Chapter XXXI: Appendix: S (4)

[827] The _Leges Wallicæ_ say: "Villani regis debent facere novem domos ad opus regis; scilicet, aulam, cameram, coquinam, penu (capellam), stabulum, kynorty (stabulum canum), horreum, odyn (siccarium) et latrinam." P. 791.

[828] The word Din or Dinas, so often used for a fort in Wales, is cognate with the German _Zaun_, Anglo-Saxon _tun_, and means a fenced place. Neither it nor the Irish form dun have any connection with the Anglo-Saxon _dun_, a hill. See J. E. Lloyd, _Welsh Place-names_, "Y Cymmrodor," xi., 24.

[829] It is doubtful whether Deheubarth ever included the small independent states of Gwent, Brecknock, and Glamorgan.

[830] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodorion Trans._, 1899.

[831] There is an earthwork near Portskewet, a semicircular cliff camp with three ramparts and two ditches. It is scarcely likely that this can be Harold's work, as Roman bricks are said to have been found there. Willet's _Monmouthshire_, p. 244. Athelstan had made the Wye the frontier of Wales. _Malmesbury_, ii., 134.

[832] See _A.-S. C._, anno 1097, and compare the entry for 1096 with the account in the _Brut_ for 1093, which shows that the Norman castles had been restored, after being for the most part demolished by the Welsh.

[833] The _Brut y Tywysogion_, or _Story of the Princes_, exists in no MS. older than the 14th century. It and the _Annales Cambriæ_ have been disgracefully edited for the _Rolls_ Series, and the topographical student will find no help from these editions. See Mr Phillimore's criticism of them, in _Y Cymmrodor,_ vol. xi. The Aberpergwm MS. of the _Brut_, known also as the _Gwentian Chronicle_, has been printed in the _Archæologia Cambrensis_ for 1864; it contains a great deal of additional information, but as Mr Phillimore observes, so much of it is forgery that none of it can be trusted when unsupported.

[834] The barbarity on both sides was frightful, but in the case of the Welsh, it was often their own countrymen, and even near relations, who were the victims. And so little patriotism existed then in Wales that the Normans could always find allies amongst some of the Welsh chieftains. Patriotism, however, is a virtue of more recent growth than the 11th century.

[835] There is, however, no contemporary evidence for the existence of the Marcher lordships before the end of the 12th century. See Duckett "On the Marches of Wales," _Arch. Camb._, 1881.

[836] The districts of Cyfeiliog and Arwystli, in the centre of Wales, were also reckoned in Gwynedd.

[837] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodorion Trans._, 1899.

[838] In the descriptions of castles in this chapter, those which have not been specially visited for this work are marked with an asterisk. Those which have been visited by others than the writer are marked with initials: D. H. M. being Mr D. H. Montgomerie, F.S.A.; B. T. S., Mr Basil T. Stallybrass; and H. W., the Rev. Herbert White, M.A. This plan will be followed in the three succeeding chapters.

[839] "Hugo comes tenet de rege Roelent (Rhuddlan). Ibi T. R. E. jacebat Englefield, et tota erat wasta. Edwinus comes tenebat. Quando Hugo comes recipit similiter erat wasta. Modo habet in dominio medietatem castelli quod Roelent vocatur, et caput est hujus terræ.... Robertus de Roelent tenet de Hugone comite medietatem ejusdem castelli et burgi, in quo habet ipse Robertus 10 burgenses et medietatem ecclesiæ. Ibi est novus burgus et in eo 10 burgenses.... In ipso manerio est factum noviter castellum similiter Roeland appellatum." D. B., i., 269a, 1.

[840] Ayloffe's _Rotuli Walliæ_, p. 75. "De providendo indempnitati magistri Ricardi Bernard, Personæ Ecclesiæ de Rothelan', in recompensionem terræ suæ occupatæ ad placeam castri de Rothelan' elargandam."

[841] Tut or Toot Hill means "look-out" hill; the name is not unfrequently given to abandoned mottes. The word is still used locally. _Cf._ Christison, _Early Fortifications in Scotland_, p. 16.

[842] Such presentations of abandoned castle sites, and of old wooden castles, to the church, were not uncommon. We have seen how the site of Montacute Castle was given to the Cluniac monks (_ante_, p. 170). Thicket Priory, in Yorkshire, occupied the site of the castle of Wheldrake; and William de Albini gave the site and materials of the old castle of Buckenham, in Norfolk, to the new castle which he founded there. The materials, but not the site, of the wooden castle of Montferrand were given in Stephen's reign to Meaux Abbey, and served to build some of the monastic offices. _Chron. de Melsa_, i., 106.

[843] "Fines suos dilatavit, et in monte Dagannoth, qui mari contiguus est, fortissimum castellum condidit." _Ordericus_, iii., 284 (edition Prévost). The verb _condere_ is never used except for a new foundation.

[844] The _Brut_ says that in the year 823 the Saxons destroyed the _Castle_ of Deganwy. This is one of the only two instances in which the word _castell_ is used in this Welsh chronicle before the coming of the Normans. As the MS. is not earlier than the 14th century it would be idle to claim this as a proof of the existence of a castle at this period. _Castell_, in Welsh, is believed to have come straight from the Latin, and was applied to any kind of fortress. Lloyd, _Welsh Place-names_, "Y Cymmrodor," xi., 28.

[845] The "new castle of Aberconwy" mentioned by the _Brut_ in 1211, undoubtedly means this new stone castle built by the earl at Deganwy, as the castle of Conway did not then exist.

[846] See Pennant, ii., 151; and _Arch. Camb._, 1891, p. 321.

[847] _Brut of Tywysogion_, 1145.

[848] Published with a Latin translation in _Arch. Camb._, 1866. "He built castles in various places, after the manner of the French, in order that he might better hold the country."

[849] The _Brut_ also mentions the castle of Aberlleinog, and says it was built in 1096; _rebuilt_ would have been more correct, as the "Life of Griffith ap Cynan" shows that it was built by the Earl of Chester, and burnt by Griffith, before the expedition of 1096 (really 1098), when Hugh, Earl of Shrewsbury, met with his death on the shore near this castle, from an arrow shot by King Magnus Barefoot, who came to the help of the Welsh.

[850] Mr Hartshorne in his paper on Carnarvon Castle (_Arch. Journ._, vii.) cites a document stating that a wall 18 perches long had been begun _round the moat_ [possibly _motam_; original not given]. He also cites from the _Pipe Rolls_ an item for wages to _carriers of earth dug out of the castle_.

[851] This ruined wall runs in a straight line through the wood on the ridge to the east of the town; at one place it turns at right angles; at the back of the golf pavilion is a portion still erect, showing that it was a dry built wall of very ordinary character.

[852] Roman masonry has been exposed in the bank of the station.

[853] _Life of Griffith ap Cynan_; Brut, 1111.

[854] _Arch. Camb._, iv., series 296 and 911.

[855] The _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ dates this expedition in 1114, and says that Henry caused castles to be built in Wales. The _Brut_ mentions the large tribute, 1111.

[856] _Brut_, 1149. Madoc ap Meredith, with the assistance of Ranulf, Earl of Chester, prepared to rise against Owen Gwynedd, son of Griffith ap Cynan.

[857] D. B., i., 255a. Professor Lloyd says, "Maelor Saesneg, Cydewain, Ceri, and Arwystli came under Norman authority, and paid renders of money or kine in token of subjection." "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodor. Trans._, 1899.

[858] _Ibid._

[859] See page 130.

[860] _Brut_, under 1107. The castle is called Dingeraint by this chronicler.

[861] "Ipse comes construxit castrum Muntgumeri vocatum." D. B., i., 254.

[862] _Montgomery Collections_, x., 56.

[863] _Close Rolls_, i., 558b.

[864] "Firmiter precipimus omnibus illis qui motas habent in valle de Muntgumeri quod sine dilatione motas suas bonis bretaschiis firmari faciant ad securitatem et defensionem suam et partium illarum." _Close Rolls_, ii., 42.

[865] Mr Davies Pryce has suggested that the Hen Domen, a very perfect motte and bailey within a mile of the present castle of Montgomery was the original castle of Montgomery, and that the one built by Henry III. was on a new site. This of course is quite possible, but I do not see that there is sufficient evidence for it. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xx., 709.

[866] _Brut y Tywysogion._

[867] _Itin._, vii., 16.

[868] _Pipe Rolls_, 1158-1164. It should be noted that the _Brut_ does not claim the battle of Crogen as a Welsh victory.

[869] Lyttleton's _History of Henry II._

[870] Pennant thought he saw vestiges of a castle "in the foundations of a wall opposite the ruins" [of the abbey]; but his accuracy is not unimpeachable.

[871] _Pipe Rolls_, 1211-1213. "For the money expended in rescuing the castles of Haliwell and Madrael, £100."

[872] _Itin._, p. 67. Toulmin Smith's edition of Welsh portion.

[873] D. B., i., 255a.

[874] Life of Griffith.

[875] _Pipe Roll_, 1159-1160. £4, 3s. 4d. paid to Roger de Powys "ad custodiam castelli de Dernio"; "In munitione turris de Dermant £6, 4s. 0d." It cannot be doubted that these two names mean the same place.

[876] _Arch. Camb._, iv., 1887.

[877] At the time of the Survey the manor of Gresford (Gretford) was divided between Hugh, Osbern, and Rainald. Osbern had 6-1/2 hides and a mill grinding the corn of _his court_ (curiæ suæ). This probably is a reference to this castle. D. B., i., 268. It was waste T. R. E. but is now worth £3, 5s. 0d.

[878] "On the Town of Holt," by A. N. Palmer, _Arch. Camb._, 1907.

[879] _Beauties of England and Wales, North Wales_, p. 589. I am glad to find that Mr Palmer, in the new edition of his _Ancient Tenures of Land in the Marches of Wales_, confirms the identifications which I have made of these two last castles, pp. 108, 116, 118.

[880] _Arch. Camb._, 5th ser., iv., 352. Camden's statement that this castle was founded in Edward I.'s reign shows that he was unacquainted with the _Pipe Rolls_.

[881] _Pipe Rolls_, 1164-1165, and 1167-1168.

[882] _Pipe Rolls_, 1212-1213.

[883] "Sur l'ewe de Keyroc," _History of Fulk Fitz Warine_, edited by T. Wright for Warton Club.

[884] _Victoria County History of Lancashire_, i., 369.

[885] _England under the Normans and Angevins._

[886] "Ad recutienda castella de Haliwell et Madrael £100." _Pipe Rolls_, 1212-1213.

[887] Wade Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, vol. xii.

[888] It has in fact every appearance of a Roman camp.

[889] _Brut_, 1211.

[890] The castle of Hawarden, which is only about 2-1/4 miles from that of Euloe, is not mentioned in any records before 1215; but it is believed to have been a castle of the Norman lords of Mold. It also is on a motte.

[891] I am indebted for this identification to the kindness of Mr A. N. Palmer of Wrexham.

[892] D. B., i., 254. The manor is called Gal. It had been waste T. R. E., but was now worth 40s.

[893] _Pipe Roll_ (unpublished), 1212-1213.

[894] Whereas there is no rock in the ditch of the neighbouring motte of Tomen y Rhodwydd. Pennant (and others following him) most inaccurately describe Tomen y Rhodwydd as _two_ artificial mounts, whereas there is only one, with the usual embanked court. See Appendix K.

[895] "The Maer dref [which Vardra represents] may be described as the home farm of the chieftain." Rhys and Brynmor Jones, _The Welsh People_, p. 401.

[896] Ordericus, ii., 218, 219 (edition Prévost).

[897] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1091.

[898] _Brut_, 1071. "The French ravage Ceredigion (Cardigan) and Dyfed"; 1072, "The French devastated Ceredigion a second time."

[899] _A.-S. C._, 1081. "This year the king led an army into Wales, and there he set free many hundred persons"--doubtless, as Mr Freeman remarks, captives taken previously by the Welsh. The _Brut_ treats this expedition as merely a pilgrimage to St David's!

[900] "Then the French came into Dyfed and Ceredigion, _which they have still retained_, and fortified the castles, and seized upon all the land of the Britons." _Brut_, 1091 = 1093.

[901] Powell's _History of Wales_ professes to be founded on that of Caradoc, a Welsh monk of the 12th century; but it is impossible to say how much of it is Caradoc, and how much Powell, or Wynne, his augmentor.

[902] _Brut_, 1107.

[903] "In the Brut, Ystrad Towy does not only mean the vale of Towy, but a very large district, embracing most of Carmarthenshire and part of Glamorganshire." _Welsh Historical Documents_, by Egerton Phillimore, in _Cymmrodor_, vol. xi.

[904] _Brut_, 1092.

[905] Lloyd, "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," _Cymmrodor. Trans._, 1899: refers to Marchegay, _Chartes du Prieurie de Monmouth_.

[906] _Brut_, 1143.

[907] The date given is 1080, but as the dates in the Brut at this period are uniformly two years too early, we alter them accordingly throughout this chapter.

[908] Now more often called the Aberpergwm Brut, from the place where the MS. is preserved.

[909] See Freeman, _Norman Conquest_, v., 820; William Rufus, ii., 79; and Prof. Tout, in Y Cymmerodor, ix., 208. For this reason we do not use the list of castles given in this chronicle, but confine ourselves to those mentioned in the more trustworthy _Brut y Tywysogion_.

[910] The same MS. says, under the year 1099, "Harry Beaumont came to Gower, against the sons of Caradog ap Jestin, and won many of their lands, and built the castle of Abertawy (Swansea) and the castle of Aberllychor (Loughor), and the castle of Llanrhidian (Weobley), and the castle of Penrhys (Penrice), and established himself there, and brought Saxons from Somerset there, where they obtained lands; and the greatest usurpation of all the Frenchmen was his in Gower."

[911] "Primus hoc castrum Arnulphus de Mongumeri sub Anglorum rege Henrico primo ex virgis et cespite, tenue satis et exile construxit." _Itin. Cambriæ_, R. S., 89.

[912] Quoted from Duchesne in _Mon. Ang._, vol. vi.

[913] See Mr Cobbe's paper on Pembroke Castle in _Arch. Camb._, 1883, where reasons are given for thinking that the present ward was originally, and even up to 1300, the whole castle.

[914] A motte-castle of earth and wood was certainly not regarded as "a weak and slender defence" in the time of Giraldus.

[915] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1095.

[916] Bridgeman's _Hist. of South Wales_, 17.

[917] _Arch. Camb._, 3rd ser., v., a paper on Newport Castle, in which the writer says that there are _two_ mottes at Llanhyfer, the larger one ditched round. The Ordnance Map only shows one.

[918] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1146.

[919] _Patent Rolls of Henry III._, 255; _Foedera_, i., 161.

[920] _Brut y Tywysogion_, 1192.

[921] Bridgeman says that Narberth was given to Stephen Perrot by Arnulf de Montgomeri, but gives no authority for this statement.

[922] _Brut_, 1171.

[923] _Ibid._, 1107. "Earl Gilbert built a castle at Dingeraint, where Earl Roger had before founded a castle."

[924] The castle of Aberrheiddiol is probably the name of the present castle of Aberystwyth when it was first built, as Lewis Morris says that the river Rheiddiol formerly entered the sea near that point. Quoted by Meyrick, _History of Cardigan_, p. 488.

[925] _Brut_, 1107.

[926] _Brut_, 1113.

[927] _Ibid._, 1135.

[928] _Ibid._, 1135, 1157, 1199, 1203, 1207.

[929] Meyrick's _Hist. of Cardigan_, p. 293. Dinerth is not the same as Llanrhystyd, though Lewis (_Top. Dict. Wales_) says it is; the two places have separate mention in _Brut_, 1157. Mr Clark mentions the motte. _M. M. A._, i., 115.

[930] _Brut_, 1135.

[931] Meyrick's _Hist. of Cardigan_, p. 232.

[932] _Brut_, 1157.

[933] _Beauties of England and Wales_, Cardigan, p. 502.

[934] _Brut_, under 1113.

[935] In the _Rolls_ edition of the _Brut_ this castle is called Llanstephan, but the context makes it probable that Lampeter is meant; the _Annales Cambriæ_ say "the castle of Stephen."

[936] _Beauties of England and Wales_, p. 492.

[937] _Brut_, 1216.

[938] _Arch. Journ._, xxviii., 293.

[939] _Brut_, 1094.

[940] _Desc. Camb._, i., 10.

[941] _Brut_, 1094.

[942] _Ibid._, p. 110. There is a farmhouse called Rhyd y Gors about a mile lower down than Carmarthen, and on the opposite side are some embankments; but I am assured by Mr Spurrell of Carmarthen that these are only river-embankments. Rhyd y Gors means the ford of the bog; there is no ford at this spot, but there was one at Carmarthen.

[943] See _Arch. Camb._, 1907, pp. 237-8.

[944] See Round's _Ancient Charters_, p. 9, _Pipe Roll_ Series, vol. x.

[945] _Brut_, 1113.

[946] The first mention of the castle of Llanstephan is in the _Brut_, 1147, if, as has been assumed above, the mention in 1136 refers to Stephen's castle at Lampeter, as the _Annales Cambriæ_ say.

[947] The motte of Conisburgh in Yorkshire is a very similar case known to the writer; it measures 280 × 150 feet. Such very large mottes could rarely be artificial, but were formed by entrenching and scarping a natural hill.

[948] _Brut_, 1256. See _Arch. Camb._, 1907, p. 214, for Col. Morgan's remarks on this castle.

[949] The name _Gueith tineuur_ is found in the _Book of Llandaff_, p. 78 (Life of St Dubricius), but it seems doubtful whether this should be taken to prove the existence of some "work" at Dinevor in the 6th century. See Wade-Evans, _Welsh Mediæval Law_, p. 337-8.

[950] _Brut_, 1145. "Cadell ap Griffith took the castle of Dinweiler, which had been erected by Earl Gilbert."

[951] _Gwentian Chronicle._

[952] The statement of Donovan (_Excursions Through South Wales_), that the castle stands on an artificial mount is quite incorrect.

[953] The _Rolls_ edition of the _Brut_ gives the corrupt reading Aber Cavwy for the castle of "Robert the Crook-handed," but a variant MS. gives Aber Korram, and it is clear from the _Gwentian Chronicle_ and Powell (p. 145) that Abercorran is meant.

[954] _Brut_, 1152.

[955] See paper by Mr D. C. Evans, _Arch. Camb._, 1907, p. 224.

[956] The first mention known to the writer is in 1285.

[957] _Arch. Camb._, 3rd ser., v., 346.

[958] _Annales Cambriæ_, 1205; _Brut_, 1207, 1208. The _Annales_ call it the castle of Luchewein.

[959] _Beauties of England and Wales_, "Caermarthen," pp. 192, 309.

[960] _Mon. Ang._, iii., 244.

[961] This motte is mentioned in a charter of Roger, Earl of Hereford, Bernard's grandson, in which he confirms to the monks of St John "molendinum meum situm super Hodeni sub pede mote castelli." _Arch. Camb._, 1883, p. 144.

[962] The dates in the _Brut_ are now one year too early. Under 1209 it says, "Gelart seneschal of Gloucester fortified (cadarnhaaod) the castle of Builth." We can never be certain whether the word which is translated _fortified_, whether from the Welsh or from the Latin _firmare_, means built originally or rebuilt.

[963] _Beauties of England and Wales_, "Brecknockshire," p. 153.

[964] _Brut_, in _anno_. The Mortimers were the heirs of the De Braoses and the Neufmarchés.

[965] _Annales Cambriæ_, 1260. This may, however, be merely a figure of speech.

[966] Order to cause Roger Mortimer, so soon as the castle of Built shall be closed with a wall, whereby it will be necessary to remove the bretasches, to have the best bretasche of the king's gift. _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Ed. I., i., 527.

[967] See Clark, _M. M. A._, i., 307.

[968] Round, _Ancient Charters_, No. 6.

[969] _Itin._, v., 74.

[970] _Arch. Camb._, N. S., v., 23-28.

[971] "Wales and the Coming of the Normans," by Professor Lloyd, in _Cymmrodorion Transactions_, 1899.

[972] Marchegay, _Chartes du Prieurie de Monmouth_, cited by Professor Lloyd, as above.

[973] _Brut_, 1143.

[974] Not to be confounded with the castle of Clun in Shropshire.

[975] _Annales Cambriæ_ and _Annales de Margam._ See plan in _Arch. Camb._, 4th ser., vi., 251.

[976] _Annales Cambriæ._

[977] Really Ty-yn-yr Bwlch, the house in the pass. Not to be confounded with Tenby in Pembrokeshire.

[978] _Cal. of Close Rolls_, Ed. II., iii., 415, 643.

[979] See "Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin," by John Ward, _Archæologia_, lvii., 335.

[980] See "Cardiff Castle: its Roman Origin," by John Ward, _Archæologia_, lvii., 335.

[981] Mr Clark thought the shell wall on the motte was Norman, and the tower Perp. But the wall of the shell has some undoubtedly Perp. windows. The _Gwentian Chronicle_ says that Robert of Gloucester surrounded the _town_ of Cardiff with a wall, anno 1111.

[982] See Gray's _Buried City of Kenfig_, where there are interesting photographs. The remains appear to be those of a shell.

[983] _Annales de Margam_, 1232.

[984] Gray's _Buried City of Kenfig_, pp. 59, 150.

[985] This information is confirmed by Mr Tennant, town clerk of Aberavon.

[986] See Francis' _Neath and its Abbey_, where the charter of De Granville is given. It is only preserved in an Inspeximus of 1468.

[987] _M. M. A._, i., 112.

[988] Ruperra is not quite one mile from the river Rhymney. There is another site which may possibly be that of Castle Remni: Castleton, which is nearly 2 miles from the river, but is on the main road from Cardiff to Newport. "It was formerly a place of strength and was probably built or occupied by the Normans for the purpose of retaining their conquest of Wentlwg. The only remains are a barrow in the garden of Mr Philipps, which is supposed to have been the site of the citadel, and a stone barn, once a chapel." Coxe's _Monmouthshire_, i., 63.

[989] It is right to say that Colonel Morgan in his admirable _Survey of East Gower_ (a model of what an antiquarian survey ought to be) does not connect this mound with the old castle which is mentioned, as well as the new castle, in Cromwell's Survey of Gower. But even the old castle seems to have been Edwardian (see the plan, p. 85), so it is quite possible there were three successive castles in Swansea.

[990] _Brut_, 1113.

[991] Morgan's _Survey of East Gower_, p. 24.

[992] Colonel Morgan's _Survey of East Gower_.

[993] Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_.

[994] The passage of the river Lune in Lancashire is similarly defended by the mottes of Melling and Arkholme.

[995] The dates given are those of the _Brut_, and probably two years too early.

[996] Meyrick's _History of Cardigan_, p. 146.

[997] Meyrick's _History of Cardigan_, p. 146.

[998] Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_.

[999] We do not include the castles which the Welsh _re_built. Thus in 1194 we are told that Rhys built the castle of Kidwelly, which he certainly only rebuilt.

[1000] Malcolm Canmore himself had passed nearly fourteen years in England. Fordun, iv., 45.

[1001] Burton remarks: "To the Lowland Scot, as well as to the Saxon, the Norman was what a clever man, highly educated and trained in the great world of politics, is to the same man who has spent his days in a village." _History of Scotland_, i., 353.

[1002] Dr Round has brought to light the significant fact that King David took his chancellor straight from the English chancery, where he had been a clerk. This first chancellor of Scotland was the founder of the great Comyn family. _The Ancestor_, 10, 108.

[1003] Fordun, _Annalia_, vol. iv.

[1004] It is tempting to connect the extraordinary preponderance of mottes, as shown by Dr Christison's map, in the shires which made up ancient Galloway (Wigton, Kirkcudbright, and Dumfries) with the savage resistance offered by Galloway, which may have made it necessary for all the Norman under-tenants to fortify themselves, each in his own motte-castle. It is wiser, however, to delay such speculations until we have the more exact information as to the number of mottes in Scotland, which it is hoped will be furnished when the Royal Commission on Historical Monuments has finished its work. But this work will not be complete unless special attention is paid to the earthworks which now form part of stone castles, and which are too often overlooked, even by antiquaries. The _New Statistical Account_ certainly raises the suspicion that there are many more mottes north of the Forth than are recognised in the map alluded to. In one district we are told that "almost every farm had its _knap_." "Forfarshire," p. 326.

[1005] Cited by Fordun, v., 43.

[1006] Benedict of Peterborough, i., 68, R. S.

[1007] Fordun, v., 26. Bower in one of his interpolations to Fordun's Annals, tells how a Highlander named Gillescop burnt certain wooden castles (_quasdam munitiones ligneas_) in Moray. Skene's Fordun, ii., 435.

[1008] That Fordun should speak of the _castra_ and _municipia_ of Macduff is not surprising, seeing that he wrote in the 14th century, when a noble without a castle was a thing unthinkable.

[1009] Burton actually thought that the Normans built no castles in Scotland in the 12th century. Messrs MacGibbon and Ross remark that there is not one example of civil or military architecture of the 12th century, while there are so many fine specimens of ecclesiastical. _Castellated Architecture of Scotland_, i., 63. It is just to add that when speaking of the castles of William the Lion, they say: "It is highly probable that these and other castles of the 13th century were of the primeval kind, consisting of palisaded earthen mounds and ditches." _Ibid._, iii. 6.

[1010] _Mote_ is the word used in Scotland, as in the north of England, Pembrokeshire, and Ireland, for the Norman _motte_. As the word is still a living word in Scotland, its original sense has been partly lost, and it seems to be now applied to some defensive works which are not mottes at all. But the true motes of Scotland entirely resemble the mottes of France and England.

[1011] _Scottish Review_, xxxii., 232.

[1012] _Scottish Review_, xxxii., 232.

[1013] _Ibid._, p. 236.

[1014] This list is mainly compiled from Chalmers' _Caledonia_, vol. i., book iv., ch. i. The letter C. refers to Dr Christison's _Early Fortifications in Scotland_; N., to Mr Neilson's paper in the _Scottish Review_, 1898; O.M., to the 25-inch Ordnance Map; G., to the _Gazetteer of Scotland_. It is a matter of great regret to the writer that she has been unable to do any personal visitation of the Scottish castles, except in the cases of Roxburgh and Jedburgh. It is therefore impossible to be absolutely certain that all the hillocks mentioned in this list are true mottes, or whether all of them still exist.

[1015] _Registrum Magni Sigilli_, quoted by Christison, p. 19.

[1016] A plan is given by Mr Coles in "the Motes, Forts, and Doons of Kirkcudbright." Soc. _Ant. Scot._, 1891-1892.

[1017] M'Ferlie, _Lands and Their Owners in Galloway_, ii., 47.

[1018] This description, taken from the _Gazetteer_, seems clear, but Mr Neilson tells me the site is more probably Woody Castle, which is styled a manor in the 15th century. The N. S. A. says: "There is the site of an ancient castle close to the town, on a mound of considerable height, called the Castle Hill, which is surrounded by a deep moat." "Dumfries," p. 383.

[1019] _Annals_, ii., 196, cited in Douglas's _History of the Border Counties_, 173.

[1020] Round, in _The Ancestor_, 10, 108.

[1021] Dr Christison distinctly marks one on his map, but Mr Coles says there is no trace of one, though the name Marl Mount is preserved. _Soc. Ant. Scot._, 1892, p. 108.

[1022] See the Aberdeen volume, p. 1092.

[1023] See Grose's picture, which is confirmed by Dr Ross.

[1024] The name Tom-a-mhoid is derived by some writers from the Gaelic _Tom_, a tumulus (Welsh Tomen) and _moid_, a meeting. Is there such a word for a meeting in Gaelic? If there is, it must be derived from Anglo-Saxon _mot_ or _gemot_. But there is no need to go to Gaelic for this word, as it is clear from the _Registrum Magni Sigilli_ that _moit_ was a common version of _mote_, and meant a castle hill, the _mota_ or _mons castri_, as it is often called.

[1025] Chalmers, _Caledonia_, iii., 864. Sir Archibald Lawrie, however, regards it as doubtful whether Arkel was the ancestor of the earls of Lennox. _Early Scottish Charters_, p. 327.

[1026] M'Ferlie, _Lands and Their Owners in Galloway_, ii., 140-141.

[1027] See plan in MacGibbon and Ross, _Castellated Architecture_, iv., 341.

[1028] The name Maccus is undoubtedly the same as Magnus, a Latin adjective much affected as a proper name by the Norwegians of the 11th and 12th centuries.

[1029] Lawrie, _Early Scottish Charters_, p. 273.

[1030] MacGibbon and Ross, i., 279.

[1031] _Proceedings of Soc. Ant. Scotland_, xxxi., and N. S. A.

[1032] See Armstrong's _History of Liddesdale_, cited by MacGibbon and Ross, i., 523.

[1033] Round, _The Ancestor_, No. 11, 130.

[1034] _Benedict of Peterborough_, i., 67. See Mr Neilson's papers in the _Dumfries Standard_, June 28, 1899. Mr Neilson remarks: "It may well be that the original castle of Dumfries was one of Malcolm IV.'s forts, and that the mote of Troqueer, at the other side of a ford of the river, was the first little strength of the series by which the Norman grip of the province was sought to be maintained."

[1035] "Mottes, Forts, and Doons of Kirkcudbright," _Soc. Ant. Scot._, xxv., 1890.

[1036] The _Annals of the Four Masters_ mention the building of three castles (caisteol) in Connaught in 1125, and the _Annals of Ulster_ say that Tirlagh O'Connor built a castle (caislen) at Athlone in 1129. What the nature of these castles was it is now impossible to say, but there are no mottes at the three places mentioned in Connaught (Dunlo, Galway, and Coloony). The _caislen_ at Athlone was not recognised by the Normans as a castle of their sort, as John built his castle on a new site, on land obtained from the church. _Sweetman's Cal._, p. 80.

[1037] The meagre entries in the various _Irish Annals_ may often come from contemporary sources, but as none of their MSS. are older than the 14th century, they do not stand on the same level as the two authorities above mentioned.

[1038] "Hibernicus enim populus castella non curat; silvis namque pro castris, paludibus utitur pro fossatis." _Top. Hib._, 182, R. S., vol. v. In the same passage he speaks of the "fossa infinita, alta nimis, rotunda quoque, et pleraque triplicia; castella etiam murata, et adhuc integra, vacua tarnen et deserta," which he ascribes to the Northmen. This passage has been gravely adduced as an argument in favour of the prehistoric existence of mottes! as though a round _ditch_ necessarily implied a round _hill_ within it! Giraldus was probably alluding to the round embankments or _raths_, of which such immense numbers are still to be found in Ireland. By the "walled castles" he probably meant the stone enclosures or _cashels_ which are also so numerous in Ireland. In the time of Giraldus the word _castellum_, though it had become the proper word for a private castle, had not quite lost its original sense of a fortified enclosure of any kind, as we know from the phrases "the castle and tower" or "the castle and motte" not infrequent in documents of the 12th century (see Round's _Geoffrey de Mandeville_, Appendix O, p. 328). We may add that Giraldus' attribution of these prehistoric remains to Thorgils, the Norwegian, only shows that their origin was unknown in his day.

[1039] See _Expug. Hib._, 383, 397, 398.

[1040] I am informed that the "Crith Gablach," which gives a minute description of one of these halls, is a very late document, and by no means to be trusted.

[1041] _Vide_ the _Irish Annals_, passim.

[1042] There is another story, preserved in _Hanmer's Chronicle_, that the Irish chief Mac Mahon levelled two castles given to him by John de Courcy, saying he had promised to hold not stones but land.

[1043] Joyce's _Irish Names of Places_, p. 290.

[1044] See J. E. Lloyd, _Cymmrodor_, xi., 24; Skeat's _English Dictionary_, "town." In the "Dindsenchas of Erin," edited by O'Beirne Crowe, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1872-1873, phrases occur, such as "the _dun_ was open," "she went back into the dun," which show clearly that the _dun_ was an enclosure. In several passages _dun_ and _cathair_ are interchanged.

[1045] Joyce, _Irish Names of Places_, p. 273.

[1046] _Annals of the Four Masters_, 1166.

[1047] See Orpen, "Motes and Norman Castles in Ireland," in _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxvii., 143-147.

[1048] Sweetman's _Calendar of Documents_ relating to Ireland, i., 412.

[1049] That a motte-castle of earth and wood seemed to Giraldus quite an adequate castle is proved by the fact that numbers of the castles which he mentions have never had any stone defences. It may be a mere coincidence, but it is worth noting, that there are no mottes now at any of the places which Giraldus mentions as _exilia municipia_, Pembroke, Dundunnolf, Down City, and Carrick.

[1050] This word must not be understood to mean that this new type of castle was Edward's invention, nor even that he was the first to introduce it into Europe from Palestine; it was used by the Hohenstauffen emperors as early as 1224. See Köhler, _Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 475.

[1051] Newcastle, Worcester, Gloucester, and Bristol are instances.

[1052] Rhuddlan is an instance of this.

[1053] _Book of Rights_, p. 203.

[1054] It must be admitted that in the most recent and most learned edition of the _Anglo-Saxon Chronicle_ the topographical identifications are quite on a level with O'Donovan's.

[1055] The _Annals_ have not been used, partly because in their present form they are not contemporary, and partly because the difficulties of identifying many of the castles they mention appeared insuperable.

[1056] See especially two papers on "Motes and Norman Castles in Ireland," in _English Historical Review_, vol. xxii., pp. 228, 240. Mr Orpen has further enriched this subject by a number of papers in the _Journ. R. S. A. I._, to which reference will be made subsequently.

[1057] The only castles still unidentified are Aq'i, Kilmehal, Rokerel, and Inchleder.

[1058] It should be stated that the great majority of the castles in this list have been visited for the writer by Mr Basil T. Stallybrass, who has a large acquaintance with English earthworks, as well as a competent knowledge of the history of architecture. The rest have been visited by the writer herself, except in a few cases where the information given in Lewis's _Topographical Dictionary_ or other sources was sufficient. The castles personally visited are initialled.

[1059] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1060] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 249.

[1061] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 450, citing from MS. _Annals of Innisfallen_.

[1062] The poetical list enumerates the places which were "of the right of Cashel in its power." The prose version, which may be assumed to be later, is entitled "Do phortaibh righ Caisil," which O'Donovan translates "of the seats of the king of Cashel." But can one small king have had sixty-one different abodes? Professor Bury says "The _Book of Rights_ still awaits a critical investigation." _Life of St Patrick_, p. 69.

[1063] _Ibid._, p. 449. See Westropp, Trans. R. I. A., xxvi. (c), p. 146. Mr Orpen informs me that the _Black Book of Limerick_ contains a charter of William de Burgo which mentions "Ecclesia de Escluana alias Kilkyde." No. cxxxv.

[1064] _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1898, 155; and 1904, 354.

[1065] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 452.

[1066] Butler's _Notices of the Castle of Trim_, p. 13.

[1067] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 458.

[1068] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 441.

[1069] "Exile municipium," _Giraldus_, 345. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xx., 717.

[1070] _Annals of Ulster_, 1177.

[1071] See Orpen, "Motes and Castles in County Louth," _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxviii., 249. The town walls are later than the castle, and were built up to it.

[1072] Cited by Westropp, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1904, paper on "Irish Motes and Early Norman Castles."

[1073] _Annals of Ulster_, 1186.

[1074] Round, _Cal. of Doc._ preserved in France, i., 105, 107.

[1075] "On the Ancient Forts of Ireland," _Trans. R. I. A._, 1902.

[1076] Orpen, "The Castle of Raymond le Gros at Fodredunolan," _Journ. R. S. A. I._, 1906.

[1077] _Annals of Innisfallen._

[1078] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 449.

[1079] "On some Caves in the Slieve na Cailliagh District," by E. C. Rotheram, _Proc. R. I. A._, 3rd ser., vol. iii. Mr Rotheram remarks that the passages in the motte of Killallon, and that of Moat near Oldcastle, seem as if they were not built by the same people as those who constructed the passages at Slieve na Cailliagh.

[1080] _Annals of Ulster_.

[1081] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1082] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 448.

[1083] _Ibid._, p. 242.

[1084] _Annals of Ulster_. See Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 443.

[1085] _Annals of Ulster_.

[1086] _Annals of the Four Masters_, vol. iii. See Orpen, _Journ. R. S. A. I._, vol. xxxix., 1909.

[1087] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 448. A place called Graffan is mentioned in the _Book of Rights_, and on the strength of this mere mention it has been argued that the motte is a prehistoric work. _Trans. R. I. A._, vol. xxxi., 1902.

[1088] Mr Orpen.

[1089] Giraldus' words are: "Castrum Lechliniæ, super nobilem Beruæ fluvium, a latere Ossiriæ, trans Odronam in loco natura munito." V., 352. See _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 245.

[1090] See Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 456, and _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxvii., 140.

[1091] Orpen, "Motes and Norman Castles in County Louth," _Journ. R. S. A. I._, xxxviii., 241, from which paper the notice above is largely taken.

[1092] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 242.

[1093] The castle is casually mentioned by Giraldus, v., 100, and the date of its erection is not given.

[1094] As far as the writer's experience goes, terraces are only found on mottes which have at some time been incorporated in private gardens or grounds.

[1095] _Journ. R. S. A. I._, vol. xxxix., 1909.

[1096] Piers, _Collect. de Rebus Hib._, cited by Orpen.

[1097] Mr Orpen says: "The castle was 'constructed anew' in the sixth and seventh years of Edward I., when £700 was expended." _Irish Pipe Rolls_, 8 Edward I., cited in _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 454.

[1098] Line 3178.

[1099] The annular bailey, with the motte in the centre, is a most unusual arrangement, and certainly suggests the idea that the motte was placed in an existing Irish rath.

[1100] See Appendix M.

[1101] _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1102] _Giraldus_, v., 313.

[1103] This keep has a square turret on each of its faces instead of at the angles. A similar plan is found at Warkworth, and Castle Rushen, Isle of Man.

[1104] Orpen, _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 248.

[1105] Figured in _The Tomb of Ollamh Fodhla_, by E. A. Conwell, 1873.

[1106] _Gir._, i., 255, 277.

[1107] _Eng. Hist. Rev._, xxii., 457.

[1108] In five cases the mottes are now destroyed.

[1109] The dates of the building of numbers of these castles are given in the _Annals of Ulster_ and the _Annals of Loch Cè_.

[1110] _Cal. of Pat. Rolls_, 1232-1247.

[1111] The tower at Malling was supposed to be an early Norman keep by Mr G. T. Clark (_M. M. A._, ii., 251), but it has recently been shown that it is purely an ecclesiastical building.

[1112] The only stone castles of early date in France which the writer has been able to visit are those of Langeais, Plessis Grimoult, Breteuil, and Le Mans. The two latter are too ruinous to furnish data.

[1113] Given in D'Achery's _Spicilegium_, iii., 232.

[1114] This can be positively stated of Baugé, Montrichard, Montboyau, St Florent-le-Vieil, Chateaufort, and Chérament. M. de Salies thinks the motte of Bazonneau, about 500 metres from the ruins of the castle of Montbazon, is the original castle of Fulk Nerra. _Histoire de Fulk Nerra_, 57. About the other castles the writer has not been able to obtain any information.

[1115] See Halphen, _Comté d'Anjou au xiième Siècle_, 153.

[1116] The building of Langeais was begun in 994. _Chron. St Florent_, and _Richerius_, 274.

[1117] It somewhat shakes one's confidence in De Caumont's accuracy that in the sketch which he gives of this keep (_Abécédaire_, ii., 409) he altogether omits this doorway.

[1118] Measurements were impossible without a ladder.

[1119] It is well known that William the Conqueror left large treasures at his death.

[1120] The keep of Colchester is immensely larger than any keep in existence. Mr Round thinks it was probably built to defend the eastern counties against Danish invasions. _Hist. of Colchester Castle_, p. 32. Its immense size seems to show that it was intended for a large garrison.

[1121] _Cours d'Antiquités Monumentales_, v., 152, and _Abécédaire_, ii., 413-431. De Caumont says of the keep of Colchester, "il me parait d'une antiquité moins certaine que celui de Guildford, et on pourrait le croire du douzième siècle" (p. 205), a remark which considerably shakes one's confidence in his architectural judgment.

[1122] As only the foundations of Pevensey are left, it gives little help in determining the character of early keeps. It had no basement entrance, and the forebuilding is evidently later than the keep.

[1123] The Tower had once a forebuilding, which is clearly shown in Hollar's etching of 1646, and other ancient drawings. Mr Harold Sands, who has made a special study of the Tower, believes it to have been a late 12th-century addition.

[1124] Tiles are not used in the Tower, but some of the older arches of the arcade on the top floor have voussoirs of rag, evidently continuing the tradition of tiles. Most of the arches at Colchester are headed with tiles.

[1125] The room supposed to be the chapel in Bamborough keep has a round apse, but with no external projection, being formed in the thickness of the wall. The keep of Pevensey has three extraordinary apse-like projections of solid masonry attached to its foundations. See Mr Harold Sands' _Report of Excavations at Pevensey_.

[1126] "In the course of the 12th century, the base of the walls was thickened into a plinth, in order better to resist the battering ram." (_Manuel d'Archæologie Française_, ii., 463.) The keep of Pevensey has a battering plinth which is clearly original, and which throws doubt either on this theory of the plinth, or on the age of the building.

[1127] It is well known that blocks of huge size are employed in Anglo-Saxon architecture, but generally only as quoins or first courses. See Baldwin Brown, _The Arts in Early England_, ii., 326.

[1128] Baldwin Brown, "Statistics of Saxon Churches," _Builder_, Sept. 1900.

[1129] Mr Round gives ground for thinking that this keep was built between 1080 and 1085. _Colchester Castle_, p. 32.

[1130] Piper's _Burgenkunde_, p. 85.

[1131] Schulz, _Das Hofische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesinger_, i., 59. Grose writes of Bamborough Castle: "The only fireplace in it was a grate in the middle of a large room, where some stones in the middle of the floor are burned red." He gives no authority. _Antiquities of England and Wales_, iv., 57.

[1132] "The type of castle created in the 10th century persisted till the Renascence." Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie_, ii., 516.

[1133] See Appendix N.

[1134] Enlart, _Manuel d'Archæologie_, ii., 516. "Jusqu'au milieu du xii^ième siècle, et dans les exemples les plus simples des époques qui suivent, le donjon est bien près de constituer à lui seul tout le château."

[1135] _Abriss der Burgenkunde_, 50-60.

[1136] _Entwickelung des Kriegswesen_, iii., 352 and 428. No continental writers are entirely to be trusted about English castles; they generally get their information from Clark, and it is generally wrong.

[1137] This of course explains why the castle of London is always called _The Tower_; it was originally the only tower in the fortress.

[1138] The _Close Rolls_ mention _palicia_ or stockades at the castles of Norwich, York, Devizes, Oxford, Sarum, Fotheringay, Hereford, Mountsorel, and Dover.

[1139] _Close Rolls_, i., 195a and 389.

[1140] See Chapter VI., p. 89, and Appendix O.

[1141] Piper states that the evidence of remains proves that the lower storey was a prison. But these remains probably belong to a later date, when the donjon had been abandoned as a residence, and was becoming the _dungeon_ to which prisoners were committed. The top storey of the keep was often used in early times as a prison for important offenders, such as Conan of Rouen, William, the brother of Duke Richard II., and Ranulf Flambard.

[1142] See Appendix P.

[1143] At Conisburgh and Orford castles there are ovens on the roofs, showing that the cooking was carried on there; these are keeps of Henry II.'s time.

[1144] De Caumont says these remains are on a motte, a strange statement, as they are only a foot or two above the surrounding level.

[1145] No stone castles in England are known to have been built by William Rufus; he built Carlisle Castle, but probably only in wood. As we have seen, several Welsh castles were built in his time, but all in earth and timber.

[1146] Built by Archbishop William of Corbeuil. _Gervase of Canterbury_, R. S., ii., 382.

[1147] Robert de Torigny, also called Robert de Monte, was Abbot of Mont St Michael during the lifetime of Henry II., and was a favoured courtier whose means of obtaining information were specially good. French writers are in the habit of discounting his statements, because they do not recognise the almost universal precedence of a wooden castle to the stone building, which when it is recognised, completely alters the perspective of castle dates. See Appendix Q.

[1148] The keep of Caen, which was square, was demolished in 1793. De Caumont, _Cours d'Antiquités_, v., 231. The keep of Alençon is also destroyed. There are fragments of castles at Argentan, Exmes, and St Jean-le-Thomas. The keep of Vernon or Vernonnet is embedded in a factory. _Guide Joanne_, p. 6.

[1149] The writer has also visited Vire and Le Mans, but even if the walls of the keep of Vire, of which only two sides remain, were the work of Henry I., the details, such as the corbelled lintel, the window benches, and the loop in the basement for a crossbow, point to a later period. At Le Mans, to the north of the cathedral, is a fragment of an ancient tower, built of the rudest rubble, with small quoins of ashlar; this may be the keep built by William I., which Wace says was of stone and lime (p. 234, Andresen's edition). It is difficult to examine, being built up with cottages. Domfront, like Langeais, is only a fragment, consisting of two walls and some foundations.

[1150] _Dictionnaire de l'Architecture._

[1151] _M. M. A._, i., 186.

[1152] In speaking of Falaise, of course we only mean the great square keep, and not the Little Donjon attached to it at a later period, nor the fine round keep added by Talbot in the 15th century.

[1153] Small spaces, such as the chapel, passages, and mural chambers, are vaulted in most keeps.

[1154] Colchester keep has only two storeys now, but Mr Round argues that it must have had three, as a stairway leads upward from the second floor, in the N.W. tower, and some fragments of window cases remain as evidence. _Colchester Castle_, p. 92.

[1155] The Tower and Colchester keep both have wells, which are seldom wanting in any keep. There was no appearance of a well at Langeais, but excavation might possibly reveal one.

[1156] The first castle at Corfe was built by William's half-brother, Robert, Count of Mortain. The keep of Corfe is sometimes attributed to him, but when we compare its masonry with that of the early hall or chapel in the middle bailey, we shall see that this date is most unlikely. Norwich was always a royal castle.

[1157] Part of the basement of Norwich keep has pillars, from which it has been assumed that it was vaulted; but no trace of vaulting is to be seen.

[1158] The only decoration at Corfe keep is in the oratory, which being at a vast height in one of the ruined walls is inaccessible to the ordinary visitor. Corfe was so much pulled about by Sir Christopher Hatton in Elizabeth's reign, and is now so ruinous, that many features are obscure. Norwich has suffered greatly from restorations, and from re-casing.

[1159] In 1184 Henry II. paid "for re-roofing the tower of Gisors." _Rotuli Scacc. Normanniæ_, i., 72.

[1160] It should be remembered that rude work is not invariably a sign of age; it may only show haste, or poverty of resources. It should also be mentioned that in the _Exchequer Rolls of Normandy_ there is an entry of £650 in 1184 for several works at Gisors, including "the wall round the motte" (murum circa motam). Possibly this may refer to a wall round the foot of the motte, which seems still to exist. The shell wall of Gisors should be compared with that of Lincoln, which is probably of the first half of the 12th century.

[1161] No decagonal tower of Henry I.'s work is known to exist; all his tower keeps are square.

[1162] Bower, _Scotichronicon_, v., 42. This passage was first pointed out by Mr George Neilson in _Notes and Queries_, 8th ser., viii., 321. The keep of Carlisle has been so much pulled about as to obscure most of its features. The present entrance to the basement is not original.

[1163] _M. M. A._, i., 353.

[1164] Unfortunately the greater part of these valuable _Rolls_ is still unpublished. The Pipe Roll Society is issuing a volume every year, and this year (1910) has reached the 28th Henry II.

[1165] The keeps of Richmond and Bowes were only finished by Henry II.; Richmond was begun by Earl Conan, who died in 1170, when Henry appears to have taken up the work. Bowes was another of Earl Conan's castles. Tickhill is now destroyed to the foundations, but it is clear that it was a tower. The writer has examined all the keeps mentioned in this list. It will be noticed that most of the towers took many years to build.

[1166] Henry built one shell keep of rubble and rag, that of Berkeley Castle, which is not mentioned in the _Pipe Rolls_, having been built before his accession. It is noteworthy that he did not build it for himself, but for his ally, Robert Fitz Hardinge.

[1167] The basement storey of Chester keep (the only part which now remains) is also vaulted, but this can scarcely be Henry's work, for though he spent £102 on this castle in 1159, it must have been begun by Ranulf, Earl of Chester, in Stephen's reign. Moreover, it is doubtful whether the vaulting, which is covered by whitewash, is really ancient.

[1168] Leland says of Wark, "the dongeon is made of foure howses hight," but probably he included the basement.

[1169] The earliest instance of a portcullis groove with which the writer is acquainted is in the basement entrance of Colchester. It is obvious to anyone who carefully examines this entrance and the great stair to the left of it that they are additions of a later time than William's work. The details seem to point to Henry I.'s reign. The keep of Rochester has also a portcullis groove which seems to be a later addition.

[1170] King, paper on Canterbury Castle in _Archæologia_, vi., 298. We have not observed in any English keeps (except in this single instance) any of the elaborate plans to entrap the enemy which M. Viollet le Duc describes in his article on Donjons. He was an imaginative writer, and many of his statements should not be accepted without reserve.

[1171] Wark was also an octagonal keep, but there is considerable doubt whether this octagonal building was the work of Henry II., as Lord Dacre wrote to Wolsey in 1519 concerning Wark that "the dongeon is clerely finished," and mentions that all the storeys but one were vaulted with stone. This makes it almost certain that the castle of Wark was entirely rebuilt at this time, after having been demolished by the Scots in 1460. It is now an utter ruin, and even the foundations of the keep are buried.

[1172] At Thorne, near Doncaster, where the great earls Warenne had a castle, there are the foundations, on a motte, of a keep which seems to resemble that of Orford; it ought to be thoroughly excavated.

[1173] These measurements are from Grose, _Antiquities_, v., 74.

[1174] See Payne Gallwey, _The Crossbow_, 309; Köhler, _Kriegswesen_, iii., 192. The trébuchet is first mentioned at the siege of Piacenza in 1199.

[1175] As far as we can tell, the tops of keeps having generally been ruined or altered, the common arrangement was either a simple gable, or two gables resting on a cross wall, such as all the larger keeps possessed.

[1176] Another consequence of the introduction of an engine of longer range was the widening of castle ditches. We frequently find works on ditches mentioned in John's accounts.

[1177] Payne Gallwey, _The Crossbow_, p. 3. We find it used by Louis VI. of France, before 1137. Suger's _Gesta Ludovici_, 10 (ed. Molinier). Ten balistarii are mentioned in Domesday Book, but they may have been engineers of the great balista, a siege machine. There is no representation of a crossbow in the Bayeux Tapestry. There are entries in the _Pipe Rolls_ of 6, 8, and 9 Henry II. of payments for arbelast, but these also may refer to the great balista.

[1178] _Guill. Brit. Armorici Philippides_, Bouquet xvii., line 315.