis elapsis mota castri fuit fere deteriorata sicut nunc est." _Hundred Rolls_, ii., 80. "Dicunt quod unus magnus turris ligneus (_sic_) qui ædificatur in castro Salopp' corruit in terram tempore domini Uriani de S. Petro tunc vicecomitis, et meremium ejus turris tempore suo et temporibus aliorum vicecomitum postea ita consumitur et destruitur quod nihil de illo remansit, in magnum damnum domini Regis et deteriorationem eiusdem castri." _Ibid._, p. 105.

[658] _Pipe Rolls_, 11 Henry II., p. 89; 12 Henry II., p. 59; 14 Henry II., p. 93; 15 Henry II., p. 108; 20 Henry II., p. 108.

[659] Payment to those who dig stone for the castle of Shrewsbury, _Close Rolls_, i., 622b. This is in 1224. There is also a payment of 50_l._ for works at the castle in 1223. _Ibid._, 533b.

[660] _Hundred Rolls_, ii., 80. A _jarola_ or garuillum is a stockade; apparently derived from a Gallic word for _oak_, and may thus correspond to an oak paling. See Ducange.

[661] Owen and Blakeway's _History of Shrewsbury_, i., 450.

[662] _Chronicon de Melsa_, R. S. See Preface, p. lxxii.

[663] _Yorks Inquisitions_ (Yorks Rec. Ser.), i., 83.

[664] _Rot. Lit. Claus._, i., 474b.

[665] Poulson's _History of Holderness_, i., 457.

[666] D. B., i., 323b.

[667] Ethelwerd, anno 910.

[668] "Ipse Henricus tenet Cebbeseio. Ad hoc manerium pertinuit terra de Stadford, in qua rex precepit fieri castellum, quod modo est destructum." D. B., i., 249a.

[669] "Apud Estafort alteram [munitionem] locavit." _Ord. Vit._, p. 199.

[670] It should be said that Mr Eyton interprets the passage differently, and takes it to mean that the castle was built on land in the borough of Stafford belonging to the manor of Chebsey. But he himself says that "the site of Stafford Castle, within the liberties, though not within the borough of Stafford, would suggest a royal foundation"; and he believes this castle (the one on the motte) to have been the one garrisoned by Henry I. and made a residence by Henry II. _Domesday Studies_, p. 21.

[671] _Salt. Arch. Soc. Trans._, vol. viii., "The Manor of Castre or Stafford," by Mr Mazzinghi, a paper abounding in valuable information, to which the present writer is greatly indebted.

[672] In the addenda to Mr Eyton's _Domesday of Staffordshire_ (p. 135) the learned editor says there are two Stafford castles mentioned in Domesday, in two different hundreds. We have carefully searched through the whole Stafford account, and except at Burton and Tutbury, there is no other castle mentioned in Staffordshire but this one at Chebsey.

[673] Dugdale conjectures that Robert was sheriff of Staffordshire. He had large estates round the town of Stafford. Eyton, _Staffordshire_, p. 61.

[674] Mazzinghi, _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 6; Eyton, _Domesday Studies_, p. 20.

[675] _Monasticon_, vi., 223: "Ecclesiam S. Nicholai in castello de Stafford."

[676] Ordericus, vii., 12. See also vii., 13, p. 220 (ed. Prévost).

[677] Mazzinghi, _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 22.

[678] In a charter to Stone Abbey, _Salt Collections_, vol. ii. That the castle he speaks of was the one outside the town is proved by his references to land "extra burgum."

[679] The _Pipe Roll_ contains several entries relating to this gaol at Stafford. It is clear from several of the documents given by Mr Mazzinghi that the king's gaol of Stafford and the king's gaol of the castle of Stafford are equivalent expressions.

[680] _Pipe Rolls_, 2 John.

[681] _Close Rolls_, i., 69.

[682] _Constitutional History_, i., 272.

[683] Cited in _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, vi., pt. i., 258.

[684] _Patent Rolls_, 22 Edward iii., cited by Mazzinghi, p. 80.

[685] _Salt Arch. Soc. Trans._, viii., 122. It was undoubtedly at this time that the oblong stone keep on the motte, which is described in an escheat of Henry VIII.'s reign, was built.

[686] _Salt Arch. Coll._, viii., 14.

[687] Speed's _Theatre of Britain_; Leland, _Itin._, vii., 26.

[688] The Stafford escheat of Henry VIII.'s reign, which describes the town, also makes no mention of any castle in the town. Mazzinghi, p. 105.

[689] _Salt Arch. Trans._, viii., 231. The mistake may possibly have arisen from the fact that a fine castellated gateway, shown in W. Smith's map (_Description of England_), stood on the south-west wall of the town, close to the spot where Speed's map marks a Castle Hill.

[690] There must be some error in the first statement of the Stafford revenue in Domesday, which says that the king and earl have 7_l._ between them, as it is contradicted by the later statement. D. B., i., 246a and 247b, 2.

[691] There were 141 _mansiones_, T. R. E., "et modo totidem sunt præter 5 quæ propter operationem castelli sunt wastæ." From a passage in the _Domesday of Nottingham_ it would seem that a _mansio_ was a group of houses.

[692] _Gervase of Canterbury_, i., 156, R. S.

[693] Peck's _Antiquarian Annals of Stamford_; he gives the charter, p. 17.

[694] Cited in Nevinson's "Notes on the History of Stamford," _Journ. Brit. Arch. Ass._, xxxv.

[695] "T. R. E. dabat Stanford 15_l._; modo dat ad firmam 50_l._ De omni consuetudine regis modo dat 28_l._"

[696] "Ibi habet Helgot castellum, et 2 carucas in dominio, et 4 servos, et 3 villanos, et 3 bordarios, et 1 Francigenam cum 3-1/2 carucis. Ibi ecclesia et presbyter. T. R. E. valebat 18 solidos; modo 25 solidos. Wastam invenit." D. B., i., 258b. There are some fragments of Norman work in the church, which is chiefly Early English, doubtless of the same date as the mural tower of the castle.

[697] Stapleton's Introduction to _Rot. Scac. Normanniæ_, vol. ii.

[698] It used to be supposed that herring-bone work was a Saxon sign, and this furnished an additional claim to the Saxon origin of this castle; but it is now known that herring-bone work only occurs in the later Saxon work, and is far more common in Norman. See _note_, p. 136.

[699] See _ante_, p. 34.

[700] Ordericus, xi., ch. iii.

[701] There are three entries for the works of the _turris_ at Tickhill in the _Pipe Rolls_ of 1178 and 1179, amounting to £123, 12s. 5d.

[702] _Pipe Roll_, 31 Henry I., 33, 36. Expenses for work at the wall of the castle are mentioned. Ordericus says that Robert Belesme fortified the castle of Blythe at the time of his rebellion in 1101, but he also says that it had belonged to Roger de Busli. _Hist. Ecc._, iv., 33; xi., 3.

[703] Vicar's _Parliamentary Chronicle_, quoted by Hunter, _South Yorks_, ii., 235.

[704] D. B., i., 319a.

[705] _A.-S. C._ in _anno_.

[706] D. B., i., 76.

[707] _M. A._, iv., 630.

[708] Leland is responsible for this last statement.

[709] D. B., i., 108b.

[710] "Egressus Lundoniæ rex _dies aliquot_ in propinquo loco Bercingio morabatur, dum firmamenta quædam in urbe contra mobilitatem ingentis et feri populi perficerentur." P. 165. Ordericus is quoting from William of Poitiers. There was formerly a Roman camp at Barking, and the motte which William hastily threw up on its rampart to defend his sojourn still remains. See _Victoria History of Essex_.

[711] Mr Harold Sands suggests to me that the first fortification may simply have been a bank and palisade across the angle of the Roman wall, with perhaps a wooden keep, and that the great fire in London in 1077 determined William to build a stone keep.

[712] Hearne's _Textus Roffensis_, 212. "Idem Gundulfus, ex precepto Regis Willielmi Magni, præesset operi magnæ turris Londoniæ."

[713] The building of stone keeps was generally spread over several years, as we learn from the _Pipe Rolls_. Richard I. built his celebrated keep of Chateau Gaillard in one year, but he himself regarded this as an architectural feat. "Estne bella, filia mea de uno anno," he said in delight.

[714] _A.-S. C._ in _anno_.

[715] Round's _History of Colchester_, ch. iv.

[716] The keep of Norwich Castle measures 100 × 95 feet; Middleham, 100 × 80; Dover, 95 × 90. These are the largest existing keeps in England, next to the Tower and Colchester. The destroyed keep of Duffield measured 99 × 93 feet; that of Bristol is believed to have been 110 × 95.

[717] The reader will find little help for the structural history of the Tower in most of the works which call themselves Histories of the Tower of London. The plan of these works generally is to skim over the structural history as quickly as possible, perhaps with the help of a few passages from Clark, and to get on to the history of the prisoners in the Tower. For the description in the text, the writer is greatly indebted to Mr Harold Sands, F.S.A., who has made a careful study of the Tower, and whose monograph upon it, it is hoped, will shortly appear.

[718] _Ante_, p. 89.

[719] Many of the larger keeps contain rooms quite spacious enough to have served as banqueting halls, and it is a point of some difficulty whether they were built to be used as such. But as late as the 14th century, Piers Ploughman rebukes the new custom which was growing up of the noble and his family taking their meals in private, and leaving the hall to their retainers. Every castle seems to have had a hall in the bailey.

[720] Mr Sands says the main floors are not of too great a span to carry any ordinary weight.

[721] The keep of Pevensey Castle, the basement of which has been recently uncovered, has no less than four apsidal projections, one of which rests on the solid base of a Roman mural tower. But this keep is quite an exceptional building. See _Excavations at Pevensey_, Second Report, by H. Sands.

[722] Mr Sands has conjectured that the third floor may be an addition, and that the second storey was originally open up to the roof and not communicating with the mural passage except by stairs. This was actually the case at Bamborough keep, and at Newcastle and Rochester the mural gallery opens into the upper part of the second storey by inner windows.

[723] Until the end of the 12th century the roofs of keeps were gabled and not flat, but probably there was usually a parapet walk for sentinels or archers.

[724] Parts of these walls, running N. and S. have been found very near the E. side of the Tower. No trace of the Roman wall has been found S. of the Tower, but in Lower Thames Street lines have been found which, if produced, would lead straight to the S. wall of the inner bailey. Communicated by Mr Harold Sands.

[725] I have to thank Mr Harold Sands for kindly revising this account of the Tower.

[726] "Ibi habet comes unum castrum et mercatum, reddentes 101s." D. B., i., 122.

[727] It must be remembered that round arches, in castle architecture, are by no means a certain sign of date. Of course the first castle on this motte must have been of wood.

[728] _Ord. Vit._, ii., 222 (Prévost).

[729] "Henricus de Ferrers habet castellum de Toteberie. In burgo circa castellum sunt 42 homines de mercato suo tantum viventes." D. B., i., 248b.

[730] Shaw's _History of Staffordshire_, i., 49.

[731] Quoted in _Beauties of England and Wales_, Staffordshire, p. 1129.

[732] _Diceto_, i., 384. The castle was then besieged on Henry's behalf by the vassal prince of South Wales, the Lord Rhys.

[733] The foundation charter is in _Mon. Ang._, iii., 393.

[734] _A.-S. C._

[735] William of Poitiers calls it an _oppidum_, p. 141.

[736] Hedges, _History of Wallingford_.

[737] "The Towne of Portsmuth is murid from the Est Tower a forowgh lenght with a Mudde Waulle armid with Tymbre." _Itin._, iii., 113.

[738] "In burgo de Walingeford habuit Rex Edwardus 8 virgatas terræ; et in his erant 276 hagæ reddentes 11 libras de gablo.... Pro castello sunt 8 destructæ." D. B., i., 56. If we divide these 276 _haughs_ by the 114 acres enclosed by the town rampart, we get an average of about 1 rood 26 perches for each haugh; multiply this by 8 (the number destroyed for the castle) and we get an area of 3 acres, which is about the average area of an early Norman castle.

[739] Hedges, _History of Wallingford_, i., 139.

[740] Camden speaks of the motte as being in the middle of the castle, but this is a mistake.

[741] Such is the account in Hedges' _History of Wallingford_, p. 139, but it sounds odd. It is to be inferred from the same source that the fragment of a round building which stands on the top of the motte must be modern; it is thick enough to be ancient.

[742] _Close Rolls_, i., anno 1223.

[743] D. B., i., 56.

[744] "Abbas de Couentreu habet 36 masuras, et 4 sunt wastæ propter situm castelli." D. B., i., 238a.

[745] "Hæ masuræ pertinent ad terras quas ipsi barones tenent extra burgum, et ibi appreciatæ sunt." D. B., i., 238.

[746] Maitland, _Domesday Book and Beyond_, p. 189.

[747] Ordericus, p. 184. "Rex _itaque_ castellum apud Guarevicum condidit, et Henrico Rogerii de Bello Monte filio ad servandum tradidit." Mr Freeman remarks that no authentic records connect Thurkil of Warwick with Warwick Castle. _N. C._, iv., 781.

[748] _N. C._, iv., 190.

[749] In operatione unius domus in mota de Warwick et unius bretaschie 5_l._ 7_s._ 11_d._ _Pipe Rolls_, 20 Henry II. As _domus_ is a word very commonly used for a keep, it is probable this expenditure refers to a wooden keep.

[750] From information received from Mr Harold Sands. There appears to be no foundation whatever for the curious ground plan given by Parker.

[751] See _ante_, p. 42.

[752] "Willelmus comes fecit illud castellum in wasta terra quæ vocatur Mereston." D. B., i., 183.

[753] _Mon. Ang._, vi., 349.

[754] This keep rests on a broad extension of the earthen rampart, similar to what is still to be seen in the mottes of Devizes, Burton-in-Lonsdale, and William Hill, Middleham.

[755] Ordericus says: "Intra moenia Guentæ, opibus et munimine nobilis urbis et mari contiguæ, validam arcem construxit, ibique Willelmum Osberni filium in exercitu suo precipuum reliquit." II., 166. The _intra moenia_ is not to be taken literally, any more than the _mari contiguæ_. It is strange that Mr Freeman should have mistaken Guenta for Norwich, since under 1067 Ordericus translates the Winchester of the A.-S. C. by Guenta.

[756] "De isto manerio testatur comitatus quod injuste accepit [abbas] pro excambio domus regis, quia domus erat regis." D. B., i., 43a, 1.

[757] _Ibid._, i., 43a, 2.

[758] "Sicut rex Willielmus pater meus ei dedit in excambium pro terra illa in qua ædificavit aulam suam in urbe Winton." _Mon. Ang._, ii., 444.

[759] "Pars erat in dominio et pars de dominio abbatis; hoc totum est post occupatum in domo regis." P. 534. This passage throws light on the fraud of the abbot of Hyde, referred to above.

[760] "Extra portam de Vuest ... ibi juxta fuit quidam vicus; fuit diffactus quando rex fecit facere suum fossatum." P. 535.

[761] _Arch. Inst._, Winchester volume, p. 51.

[762] It should also be said that the word _domus_ is frequently used for a keep in chronicles and ancient documents of the 11th and 12th centuries.

[763] The line of the more ancient roof gable can be traced in the north wall, and there is a vestige of a Norman doorway in the east wall.

[764] _History of Winchester_, ii., 210.

[765] Henry of Blois, Bishop of Winchester and brother of King Stephen, pulled down the royal palace close to the cathedral, which presumably was the old Saxon palace, and used the materials to build Wolvesey Castle. See Malmesbury, "De Vitis Sex Episcoporum," _Anglia Sacra_, ii., 421. He could hardly have dared to do this if the palace had still been used by the Norman kings.

[766] _History of Winchester_, ii., 210. See Fig. 37.

[767] _Ibid._, p. 195. It is difficult, now that the area has been levelled, to say exactly where this motte stood. Woodward says that the keep stood in the N.E. corner; but he probably alludes to a mural tower whose foundations can still be seen, near the County Hall. _History of Hampshire_, i., 295-304.

[768] Turner, _History of Domestic Architecture_. He cites from the _Liberate Roll_, 35 Henry II., an order for the repair of the ditch between the great tower and the bailey.

[769] "Radulfus filius Seifrid tenet de rege Clivor. Heraldus comes tenuit. Tunc se defendebat pro 5 hidis, modo pro 4-1/2 hidis, et castellum de Windesores est in dimidia hida." D. B., i., 62b. The _Abingdon History_ also mentions the foundation of Windsor Castle and gives some interesting details about castle guard. "Tunc Walingaforde et Oxenforde et Wildesore, cæterisque locis, castella pro regno servando compacta. Unde huic abbatiæ militum excubias apud ipsum Wildesore oppidum habendas regis imperio jussum." II., 3, R. S.

[770] _Leland_, iv., 1, 37. See also Tighe's _Annals of Windsor_, pp. 1-6. Until recently there was a farmhouse surrounded by a moat at Old Windsor, which was _believed_ to mark the site of Edward's _regia domus_.

[771] Edward's grant of Windsor to Westminster is in _Cod. Dip._, iv., 227. Domesday does not mention the rights of the church, but says the manor of Windsor was held of the crown T. R. E. and T. R. W. Camden gives William's charter of exchange with the convent of Westminster. _Britannia_, i., 151.

[772] This is stated in the charter given by Camden.

[773] In 1 virgata terræ quam Willelmus fil. Walteri habet in escambio pro terra sua quæ capta est ad burgum. P. 721.

[774] The _Red Book of the Exchequer_, which contains an abstract of the missing _Pipe Roll_ of 1 Henry II., has an entry of 12_s._ paid to Richard de Clifwar for the exchange of his land, and regular payments are made later. There was another enlargement of the bailey in Henry III.'s reign, but the second bailey was then existing. See _Close Rolls_, i., 531b.

[775] "In operatione muri circa castellum 11_l._ 10_s._ 4_d._ Summa denariorum quos idem Ricardus [de Luci] misit in operatione predicta de ballia 128_l._ 9_s._" _Pipe Roll_, 20 Henry II., p. 116.

[776] Tighe's _Annals of Windsor_, p. 21.

[777] There is a singular entry in the _Pipe Roll_ of 7 Richard I., "pro fossato prosternando quod fuit inter motam et domos regis," clearly the ditch between the motte and the bailey. Mr Hope informs me that this can only refer to the northern part of the ditch, as the eastern portion was only filled up in 1824. Mr Hope thinks that the castle area has always included the lower bailey. I regret that Mr Hope's History of Windsor Castle did not appear in time to be used in this work.

[778] _Foedera_, vol. i.

[779] _Pipe Rolls_, 30 Henry II.

[780] D. B., i., 62b, 2; 56b, 2.

[781] Roger of Wendover, in _anno_.

[782] Walter and Cradock's _History of Wisbeach_, pp. 270-278.

[783] Morris' _Troubles of our Catholic Forefathers_, p. 223. This keep was one built by Bishop Morton in 1471.

[784] Birch's _Cartularium_, ii., 222.

[785] Ursus erat vicecomes Wigorniæ a rege constitutus, qui in ipsis poene faucis monachorum castellum construxit, adeo ut fossatum coemiterii partem decideret. _Gesta Pontif._, p. 253.

[786] "Castrum Wigorniæ nobis redditum est, tanquam jus noster, usquam motam turris." _Annales de Wigornia_, R. S., p. 407. "Rex Johanni Marescallo salutem: Mandamus vobis quod sine dilatione faciatis habere venerabili patri nostro domino Wigorniensi episcopo ballium castri nostri Wigorniæ, quod est jus ecclesiæ suæ; retenta ad opus nostrum mota ejusdem castri." _Patent Rolls_, 1 Henry III., p. 46.

[787] _Annales de Wigornia_, p. 375.

[788] "In reparatione turris Wigorniæ 8_l._" _Red Book of Exchequer_, ii., 656.

[789] "Precipimus tibi quod per visum liberorum et legalium hominum facias parari portam castri Wigorniæ, quæ nunc est lignea, lapideam, et bonam et pulchram." _Rot. de Liberate_, p. 93, 1204.

[790] Green's _History of Worcester_, i., 19.

[791] Allies' _Antiquities of Worcestershire_, p. 15. His words strictly apply to "the lofty mound called the keep, with its ditches, etc.," but probably the whole area was not more than 4 acres.

[792] See the documents cited by Mr Round in his _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O, and the _Pipe Rolls_ of 1173. "In reparatione Mote et Gaiole de Wirecestra, £35, 13s. 8d."

[793] _Gentleman's Magazine_, i., 36, 1834. See Haverfield, "Romano-British Worcester," _Victoria County History of Worcestershire_, vol. i.

[794] D. B., i., 172.

[795] It is needless to remark that _baile_ is the Norman word for an enclosure or courtyard; Low Latin _ballia_; sometimes believed to be derived from _baculus_, a stick.

[796] Ordericus, ii., 188 (edition Prévost).

[797] _Norman Conquest_, iv., 270. Mr Freeman has worked out the course of events connected with the building and destruction of the castles with his usual lucidity. But he never grasped the real significance of mottes, though he emphatically maintained that the native English did not build castles.

[798] "Ethelstanus Castrum quod olim Dani in Eboraco obfirmaverant ad solum diruit, ne esset quo se tutari perfidia posset." _Gesta Regum_, ii., 134.

[799] Widdrington, _Analecta Eboracensia_, p. 120. It was this suburb which Alan, Earl of Richmond gave to the Abbey of St Mary at York, which he had founded. "Ecclesiam sancti Olavii in quâ capud abbatiæ in honorem sanctæ Mariæ melius constitutum est, et _burgum in quo ecclesia sita est_." _Mon. Ang._, iii., 547. For the addition of new boroughs to old ones see _ante_, p. 174, under Norwich. Although Athelstan destroyed the fortifications of this borough, they were evidently renewed when the Danish earls took up their residence there, for when Earl Alan persuaded the monks from Whitby to settle there one inducement which he offered was the fortification of the site, "loci munitionem." _Mon. Ang._, iii., 545.

[800] In Eboraco civitate T. R. E. præter scyram archiepiscopi fuerunt 6 scyræ; una ex his est wasta in castellis. D. B., i., 298.

[801] _Notes on Clifford's Tower_, by George Benson and H. Platnauer, published by the York Philosophical Society.

[802] "Thone castel tobræcon and towurpan." _A.-S. C._ See Freeman, _N. C._, iv., 270.

[803] "In operatione turris de Euerwick, 15_l._ 7_s._ 3_d._" _Pipe Roll_, 19 Henry II., vol. xix., 2. We assume that William's second keep lasted till Henry II.'s reign.

[804] _Benedict of Peterborough_, ii., 107.

[805] "In operatione castri 28_l._ 13_s._ 9_d._" _Pipe Roll_, 3 Richard I. Under the year 1193, after relating the tragedy of the Jews at York Castle, Hoveden says: "Deinde idem cancellarius [William de Longchamp] tradidit Osberto de Lunchamp, fratri suo, comitatum Eboracensem in custodia, et precepit firmari castellum in veteri castellario quod Rex Willelmus Rufus ibi construxerat." III., 34, R. S. The expression _vetus castellarium_ would lead us to think of the Old Baile, which certainly had this name from an early period; and Hoveden, being a Yorkshireman as well as a very accurate writer, was probably aware of the difference between the two castles. But if he meant the Old Baile, then both the castles were restored at about the same time. "Rufus" must be a slip, unless there was some rebuilding in Rufus' reign of which we do not know.

[806] Messrs Benson and Platnauer are of the former opinion. "The existence of a second layer of timber seems to show that the fortification destroyed was rebuilt in wood." _Notes on Clifford's Tower_, p. 2.

[807] "Pro mairemio castri Ebor. prostrato per ventum colligendo, 2_s._" _Pipe Roll_, 19 Henry III. It is, of course, a conjecture that this accident happened to the keep; but the keep would be the part most exposed to the wind, and the _scattering_ of the timber, so that it had to be collected, is just what would happen if a timber structure were blown off a motte.

[808] As the writer was the first to publish this statement, it will be well to give the evidence on which it rests. The keep of York is clearly Early English in style, and of an early phase of the style. It is, however, evident to every one who has carefully compared our dated keeps, that castle architecture always lags behind church architecture in style-development, and must be judged by different standards. We should therefore be prepared to find this and most other keeps to be of later date than their architecture would suggest. Moreover, the expenditure entered to York Castle in the reigns of Henry II., Richard I., and John, is quite insufficient to cover the cost of a stone keep. The _Pipe Rolls_ of Henry III.'s reign decide the matter, as they show the sums which he expended annually on this castle. It is true they never mention the _turris_, but always the _castrum_; we must also admit that the _turris_ and _castrum_ are often distinguished in the writs, even as late as Edward III.'s reign. (_Close Rolls_, 1334.) On the other hand extensive acquaintance with the _Pipe Rolls_ proves that though the mediæval scribe may have an occasional fit of accuracy, he is generally very loose in his use of words, and his distinctions must never be pressed. Take, for instance, the case of Orford, where the word used in the _Pipe Rolls_ is always _castellum_, but it certainly refers to the keep, as there are no other buildings at Orford. Other instances might be given in which the word _castellum_ clearly applies to the keep. It should be mentioned that in 1204 John gave an order for stone for the castle (_Close Rolls_, i., 4b), but the amounts on the bill for it in the _Pipe Rolls_ show that it was not used for any extensive building operations.

[809] "Mandatum est Galterio de Cumpton forestario de Gauteris quod ad pontem et domos castri Eboraci et breccas palicii ejusdem castri reparandos et emendandos Vicecomitem Eboraci mæremium habere faciat in foresta de Gauteris per visum, etc." _Close Rolls_, ii., 61b.

[810] Order to expend up to 6 marks in repairing the wooden peel about the keep of York Castle, which peel is now fallen down. _Cal. of Close Rolls,_ 17 Edward II., 25.

[811] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, 1313-1318, 262. _Mota_ is wrongly translated _moat_.

[812] See Mr Cooper's _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_. During Messrs Benson and Platnauer's excavations, a prehistoric crouching burial was found in the ground below the motte, 4 feet 6 inches under the present level. This raises the question whether William utilised an existing prehistoric barrow for the nucleus of his motte.

[813] D. B., i., 298a.

[814] _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_, by T. P. Cooper, p. 222.

[815] See the passage from Hoveden already quoted, _ante_, p. 245.

[816] Drake's _Eboracum_, App. xliv.

[817] See Mr Cooper's _York: The Story of its Walls and Castles_, which contains a mass of new material from documentary sources, and sheds quite unexpected light on the history of the York fortifications. I am indebted to Mr Cooper's courtesy for some of the extracts cited above relating to York Castle.

[818] Cooper's _York_, chapters ii. and iv. 100_l_. was spent by the sheriff in fortifying the walls of York in the sixth year of Henry III. After this there are repeated grants for murage in the same and the following reign. There are some Early English buttresses in the walls, but the majority are later. No part of the walls contains Norman work.

[819] The details of this evidence, which consist mainly in (1) a structural difference in the extended rampart; (2) a subsidence in the ground marking the old line of the city ditch, will be found in Mr Cooper's work, p. 224.

[820] "Locum in Eboraco qui dicitur Vetus Ballium, primo spissis et longis 18 pedum tabulis, secundo lapideo muro fortiter includebat." T. Stubbs, in Raine's _Historians of the Church of York_, ii., 417, R. S.

[821] "The plotte of this castelle is now caullid the Olde Baile, and the area and diches of it do manifestley appere." _Itin._, i., 60.

[822] See the plan in Mr Cooper's _York_, p. 217.

[823] "In the Wales of the Laws, the social system is tribal." Owen Edwards, _Wales_, p. 39.

[824] Vinogradoff, _Growth of the Manor_, pp. 15-16.

[825] Pennant's _Tour in Wales_, Rhys' edition, ii., 234.

[826] _Ancient Laws and Institutes of Wales_, pp. 238, 94. The MS. of the _Leges Wallicæ_ is not earlier than the 13th century. The other editions of the Laws are even later. See Wade Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, for the most recent criticism of the Laws of Howel Dda.