Chapter XXX: Introduction: The Public Theatres (12)

[758] L. Ph. C. van den Bergh, _’s Gravenhaagsche Bijzonderheden_ (1857), 51 from Hague Archives; Cohn, xxviii. A letter from R. Jones to Alleyn (_Henslowe Papers_, 33), often assigned to this date, seems to me probably to belong to 1615: cf. p. 287.

[759] Another Admiral’s passport is printed in Rye, 47.

[760] G. van Hasselt, _Arnhemsche Oudheden_, i (1803), 244, naming Robert Bruyn, Johan Bradsdret, Thomas Saxwiell, Richardus Jonas, and Everhart Sauss.

[761] Bolte in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxxiii. 104.

[762] Mentzel, 23.

[763] Cf. vol. i, p. 343.

[764] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 247.

[765] _Archiv_, xiv. 116.

[766] Mentzel, 25.

[767] Henslowe, i. 29.

[768] Cohn, xxxiii, xxxviii; Goedeke, ii. 519; Herz, 8. A conventional clown, variously called ‘Jahn Clam’, ‘Jahn Posset’, ‘Jahn der Engelländische Narr’, &c., also appears in plays, from 1596 onwards, by Jacob Ayrer of Nuremberg, who has other debts, including the ‘jig’, to the English players (Cohn, lxi; Goedeke, ii. 545).

[769] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxiii. 103.

[770] _Archiv_, xii. 320; xiii. 316; xiv. 118; xv. 115; Mentzel, 26, 37. Herz, 34, points out that about this date the Duke of Brunswick’s _Ehebrecherin_ and _Vincentius Ladislaus_ were played in Frankfort, probably by these men. They are referred to at length by Marx Mangoldt, _Markschiffs-Nachen_ (1597), in a passage beginning:

Da war nun weiter mein Intent,
Zu sehen das Englische Spiel,
Dauon ich hab gehört so viel.
Wie der Narr drinnen, Jan genennt,
Mit Bossen wer so excellent.

Herz, 34, also assigns to the company anonymous appearances at Ulm, Munich, and Tübingen in 1597 (_Archiv_, xii. 319; xiii. 316; xv. 212).

[771] Cohn, xxxiv.

[772] Cf. p. 279.

[773] Cohn, xxxiv.

[774] Herz, 37; T. Coryat, _Crudities_, ii. 291. Cf. also _Ein Discurss von der Frankfurter Messe_ (1615):

Der Narr macht lachen, doch ich weht,
--Da ist keiner so gut wie Jahn begeht--
Vor dieser Zeitt wol hat gethan,
Jetzt ist er ein reicher Handelsmann.

[775] Cohn, xxxiv; _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xl. 342.

[776] _Henslowe Papers_, 37.

[777] Cohn, xviii, lvii; Goedeke, ii. 522; Duncker, _Landgrave Moritz von Hessen und die Englischen Komödianten_ in _Deutsche Rundschau_, xlviii. 260.

[778] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xiv. 361.

[779] Cohn, lviii; Herz, 13.

[780] Könnecke in _Z. f. vergleichende Litteralurgeschichte_, N. F. i. 85.

[781] _Hatfield MSS._ v. 174. Browne was also the agent for a similar transaction licensed on 11 July 1597 (_S. P. D. Eliz._ cclxiv).

[782] _Archiv_, xiv. 117; xv. 114.

[783] Rommel, vi. 390, from Cassel archives, ‘Robert Brown und John Wobster begleiteten ihn’. The payment therefore on behalf of the Admiral’s men about Oct. 1596 ‘to feache Browne’ (Henslowe, i. 45) is not very likely to refer to Robert.

[784] Cohn, lviii; Duncker, 265.

[785] Mentzel, 41.

[786] _Archiv_, xv. 115. Herz, 17, assigns to them, conjecturally, performances by ‘Englishmen’ at Memmingen, Cologne, Munich, Ulm, and Stuttgart during 1600. But the wording of the Strassburg documents suggests a continuous stay.

[787] On 21 Oct. 1603 Joan Alleyn wrote to Edward Alleyn (_Henslowe Papers_, 59), ‘All the companyes be come hoame & well for ought we knowe, but that Browne of the Boares head is dead & dyed very pore, he went not into the countrye at all’. Obviously this is not Robert Browne, who lived many years longer. But it may have been a relative, as Lord Derby’s men are very likely to have preceded Worcester’s at the Boar’s Head. There was at least one other actor of the name, Edward Browne, and possibly more (cf. ch. xv).

[788] Mentzel, 46.

[789] Mentzel, 45, 48; _Archiv_, xiv. 119. A performance at Dresden in Oct. 1600, assigned to them by Herz, 38, is anonymous.

[790] Mentzel, 48.

[791] Duncker, 267, from chronicle of Wilhelm Buch, ‘Anno 1602 hat er die Engländer alle mit einander von sich gejagt und des springens und tanzens müde geworden’.

[792] Mentzel, 50.

[793] Mentzel, 51; Bolte, _Das Danziger Theater_, 34.

[794] _Archiv_, xv. 117.

[795] Mentzel, 52.

[796] Mentzel, 50; _Archiv_, xiv. 122.

[797] The Frankfort archives call them ‘Thomas Blackreude’ and ‘Johannes Fheer’, which has prevented their identity with Worcester’s men from being noticed.

[798] Mentzel, 51.

[799] Mentzel, 53; _Archiv_, xv. 117. Herz, 18, assigns to Browne anonymous appearances by Englishmen at Strassburg in June 1601, Ulm in Nov. 1602, Nördlingen in May 1605, and Ulm in May and June 1605. At Nördlingen a play from the prophet Jonah, possibly Greene and Lodge’s _Looking Glass for London and England_, was given.

[800] _Archiv_, xv. 120. Coryat, ii. 183, saw him at Strassburg in 1608.

[801] Mentzel, 53; Meissner in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 125; _Archiv_, xiii. 320; Duncker, 268. The _Ottonium_ was named after Maurice’s son Otto, the friend of Prince Henry Frederick, who paid a visit to England in 1611 (Rye, 141).

[802] _Archiv_, xiv. 124.

[803] Cohn, lviii; R. P. Wülcker in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xiv. 360.

[804] Mentzel, 53.

[805] _Henslowe Papers_, 63.

[806] Bolte, 35.

[807] This might be Heywood’s _King Edward IV_.

[808] F. von Hurter, _Gesch. Kaiser Ferdinands II_, v. 395.

[809] _The Proud Woman of Antwerp_ might be the lost piece by Day and Haughton.

[810] Meissner, 74, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 128; cf. pp. 284–6. The text of _Nobody and Somebody_ is printed from a manuscript at Rein by F. Bischoff in _Mittheilungen des hist. Vereins für Steiermark_, xlvii. 127. I think it is just possible that the companies of 1608 and 1617 may have been Spencer’s. There seem to have been _Saxoni_, as well as _Angli_, playing. These do not seem to have constituted a distinct company, and are perhaps more likely to have been with Spencer than with Green. Spencer, as well as Green, was in relations with the imperial court in 1617; cf. p. 290. But I think that the evidence of the Rein manuscript is fairly decisive in favour of Green.

[811] This may have been Green himself. A drawing of a red-haired actor, in the traditional get-up of Nobody, is on the Rein manuscript.

[812] Mentzel, 54, 55, 56, 58.

[813] _Archiv_, xiv. 125; xv. 215. Herz, 41, ascribes to them anonymous appearances at Ulm, Nördlingen, and Augsburg. John Price, afterwards well known as a musician at Dresden and Stuttgart, is said to be recorded at Stuttgart in 1609 (Cohn, cxxxviii), and may have been with the Hessian company.

[814] Cohn, lix; Duncker, 272.

[815] Meissner, 46; Duncker, 272. Herz, 41, ascribes to them anonymous appearances at the wedding of the Margrave John George, brother of the Elector of Brandenburg, and the Princess Christina of Saxony at Jägerndorf in July, and at Nuremberg and Ulm in November.

[816] Cohn, lix, without reference. Herz, 41, adds an anonymous performance of _The Merchant of Venice_ at the Court of Margrave Christian of Brandenburg at Halle.

[817] _Archiv_, xiv. 126.

[818] Duncker, 273.

[819] _Archiv_, xiii. 319. If this is the company which, according to Alvensleben, _Allgemeine Theaterchronik_ (1832), No. 158, played _Daniel_, _The Chaste Susanna_, and _The Two Judges in Israel_ at Ulm in 1602, the identification with the company found at Nördlingen and Rothenburg is assisted.

[820] Cohn, lxxvii, from Erhard Cellius, _Eques Auratus Anglo-Wirtembergicus_ (1605); cf. Rye, cvii.

[821] _Archiv_, xi. 625; xiii. 70. They also played _Daniel in the Lions’ Den_, _Susanna_ (? by Henry Julius of Brunswick or another version), _The Prodigal Son_, _A Disobedient Merchant’s Son_ (? _The London Prodigal_), _Charles Duke of Burgundy_, _Annabella a Duke’s Daughter of Ferrara_ (? Marston’s _Parasitaster_), _Botzarius an Ancient Roman_, and _Vincentius Ladislaus_ (? by Henry Julius of Brunswick). Three of these plays (_Romeo and Juliet_, _The Prodigal Son_, and _Annabella_) are in the repertories of John Green; cf. p. 285.

[822] _Archiv_, xiv. 122.

[823] _Zeitschrift für vergleichende Litteraturgeschichte_, N. F. vii. 61. They played in 1604 _Daniel in the Lions’ Den_, _Melone of Dalmatia_, _Lewis King of Spain_, _Celinde and Sedea_, _Pyramus and Thisbe_, _Annabella a Duke’s Daughter of Montferrat_; and in 1606 _Charles Duke of Burgundy_, _Susanna_, _The Prodigal Son_, _A Disobedient Merchant’s Son_, _An Ancient Roman_, _Vincentius Ladislaus_. The Nördlingen and Rothenburg companies must be the same. _Celinde and Sedea_, however, is found in a repertory, not of Green, but of Spencer; cf. p. 289.

[824] Herz, 42, 65.

[825] A. van Sorgen, _De Tooneelspeelkunst in Utrecht_.

[826] Bolte, 41, 47. Herz, 27, conjectures that these may have been the English players at Wolfenbüttel in May 1615; cf. p. 277.

[827] Schlager, 168; Meissner in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 139.

[828] Cohn, xciii; cf. p. 282 as to the inference that Green was at Gräz in 1607–8.

[829] _Archiv_, xiv. 129.

[830] _Archiv_, xv. 120.

[831] Mentzel, 60.

[832] Bolte, 51.

[833] Herz, 22, from Wolter, 97.

[834] Mentzel, 61; Meissner, 65.

[835] _Archiv_, xiv. 130; Mentzel, 61.

[836] Herz, 30, from Wolter, 97; A. van Sorgen, _De Tooneelspeelkunst in Utrecht_.

[837] Herz, 30.

[838] Goedeke, ii. 543, could find no copy of _Musarum Aoniarum tertia Erato_ (Hamburg, 1611), the title-page of which claims ‘etlichen Englischen Comedien’ as a source.

[839] The last two plays have some kind of relation to Shakespeare’s _Two Gentlemen of Verona_ and _Titus Andronicus_. _Sidonia and Theagenes_ is a prose version of Gabriel Rollenhagen’s _Amantes Amentes_ (1609). A supplement to the 1620 collection, with six other plays and two jigs, appeared as _Liebeskampff oder Ander Theil der Englischen Comödien und Tragödien_ (1630), but none of these are traceable before the Thirty Years’ War.

[840] Cf. pp. 279, 281, 283. The Dresden list is in Cohn, cxv.

[841] Played at Nördlingen in 1604. Cohn, 309, prints a German version from a Vienna manuscript.

[842] Possibly Heywood’s _The Silver Age_.

[843] Green played at Gräz in 1608 ‘Von ein Herzog von Florenz der sich in eines Edelmann’s Tochter verliebt hat’. This seems too early for Massinger’s _Great Duke of Florence_, but suggests the same story.

[844] Possibly _1 Jeronimo_.

[845] Possibly Dekker’s _Patient Grissel_.

[846] Played at Nördlingen and Rothenburg in 1604. Bolte, 177, prints from a Danzig manuscript a later German version based on Marston’s _Parasitaster_.

[847] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608, in a version extant in a Rein manuscript; a later one is in the 1620 collection. Cf. p. 282.

[848] Possibly _Clyomon and Clamydes_.

[849] Cohn, 236, prints a German version from a late copy.

[850] Possibly Robert Greene’s play.

[851] Played by Browne at Cassel in 1607; a text is in the 1620 collection.

[852] Probably Kyd’s _Spanish Tragedy_, played by Browne at Frankfort in 1601.

[853] Printed in the 1620 collection.

[854] Probably Dekker’s _Virgin Martyr_.

[855] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608.

[856] Possibly Robert Greene’s _Alphonsus_, _King of Arragon_ or _Mucedorus_.

[857] Played by Green at Gräz in 1608. A version, related to Dekker’s _Old Fortunatus_, is in the 1620 collection.

[858] Played by an anonymous company at Halle in 1611; cf. p. 283. _The Jew_, played by Green at Passau and Gräz in 1607–8, might be either this play or _The Jew of Malta_. Dekker wrote a _Jew of Venice_, now lost; but a German version, printed by Meissner, 131, from a Vienna manuscript, is in part based on _The Merchant of Venice_.

[859] Could this be _The Winter’s Tale_?

[860] Green played _The King of Cyprus and Duke of Venice_ at Gräz in 1608.

[861] Played at Nördlingen in 1604 and Rothenburg in 1606 and by Green at Passau and Gräz in 1607–8. A version is in the 1620 collection.

[862] Green played _Dives and Lazarus_ at Gräz in 1608.

[863] Fleay, _Sh._ 307.

[864] _Henslowe Papers_, 33.

[865] Ibid. 94.

[866] Cf. ch. xvi, introd.

[867] C. F. Meyer in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxxviii. 208.

[868] _D. N. B._ s.v. Giles Farnaby.

[869] Cf. pp. 279, 283.

[870] Cohn, lxxviii.

[871] Fürstenau, i. 76.

[872] Cf. p. 282. Herz, 44, identifies them with ‘English’ at The Hague (June 1606), Cologne (Feb. 1607), The Hague (April), Ulm (May), Nördlingen (June), and Munich (July).

[873] Wolter, 93.

[874] L. Schneider, _Geschichte der Oper in Berlin_, Beilage, lxx. 25; Fürstenau, i. 77.

[875] Cf. p. 283.

[876] Cohn, lxxxiv.

[877] Ibid. lxxxvii.

[878] _Archiv_, xiv. 128. _Philole and Mariana_ may be Lewis Machin’s _The Dumb Knight_, and _The Turk_ Mason’s play of that name. _Celinde and Sedea_ had formed part of a repertory at Rothenburg in 1604 apparently related to those of Green; cf. p. 284. Spencer is not recorded to have played any other piece found in Green’s repertories.

[879] _Archiv_, xii. 320; xiv. 128.

[880] Schlager, 168; Elze in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xiv. 362; Meissner, 53, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 120.

[881] _Archiv_, xiv. 129; _Zeitschrift für vergl. Litt._ vii. 64; Mentzel, 58.

[882] _Archiv_, xv. 118.

[883] Ibid. xii. 320; xiii. 322.

[884] Ibid. xv. 119.

[885] Ibid. xv. 215; cf. Herz, 48.

[886] Wolter, 96; Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 260; Cohn, xci, from _Harl. MS._ 3888, _The Evangelic Fruict of the Seraphicall Franciscan Order_.

[887] _Archiv_, xv. 119.

[888] Mentzel, 59.

[889] Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 261; Wolter, 96.

[890] Meissner, 59, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 122.

[891] Cohn, lxxxviii.

[892] Ibid. lxxxiii; Mentzel, 54.

[893] Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 257; Wolter, 95.

[894] _Archiv_, xiv. 124; Mentzel, 54; Schlager, 168; Herz, 53.

[895] Cohn, xxxv; Bolte, 41.

[896] Cohn, xcii.

[897] Bolte, 51.

[898] Cohn, xcii; Meissner, 38, and in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xix. 122.

[899] Cf. pp. 275, 285.

[900] _Archiv_, xiv. 131.

[901] Ibid., xiii. 316; xiv. 116; Heywood, 60.

[902] Mentzel, 55. H. Chardon, _La Troupe du Roman comique_, 32, notices Maurice of Nassau’s company at Nantes in 1618 and Paris in 1625, but does not say that they were English.

[903] _Archiv_, xiii. 317; xiv. 121.

[904] Cohn, lxxvii.

[905] _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xlv. 311.

[906] Cohn in _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxi. 253.

[907] Cf. p. 273.

[908] Pellicer, i. 80, citing the records of the Madrid hospital, ‘en 11 de Enero de 1583 voltearon unos ingleses en el Corral de la Pacheca’. The original record is probably lost, as it is not with those of 1579–82, 1590, and 1601–2 published from the _Archivo de la Diputacion provincial de Madrid_ by C. Pérez Pastor in the _Bulletin Hispanique_ (1906) and reprinted by Rennert, 345.

[909] E. Soulié, _Recherches sur Molière_, 153; cf. Rigal, 46; Jusserand, _Shakespeare in France_, 51.

[910] Henslowe, i. 114.

[911] Soulié et de Barthélemy, _Journal de Jean Héroard_, i. 88, 91, 92.

[912] H. C. Coote in _Intermédiaire des Chercheurs et Curieux_, ii. 105; cf. _5 N. Q._ ix. 42. The idea was that ‘Tiph, toph’ represented a reminiscence of _2 Henry IV_, II. i. 205, ‘This is the right fencing grace, my lord; tap for tap, and so part fair’. The phrase ‘tiff toff’ occurs in brackets in a speech of Crapula while he beats Mendacio in _Lingua_ (Dodsley,^4 ix. 434). Collier explains it as hiccups; Fleay, ii. 261, on the authority of P. A. Daniel, as an Italian term for the thwack of stage blows.

[913] E. Fournier, _Chansons de Gaultier Garguille_, lix, and _L’Espagne et ses Comédiens en France au xvii^e Siècle_ (_Revue des Provinces_, iv. 496), cites H. Ternaux in _Revue Françoise et Étrangère_, i. 78, for statements that the head of the English at Fontainebleau was Ganassa, who in Spain had had a mixed company of English, Italians, and Spanish, and on 11 Jan. 1583 had a share in the receipts of a troupe of English _volteadores_. I have not been able to see the work of M. Ternaux, who does not inspire confidence by calling Ganassa Juan instead of Alberto. There seems to be nothing to connect Ganassa with the _volteadores_ of 1583, except the fact that the Corral de la Pacheca where they played was leased to him for nine or ten years in 1574 (Rennert, 29), and they may therefore have paid him rent. His troupe in 1581–2, as given by Rennert, 479, consisted entirely of Italians, with two Spanish musicians. He is said to have been in Spain in 1603 (Pellicer, i. 57, 72; Rennert, 30), but there is nothing to show that, if so, he went on to France. But Héroard tells us that there was a Spanish rope-dancer at Fontainebleau in 1604, and a very obscure passage in his diary suggests that this Spaniard was really an Irishman. Irish marauders (_voleurs_) were then giving trouble in Paris, which led Louis to say ‘Ce voleur qui voloit sur la corde étoit Irlandois?’ and Héroard comments, ‘Il étoit vrai; il accommoda le mot de voleur à l’autre signification, il l’avoit vu voler à Fontainebleau’ (_Journal_, i. 90, 126).

[914] F. Bischoff in _Mittheilungen des hist. Vereins für Steiermark_, xlvii. 127; cf. p. 282.

[915] De Bry, _India Orientalis_ (1613), xii. 137, ‘Angli ludiones per Germaniam et Galliam vagantur’.

[916] Alleyn’s life is more fully dealt with than is here possible in G. F. Warner and F. Bickley, _Catalogue of Dulwich MSS._ (1881, 1903); G. F. Warner in _D. N. B._ (1885); W. Young, _History of Dulwich College_ (1889); W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_ (1907), _Henslowe’s Diary_, vol. ii (1908). An earlier treatment of the material is that by J. P. Collier, _Memoirs of Edward Alleyn_ (1841), _Alleyn Papers_ (1843). On an account by G. Steevens in _Theatrical Review_ (1763) with a forged letter from Peele to Marlowe, cf. Lee, 646.

[917] _Dulwich Muniments_, 106.

[918] Cf. ch. xiv.

[919] _Henslowe Papers_, 34, from _Dulwich MSS._, i. 9–15; Edward to Joan Alleyn, 2 May 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 5 July 1593; Edward to Joan Alleyn, 1 August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, _c._ August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 14 August 1593; Henslowe to Edward Alleyn, 28 September 1593; John Pyk (Alleyn’s ‘boy’) to Joan Alleyn, _c._ 1593. Later letters of 4 June and 26 September 1598 from Henslowe to Edward Alleyn and of 21 October 1603 from Joan to Edward Alleyn are in _Henslowe Papers_, 47, 59, 97.

[920] _Works_, i. 215, 296.

[921] _Henslowe Papers_, 32. The verses on the same theme in Collier, _Memoirs_, 13, are forged.

[922] Dekker, _Plays_, i. 280.

[923] _Epigrammes_ (1599), iv. 23:

_In Ed: Allen._

_Rome_ had her _Roscius_ and her Theater,
Her _Terence_, _Plautus_,_Ennius_ and _Me_[n]_ander_,
The first to _Allen_, _Phoebus_ did transfer
The next, _Thames_ Swans receiu’d fore he coulde land her,
Of both more worthy we by _Phoebus_ doome,
Then t’ _Allen Roscius_ yeeld, to _London Rome_.

[924] Heywood, _Apology_, 43.

[925] Fuller, _Worthies_ (ed. 1840), ii. 385.

[926] S. Rowland, _Knave of Clubs_ (1609), 29:

The gull gets on a surplis
With a crosse upon his breast,
Like Allen playing Faustus,
In that manner he was drest.

[927] Heywood, _Epistle_ to _The Jew of Malta_ (1633), ‘the part of the Jew presented by so vnimitable an Actor as M^r Allin’; and _Prologue_,

And He, then by the best of Actors [_in margin_ ‘Allin’] play’d:
... in Tamberlaine,
This Jew, with others many, th’ other wan
The Attribute of peerelesse, being a man
Whom we may ranke with (doing no one wrong)
Proteus for shapes, and Roscius for a tongue,
So could he speake, so vary.

[928] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (1598), _Epig._ xliii,

_Clodius_ me thinks lookes passing big of late,
With _Dunston’s_ browes, and _Allens Cutlacks_ gate.

[929] _Henslowe Papers_, 155.

[930] For this myth, cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Marlowe.

[931] Tarlton, 22, ‘How Tarlton made Armin his adopted sonne, to succeed him’. The earliest extant edition of _Tarlton’s Jests_ is that of 1611, but the Second Part, here quoted, was entered in _S. R._ on 4 Aug. 1600.

[932] Extract in Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 321; the unique copy of this edition is described in his _Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities_ (1887), 145.

[933] Reprinted in the Shakespeare Society’s _Fools and Jesters_ (1842).

[934] _Variorum_, iii. 159, 241, 242; _M. S. C._ i. 345.

[935] Jeaffreson, ii. 107, 110, 114, 120, 128, 220.

[936] Harleian Soc. _Registers_, ix. 62; xvii. 131.

[937] Collier, _Actors_, xxxi.

[938] _M. S. C._ i. 344.

[939] McKerrow, _Nashe_, i. 255.

[940] Collier, iii. 364.

[941] The biographical material collected by C. C. Stopes, _Burbage and Shakespeare’s Stage_ (1913), is supplemented by the lawsuit records in C. W. Wallace, _The First London Theatre, Materials for a History_ (1913, _Nebraska University Studies_, xiii. 1).

[942] _Variorum_, iii. 199, 476; Collier, iii. 367; P. C. Carter, _Hist. of St. Mary Aldermanbury_, 9, 11, 21, 58, 86, 87.

[943] _Variorum_, iii. 200, from P. C. C.; Collier, iii. 376.

[944] Collier, iii. 376, 380.

[945] _Varioram_, iii. 211.

[946] _Henslowe Papers_, 61.

[947] Collier, iii. 406; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.

[948] _Variorum_, iii. 482, from P. C. C.; Collier, iii. 409.

[949] Collier, iii. 389.

[950] H. R. Plomer in _10 N. Q._ vi. 368, from _London Archdeaconry Wills_, vi, f. 22.

[951] Heywood, _Apology_, 43.

[952] Fleay, 190; cf. _The Sharers Papers_.

[953] Collier, iii. 457; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.

[954] _K. B. P._ i. 104, ‘Were you neuer none of Mr. Monkesters schollars?’

[955] Collier, iii. 411.

[956] Fleay, 85; Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 133.

[957] Collier, iii. 473; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvii.

[958] _Variorum_, iii. 472; Chester, _London Marriage Licenses_.

[959] _Variorum_, iii. 187.

[960] Ibid. 188.

[961] Ibid. 187.

[962] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 31.

[963] _Variorum_, iii. 198, 475; Collier, iii. 308; P. C. Carter, _St. Mary, Aldermanbury_, 11, 58, 86, 87. Malone misread Beavis as Beatrice. An earlier John (1598) and a Swynnerton (1613) died as infants.

[964] _Variorum_, iii. 191.

[965] _D. N. B._ s.v.; Wood, _Athenae_, iii. 277.

[966] _O. v. H._ 16; cf. C. W. Wallace, in _The Times_ for 2 and 4 Oct. 1909.

[967] _N. U. S._ x. 311.

[968] _Kemps Nine Daies Wonder. Performed in a Daunce from London to Norwich_ (1600) is reprinted with a biography by A. Dyce (1840, _Camden Soc._) and in Arber, _English Garner_^2, ii (_Social England_), 139, and E. Goldsmid, _Collectanea Adamantea_, ii (1884). Dissertations are J. Bruce, _Who was ‘Will, my Lord of Leycester’s Jesting Player’?_ (1844, _Sh. Soc. Papers_, i. 88); B. Nicholson, _Kemp and the Play of Hamlet_ (_N. S. S. Trans. 1880–6_, 57); _Will Kemp_ (1887, _Sh.-Jahrbuch_, xxii. 255).

[969] Collier, iii. 391.

[970] Ibid. 395.

[971] Ibid. 396.

[972] Ibid. 397; _Bodl._; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.

[973] Norman, 91.

[974] For further details of his later career, cf. Collier and _D. N. B._

[975] Downes, 24.

[976] Wright, 10.

[977] _Variorum_, iii. 211; Collier, iii. 403.

[978] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.

[979] Collier, iii. 423.

[980] Henslowe, ii. 302; _Henslowe Papers_, 36, 41.

[981] Collier, iii. 322, 325; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxv.

[982] _Variorum_, iii. 470.

[983] S. Lee in _Nineteenth Century_ for May 1906, quoting a manuscript by Smith in private hands, with the title _A Brief Discourse of y^e causes of Discord amongst y^e Officers of arms and of the great abuses and absurdities comitted by painters to the great prejudice and hindrance of the same office_. Northampton did not get his title until 1604.

[984] Collier, iii. 323.

[985] _N. U. S._ x. 308, 312; cf. ch. xvi (Globe).

[986] Henslowe, i. 72.

[987] _Variorum_, iii. 506; Collier, iii. 363.

[988] Collier, iii. 358; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.

[989] Henslowe, i. 178; ii. 303.

[990] Cf. s.v. Phillips.

[991] Collier, iii. 488; J. 348; _Bodl._

[992] _Variorum_, iii. 514; P. Cunningham in _Sh. Soc. Papers_, ii. 11; Collier, iii. 478.

[993] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 314.

[994] Collier, iii. 482; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.

[995] Collier, iii. 483.

[996] App. I (ii).

[997] Collier, iii. 481.

[998] Henslowe, i. 29.

[999] _Henslowe Papers_, 120.

[1000] Collier, iii. 381.

[1001] _Variorum_, iii. 477; Collier, iii. 385.

[1002] _N. U. S._ x. 317; _O. v. H._ 32.

[1003] J. O. Halliwell, _Tarlton’s Jests ... With ... some Account of the Life of Tarlton_ (1844, _Sh. Soc._; the Jests are reprinted with a few additions in Hazlitt, _Jest-Books_, ii. 189) and _Papers respecting Disputes which arose from Incidents at the Death-bed of Richard Tarlton, the Actor_ (1866).

[1004] Collier, iii. 460; Rendle, _Bankside_, xxvi.

[1005] C. W. Wallace, _Globe Theatre Apparel_ (1909).

[1006] _M. L. Review_, iv. 395, from _Hist. MSS._ iv. 299.

[1007] Downes, 21.

[1008] Wright, _Hist. Hist._ 405.

[1009] _S. P. D._ 1637–8, p. 99.

[1010] Cunningham, l.; _Variorum_, iii. 238.

[1011] Cunningham, l.; Wright, _Hist. Hist._ 411.

[1012] _Variorum_, iii. 484, from _P. C. C._

[1013] Collier, iii. 447.

[1014] Henslowe, i. 152; _Henslowe Papers_, 61.

[1015] Collier, iii. 451.

[1016] _Variorum_, iii. 214.

[1017] Collier, iii. 443.

[1018] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 313.

[1019] _Mediaeval Stage_, i. 383; ii. 184, 190, 380. It is, of course, doubtful whether the ‘theatrum nostrae civitatis’ at Exeter was permanent.

[1020] Ordish, 12, attempts to affiliate the ring type of baiting-place and theatre to Roman amphitheatres, Cornish ‘rounds’, and other circular places used for mediaeval entertainments. But a ring is so obviously the form in which the maximum number of spectators can see an object of interest, that too much stress must not be laid upon it as an evidence of folk ‘tradition’.

[1021] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1022] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 221.

[1023] G. Fothergill in _10 N. Q._ vi. 287, from _Guildhall MS._ 1454, roll 70, ‘And wyth 22^s 2^d for money by them receyved for the hyer of Tryntie Halle for playes, the warmanthe [ward-moot] inquest and other assemblyes within the time of this accompt’.

[1024] Cf. ch. xxiii, s.v. Vennar.

[1025] Several galleried inns are illustrated in W. Rendle and P. Norman, _The Inns of Old Southwark_ (1888), and by Ordish, 119 (Tabard), Baker, 200 (Four Swans), Adams, 4 (White Hart). Probably, however, none of these are pre-Restoration. The only ones still extant are the George in Southwark and a much later one in Theobalds Road (_V. H. Surrey_, iv. 128).

[1026] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 190, 223.

[1027] Cf. ch. ix.

[1028] Flecknoe tells us _c._ 1664 (App. I) that the actors, ‘about the beginning of Queen Elizabeth’s reign ... set up Theaters, first in the City (as in the Inn-yards of the Cross-Keyes, and Bull in Grace and Bishops-Gate Street at this day is to be seen)’.

[1029] Cf. App. C, No. xvii.

[1030] App. C, Nos. xv, xvii; App. D, No. xxii.

[1031] Cf. s.v. Hope.

[1032] K. D. Hassler, _Die Reisen des Samuel Kiechel_ (1866) 29, ‘Werden auch täglichen commedien gehalten, sonderlichen ist lustig zu zusehen, wann der Königen comedianten agiren, aber einem frembden, der düe sprach nicht kan, verdrüslich, das ers nicht verstöth; es hat öttliche sonderbare heüser, wölche dozu gemacht sein, das ettwann drey genng ob ein ander sein, derowegen stöts ein grosse menge volckhs dohin kompt, solcher kurzweil zuzusehen. Es begibt sich wol, das süe uf einmal 50 in 60 dalr ufhöben; sonderlichen wann süe was neyes agiren, so zuvor nicht gehalten worden, mues mann doppelt gelt gebenn, und wehrt solchs vast alle tag durch düe wochen, onangesehen es freytag wüe auch samstags zu halten verbotten, würt es doch nicht gehalten.’ Cf. Rye, 87. Kiechel appears to have been in London from 12 Sept. to about 29 Oct. and from 14 to 17 Nov. 1585.

[1033] Lambarde, _Perambulation of Kent_ (1596), 233. The passage is not in the first edition of 1576.

[1034] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 222; cf. ch. xiii (Oxford’s).

[1035] P. 2. Malone, in _Variorum_, iii. 46, refers the event to a date soon after 1580; but there is no justification for this in the text.

[1036] Cf. p. 477.

[1037] Rye, 216, from _Itinerarium_ in Beckmann, _Accessions Historiae Anhaltinae_ (1716), 165:

‘Hier besieht man vier spielhäuser,
Darinnen man fürstelt die Fürsten, Könge, Keyser,
In rechter lebens gröss, in schöner kleider pracht,
Es wird der thaten auch, wie sie geschehn, gedacht.’

[1038] Text by H. B. Wheatley, _On a Contemporary Drawing of the Interior of the Swan Theatre, 1596_ (_N. S. S. Trans. 1887–92_, 215), from _Utrecht Univ. Library MS. Var._ 355, ff. 131^v, 132, with facsimile reproduction of drawing. The passage was first made known by K. T. Gaedertz, _Zur Kenntniss der altenglischen Bühne_ (1888). The reproduction of the drawing published by Gaedertz and further reproduced from him in many modern books is not an exact facsimile; the only material difference is that the engraver has made the figure at the door of the loft rather more obviously a man than it is in the original. Letters of the early part of the seventeenth century from de Witt to Buchell, who was his fellow-student at Leyden in 1583, are also in the Utrecht Library (Gaedertz, 57). The last sentence of the passage appears from ‘narrabat’ to be a report by Buchell either of something not directly copied by him or of de Witt’s conversation; but the rest is pretty clearly from ‘ea quae alio loco a me notata sunt’ a verbatim extract from a manuscript of de Witt’s own. If so, ‘adpinxi’ further shows that the eye-witness of de Witt and not the imagination of Buchell is the source of the drawing. Gaedertz, 63, indeed suggests that the drawing is an original given by de Witt to Buchell, but as Wheatley, 219, points out, this is impossible, as the paper is the same as that used in the rest of the volume. There remains the question of date. De Witt is traceable at Amsterdam in Nov. 1594, at Utrecht in the winters of 1595 and 1596, and in 1599, and at Amsterdam again in March 1604 (Gaedertz, 58). His visit to London obviously falls between Nov. 1594, when the Swan was still only an intention, and Dec. 1598, when the Theatre was pulled down. Gaedertz, 55, puts it in the summer of 1596, largely because Shakespeare, whom he thinks de Witt would certainly have mentioned if he had met him, may have been in Stratford about that time. This is hopeless. Nor does the further suggestion of Gaedertz that a lameness from which de Witt was suffering in Dec. 1596 was due to his travels carry much conviction. But he is not likely, before that year, to have appended the words ‘A^o. 1596’ to his notice of Sir John Burgh’s tomb. If this is intended to be the date, not of his visit, but of the tomb, it is an error. Camden, _Reges ... in Ecclesia ... West-monasterii sepulti_ (1600), gives the final words of the inscription as ‘G. B. A. M. P. anno Dom. 1595’, and although the tomb itself has disappeared since 1868 and some modern guides date it 1594 or 1598, Camden is confirmed by J. C[rull], _Antiquities of Westminster_ (1711), 198. Burgh’s death, also given on the monument, was 7 March ‘1594’. On the whole 1596 is the most probable date for de Witt’s visit. Arend van Buchell was himself a traveller, and his _Diarium_ has been edited (1907) by G. Brom and L. A. van Langeraad. But he did not visit England.

[1039] The emendation is due to Wallace (_E. S._ xliii. 356). Adams, 168, suggests that ‘cijn’ is Flemish for ‘swan’, but the dictionary gives ‘zwaen’, which is perhaps what de Witt wrote.

[1040] Cf. plan of the manor in Rendle, _Bankside_, i.

[1041] Cf. p. 456.

[1042] Hentzner, 196.

[1043] _Survey_ (ed. Kingsford), i. 93. In 1603 the words ‘as the Theater, the Curtine, &c.’ are omitted from the body of the passage.

[1044] _Survey_, ii. 73. This passage was omitted altogether in 1603. The early draft in _Harl. MS._ 538 (Kingsford, ii. 369) runs, ‘Neare adjoyning are builded two houses for the shewe of Activities, Comedies, tragedies and histories, for recreation. The one of them is named the Curtayn in Holy Well, the other the Theatre.’

[1045] G. Binz in _Anglia_, xxii. 456 (from Platter’s narrative written in 1604–5 of his travels in 1595–1600, now in the Basle University Library): ‘Den 21 Septembris nach dem Imbissessen, etwan umb zwey vhren, bin ich mitt meiner geselschaft [:v]ber dz wasser gefahren, haben in dem streüwinen Dachhaus die Tragedy vom ersten Keyser Julio Caesare mitt ohngefahr 15 personen sehen gar artlich agieren; zu endt der Comedien dantzeten sie ihrem gebrauch nach gar [:v]berausz zierlich, ye zwen in mannes vndt 2 in weiber kleideren angethan, wunderbahrlich mitt einanderen.

Auf ein andere Zeitt hab ich nicht weit von unserem wirdtshaus in der Vorstadt, meines behaltens an der Bischofsgeet, auch nach essens ein Comoedien gesehen, da presentierten sie allerhandt nationen, mit welchen yeder zeit ein Engellender vmb ein tochter kempfete, vndt vberwandt er sie alle, aussgenommen den teütschen, der gewan die tochter mitt kempfen, satzet sich neben sie, trank ihme deszwegen mit seinem diener ein starken rausch, also dasz sie beyde beweinet wurden, vndt warfe der diener seinem Herren den schu an kopf, vnndt entschliefen beyde. Hiezwischen stige der engellender in die Zelten, vnndt entfuhret dem teütschen sein gewin, also [:v]berlistet er den teütschen auch. Zu endt dantzeten sie auch auf Englisch vnndt Irlendisch gar zierlich vnndt werden also alle tag vmb 2 vhren nach mittag in der stadt London zwo biszweilen auch drey Comedien an vnderscheidenen örteren gehalten, damitt einer den anderen lustig mache, dann welche sich am besten verhalten, die haben auch zum meisten Zuhörer. Die örter sindt dergestalt erbauwen, dasz sie auf einer erhöchten brüge spilen, vnndt yederman alles woll sehen kan. Yedoch sindt vnderscheidene gäng vnndt ständt da man lustiger vnndt basz sitzet, bezahlet auch deszwegen mehr. Dann welcher vnden gleich stehn beleibt, bezahlt nur 1 Englischen pfenning, so er aber sitzen will, lasset man ihn noch zu einer thür hinein, da gibt er noch 1^d, begeret er aber am lustigesten ort auf kissen ze sitzen, da er nicht allein alles woll sihet, sondern auch gesehen kan werden, so gibt er bey einer anderen thüren noch 1 Englischen pfenning. Vnndt tragt man in wehrender Comedy zu essen vndt zu trinken vnder den Leüten herumb, mag einer vmb sein gelt sich also auch erlaben.

Die Comedienspiler sindt beim allerköstlichsten vnndt zierlichsten bekleidet, dann der brauch in Engellandt, dasz wann fürnemme herren oder Ritter absterben, sie ihren dieneren vast die schönesten kleider verehren vndt vergaben, welche, weil es ihnen nicht gezimpt, solche kleider nicht tragen, sondern nachmahlen, den Comoedienspileren vmb ein ringen pfenning ze kaufen geben.

Was für zeit sie also in dem Comoedien lustig alle tag können zubringen, weisset yeglicher woll, der sie etwan hatt sehen agieren oder spilen....

... Midt solchen vndt viel anderen kurtzweilen mehr vertreiben die Engellender ihr zeit, erfahren in den Comedien, wasz sich in anderen Landen zutraget, vndt gehendt ohne scheüchen, mann vndt weibs personen an gemelte ort, weil mehrtheils Engellender nicht pflegen viel ze reysen, sondern sich vergnügen zehausz frembde sachen ze erfahren vnndt ihre kurtzweil ze nemmen.’

[1046] C. A. Mills in _The Times_ (11 April 1914) from the travels of ‘a foreign nobleman, to be published by J. A. F. Orbaan from a _Vatican MS._’. Mills says that the visit was to the Globe, but the passage quoted does not exclude the Rose or Swan.

[1047] G. von Bülow in _2 R. Hist. Soc. Trans._ (1892), vi. 6, 10, from MS. _penes_ Count von der Osten of Plathe, Pomerania; cf. Wallace, _Blackfriars_, 105, who identifies the _Samson_ play, rightly, with that of the Admiral’s men at the Fortune (cf. p. 180), and that at the Blackfriars, wrongly I think, with Chapman’s _The Widow’s Tears_. He assumes that the theatre visited on 13 Sept, was the Globe, but it might have been the Rose.

[1048] ‘13. Den 13 ward eine comedia agirt, wie Stuhl-Weissenburg erstlich von den Türken, hernacher von den Christen wiederum erobert....

14. Auf den Nachmittag ward eine tragica comoedia von Samsone und dem halben Stamm Benjamin agirt. Als wir zu dem Theatro gingen ...’.

[1049] Cf. ch. xii (Chapel).

[1050] Grosart, _Dekker_, iv. 210 (S. R. July 1608, printed 1609). The ‘two houses’ are, of course, those of York and Lancaster. Note the final puns.

[1051] Cf. ch. x. Fynes Moryson says in his _Itinerary_, iii. 2. 2 (_c._ 1605–17), ‘The Theaters at London in England for Stage-plaies are more remarkeable for the number, and for the capacity, than for the building,’ and in the continuation (_c._ 1609–26, C. Hughes, _Shakespeare’s Europe_, 476), ‘The Citty of London alone hath foure or fiue Companyes of players with their peculiar Theaters capable of many thousands, wherein they all play euery day in the weeke but Sunday.... As there be, in my opinion, more Playes in London than in all the partes of the worlde I haue seene, so doe these players or Comedians excell all other in the worlde.’

[1052] _Epigram 39._ Both Curtain and Swan are named by W. Turner in _Turners Dish of Stuffe, or a Gallimaufry_ (1662), but this cannot be dated; cf. ch. xv (Shank):

That’s the fat fool of the Curtain,
And the lean fool of the Bull:
Since Shancke did leave to sing his rhimes,
He is counted but a gull:
The players on the Bankside,
The round Globe and the Swan,
Will teach you idle tricks of love,
But the Bull will play the man.

[1053] Jodocus Sincerus, _Itineris Anglici brevissima delineatio_ in _Itinerarium Galliae_ (1617), 370; cf. Rye, 131, who gives the first edition as 1616.

[1054] K. Feyerabend in _E. S._ xiv. 440, from manuscript in Cassel Library (cf. Rye, 143), ‘Zu Londen sind 7 theatra, da tägliche, die sonntäge ausgenommen, comoedien gehalten werden, unter welchen die vornehmste der glbs [_sic_, for _globus_], so über dem wasser liegt. Das theatrum, da die kinder spielen, ist auf diesseit des wassers, spielen um 3 uhr, aber nur von michaelis bis auf ostern; hier kostet der eingang einen halben schilling nur, da an andern orten wohl eine halbe kron. Diese [nämlich der Globus, _Ed._, but surely in error] spielen nur bei lichtern und is die beste Cumpani in London.’ The baiting is also mentioned; cf. p. 457.

[1055] _Henslowe Papers_, 72, 79.

[1056] Taylor, _The True Cause of the Watermen’s Suit concerning Players,_ _and the reasons that their Playing on London side is their extreame hindrances. With a Relation how farre that suit was proceeded in, and the occasions that it was not effected_, reprinted by Hindley, ii, No. 15, from Taylor’s _Works_ (1630), probably originally printed in 1614.

[1057] It cites Caesar’s promotion and describes the agitation by the watermen as taking place in ‘January last, 1613’, i. e. 161¾. Probably it was written in the winter of 1614, and touched up before 1630, since it refers to Bacon and Somerset as ‘then’ Attorney-General and Lord Chamberlain respectively. Bacon’s term of office was from 27 Oct. 1613 to 7 March 1617, Somerset’s from 10 July 1614 to 2 Nov. 1615.

[1058] There is, I suppose, no reason why Randolph’s _Muses Looking Glass_, 1. i. 55, should not have been written before Salisbury Court was built. Herein a ‘brother’ is said to pray--

That the Globe,
Wherein (quoth he) reigns a whole world of vice,
Had been consum’d: the Phoenix burnt to ashes:
The Fortune whipp’d for a blind whore: Blackfriars,
He wonders how it ’scaped demolishing
I’ th’ time of reformation: lastly, he wish’d
The Bull might cross the Thames to the Bear Garden,
And there be soundly baited.

[1059] Stowe, _Annales_ (1631), 1004. In the extract in Harrison, ii. 49*, the period covered is given in error as 1553–1613.

[1060] Cf. App. I.

[1061] S. A. Strong, _Catalogue of Letters at Welbeck_, 226.

[1062] Harrison, iv. 212, from _Phillipps MS._ 11613, f. 16, _penes_ J. F. P. Fenwick, of Thirlestane House, Cheltenham, written about 1656–8. The writer is not quite accurate in some of his earlier dates.

[1063] Ward, iii. 280; Lawrence, ii. 138.

[1064] Baker, 135, gives an enlarged reproduction under the name of the Theatre; but that is an obvious mistake.

[1065] Rendle, _Bankside_, 1.

[1066] [Nicholas Goodman?] _Hollands Leaguer or an historical Discourse of the Life and Actions of Dona Britanica Hollandia the Arch-Mistris of the wicked women of Evtopia_ (1632), sig. F 2; cf. C. W. Wallace in _Engl. Stud._ xliii. 392.

[1067] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 52.

[1068] I cannot agree with Dr. Martin (_Surrey Arch. Colls._ xxiii. 186), who sees, both in the Delaram and the ‘Hondius’ engravings, an east to west highway running north of the cylindrical building, which he takes for Maid Lane.

[1069] The somewhat wanton suggestion of Dr. Martin (loc. cit. 188) that the engraver mistook the Rose for the Globe is sufficiently refuted by the fact that the Rose was extinct or at least long disused.

[1070] I do not know on what ground Adams, 458, says that Visscher’s view was drawn several years before it was printed, ‘and represents the city as it was in or before 1613’.

[1071] Martin, loc. cit. 192, again suggests that the houses are misnamed. He thinks that the Rose has been called the Globe in error and the Globe the Bear Garden, and that the unnamed house is the Globe. I cannot follow him in thinking that Merian represents the western house of the group as south of Maid Lane; all three are clearly to the north.

[1072] Adams, 458, thinks that Merian worked upon Visscher, ‘with additions from some other earlier view not yet identified’. If so, this might perhaps go back to 1605.

[1073] Cf. p. 463.

[1074] Rendle, _Bankside_, xxx.

[1075] Cf. p. 433.

[1076] B. Marsh, _Records of the Worshipful Company of Carpenters_, iii. 95. I have to thank Mr. Marsh for this reference.

[1077] _Sloane MS._ 2530, f. 11 _et passim_.

[1078] App. C, No. xviii.

[1079] Gosson, _Schoole of Abuse_, 40. The date renders very hazardous the identifications of _Ptolemy_ with the _Telomo_ shown at Court by Leicester’s men on 10 Feb. 1583, and of _The Jew_ with R. W.’s _Three Ladies of London_ (1584), which leads Fleay, 36, 40, to infer that Leicester’s men played at the Bull from 1560 to 1576.

[1080] App. D, Nos. lx-lxii.

[1081] Tarlton, 13, 24.

[1082] Birch, _Elizabeth_, i. 173, from _Lambeth MS._; Spedding, viii. 314.

[1083] Cf. App. I.

[1084] Machyn, 238.

[1085] Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 277. The play may have only been rehearsed, so that the identification of it by Fleay, 36, with _The Irish Knight_ shown at Court by Warwick’s men on 18 Feb. 1577 is untenable, and with it vanishes all ground for the assignment of the inn by Fleay, 40, to Rich’s men in 1568–70, Lane’s in 1571–3, Warwick’s in 1575–80, and Hunsdon’s in 1582–3.

[1086] Tarlton, 24.

[1087] Harben, 65.

[1088] Tarlton, 21. Apparently the Queen of Sheba, and not Pocahontas, was the original _Belle Sauvage_.

[1089] App. C, No. xiv.

[1090] App. C, No. xxii. The description reads like a compliment to Lyly, but does not justify the inference of Fleay, 39, that the Chapel boys played at the Bel Savage from 1559 to 1582.

[1091] Arber, ii. 526.

[1092] _Sloane MS._ 2530, ff. 7, 10, 11, 14; cf. the quotation from G. Silver, _Paradoxe of Defence_ (1599), in Adams, 13.

[1093] Wallace, _N. U. S._ xiii. 82, 89.

[1094] Tarlton, 23.

[1095] App. D, No. ci. Fleay, 89, has no other material than these notices and an unjustifiable assumption of identity between the two companies for assigning the house to Leicester’s (1586–8) and Strange’s (1589–91).

[1096] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317; cf. p. 425.

[1097] Stowe, _Survey_ (ed. Kingsford, ii. 262, 369), ends his account of Holywell in the 1598 edition, ‘And neare therevnto are builded two publique houses for the acting and shewe of Comedies, Tragedies, and Histories, for recreation. Whereof the one is called the Courtein, the other the Theatre: both standing on the South-west side towards the field’. This is omitted from the 1603 edition, probably not so much, as has been suggested, because Stowe shared the Puritan dislike of the stage, as because in 1603 the Theatre was gone and the Curtain little used. Stowe’s draft (_c._ 1598) in _Harl. MS._ 538 runs, ‘Neare adjoyning are builded two houses for the shewe of Activities, Comedies, tragedies and histories, for recreation. The one of them is named the Curtayn in Holy Well, the other the Theatre.’ No contemporary map shows the Theatre, although that of Agas (_c._ 1561) gives a good idea of the Halliwell district before it was built. The representation from the seventeenth-century ‘Ryther’ map, given as the Theatre by Baker, 135, is presumably the Curtain.

[1098] Braines (1915), 4; Stopes, 185.

[1099] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 345; Braines (1915), 5, 21.

[1100] Latin translations of parts of the lease are recited in pleadings of 1600 and 1602 (Wallace, 166, 268), and the description of parcels agrees with that in the draft lease of 1585, similarly recited in 1600 (Wallace, 169); cf. Braines (1915), 8.

[1101] The position of the well in Chassereau’s _Survey of Shoreditch_ (1745) seems to me to bear out this identification, although, as Braines (1915), 4, points out, we do not know Chassereau’s authority. Under Burbadge’s lease all Giles Allen’s tenants in Holywell were to have access to the well. Stowe, _Survey_, i. 15, describes the holy well as ‘much decayed and marred with filthinesse purposely laide there, for the heighthening of the ground for garden plots’. It is clearly distinct from Dame Agnes a Cleere’s well, which was outside Holywell, towards the north (Stowe, _Survey_, i. 16; ii. 273; Stopes, 192).

[1102] _Tarlton’s News out of Purgatory_ (S. R. 26 June 1590), in _Tarlton_, 54, 105, ‘I would needs to the Theatre to a play, where when I came, I founde such concourse of unrulye people, that I thought it better solitary to walk in the fields, then to intermeddle myselfe amongst such a great presse. Feeding mine humour with this fancie, I stept by dame Anne of Cleeres well, and went by the backside of Hogsdon, where, finding the sun to be hotte, and seeing a faire tree that had a coole shade, I sat me downe to take the aire, where after I had rested me a while, I fell asleepe.... And with that I waked, and saw such concourse of people through the fields that I knew the play was doon.’

[1103] Braines (1915), 27. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 351, put the site on the present Deane’s Mews, but this is too far south, and does not allow for the interposition of Rutland’s holding between Holywell Lane and Allen’s. The shoring up of the barn to the Theatre is testified to in Wallace, 227, 231, 243. The exact site therefore cannot have been far east of the Curtain Road, which apparently occupies the strip of void land held by Burbadge between the old priory wall and the ditch bordering Finsbury fields.

[1104] Wallace, 134, 141, 153.

[1105] Ibid. 39.

[1106] Ibid. 139.

[1107] Wallace, 142 (Miles), 152 (Nicoll).

[1108] App. D, No. xxxiv.

[1109] Wallace, 135.

[1110] Ibid. 140.

[1111] Ibid. 151 (Nicoll).

[1112] Ibid. 152 (Nicoll).

[1113] Wallace, 73 (Bett), 102, 119 (Ralph Miles), 137 (Collins), 143 (Robert Miles), 152 (Nicoll), 157.

[1114] Ibid. 53, 107, 111 (Hyde), 73 (Bett), 143 (Robert Miles), 103, 120 (Ralph Miles). Brayne’s will was proved 10 Aug. 1586 (Wallace, 14).

[1115] Ibid. 104 (Ralph Miles), 146 (Robert Miles).

[1116] Ibid. 16, 55, 108 (Hyde), 73 (Bett), 145 (Miles).

[1117] Ibid. 46.

[1118] Wallace, 86 (Bett), 115 (Bishop), 122 (Ralph Miles).

[1119] Ibid. 109 (Hyde), 134 (Griggs), 137 (Collins), 106 (Ralph Miles), 139, 148 (Robert Miles).

[1120] Ibid. 83 (Bett), 88 (Gascoigne), 90 (James).

[1121] Ibid. 87 (Bett).

[1122] Griggs (Wallace, 134) puts Brayne’s expenditure at 1,000 marks and Burbadge’s at under £100; Collins (Wallace, 137) agrees as to Brayne’s and puts Burbadge’s at about £50; Miles (ibid. 141) says Brayne spent £600 or £700 in cash or credit and Burbadge about £50 in cash and material; Lanman (ibid. 148) had heard that the building cost 1,000 marks; Giles Allen (ibid. 164) valued it at £700 in 1599.

[1123] Robert Miles put Burbadge’s total profits from tenements and play-house in eight or nine years before 1592 at 2,000 marks, but in 1600 he only put the aggregate profits of James and Cuthbert from the play-house by itself at 1,000 marks (Wallace, 147, 263). Giles Allen (ibid. 198) put them at £2,000. Ralph Miles in 1592 had heard that Burbadge had received £700 or £800 in rents and profits since Brayne’s death in 1586 (ibid. 106). John Alleyn, a more disinterested witness, confirms this estimate, putting the figure at £100 or 200 marks a year for the five years before 1592 (ibid. 102).

[1124] Wallace, 76 (Ellam), 77 (Hudson).

[1125] Ibid. 47.

[1126] Wallace, 59 (C. Burbadge), 62 (J. Burbadge), 97, 114 (Bishop), 100, 126 (Alleyn), 105, 121 (Ralph Miles).

[1127] Ibid. 49, 66.

[1128] Ibid. 101, 127 (Alleyn). The two depositions are not quite consistent as to dates. From that of 6 Feb. 1592, one would infer that the dispute between Burbadge and the Admiral’s was at the time of the contempt of 16 Nov. 1590. The second, of 6 May 1592, apparently corrects the first, by giving the date of the insult to the Lord Admiral as ‘about a yere past’. The point is of importance, as bearing upon the length of the stay of the Admiral’s and Strange’s (cf. ch. xiii) at the Theatre. No doubt Mrs. Brayne, who came ‘dyvers tymes’ to the Theatre, continued her applications after laying her affidavit of contempt.

[1129] Wallace, 153.

[1130] Wallace, 156.

[1131] Ibid. 161, 263. Miles still held Burbadge’s bonds in 1600.

[1132] Ibid. 137, ‘iron worke which the said Braynes bestowed vppon the same Theater’.

[1133] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1134] Wallace, 62 (Burbadge), 88 (Bett), 125 (Alleyn), 149 (Lanman).

[1135] Cf. pp. 358, 362. This evidence outweighs the rather slight grounds on which T. S. Graves, _The Shape of the First London Theatre_ (_South Atlantic Quarterly_, xiii. 280), conjectures that it may have been rectangular.

[1136] G. Harvey, _Letter Book_, 67, suggests in 1579 that he may be asked by Leicester’s, Warwick’s, Vaux’s or Rich’s men, or ‘sum other freshe starteup comedanties’ for ‘sum malt conceivid comedye fitt for the Theater, or sum other paintid stage’ (cf. p. 4). It is a pity he was not more precise.

[1137] Cf. App. C, Nos. xxii, xxx. Fleay, 40, 88, 145, identifies _The Play of Plays_ in which Delight was a character with the _Delight_ shown at Court by Leicester’s on 26 Dec. 1580, and _Caesar and Pompey_, which Gosson does not quite clearly assign to the Theatre at all, with the _Pompey_ shown by Paul’s on 6 Jan. 1581; and conjectures successive occupations by Leicester’s (1576–83), Paul’s (1582), Queen’s and Hunsdon’s (1584), Queen’s and Oxford’s (1585), Queen’s (1586–93), Chamberlain’s (1594–7). He was unlucky in omitting the Admiral’s from his guesses.

[1138] Cf. App. D, Nos. xliii, xliv.

[1139] Wallace, 201 (Cuthbert Burbadge), 239 (Smith), 240 (May), 242 (Tilt).

[1140] Ibid. 11.

[1141] Cf. App. D, No. lxxiv.

[1142] Nashe, _Pierce Penilesse_ (_Works_, i. 197). Harington, _Metamorphosis of Ajax_ (1596), speaks of a vulgar word ‘admitted into the Theater with great applause by the mouth of Mayster Tarlton, the excellent comedian’. It was near the Theatre that the writer of _Tarltons Newes of Purgatorie_ (Tarlton, 54) had his dream of the dead actor.

[1143] Cf. App. C, No. xl.

[1144] Lodge, _Wits Miserie_ (1596), ‘pale as the visard of the ghost which cried so miserably at the Theator, like an oister wife, Hamlet, revenge’. In T. M., _Black Book_ (1604), is a mention of ‘one of my divells in D^r Faustus, when the olde Theatre crackt and frighted the audience’. This was presumably before 1592, as _Dr. Faustus_ seems to have been continuously in Henslowe’s hands from the beginning of that year. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 363, quotes an allusion of Barnaby Rich in 1606 (_Faultes Faults, and Nothing Else but Faultes_, 7) to ‘Gravets part at the Theatre’, but this must not be pressed as a reference to the long-destroyed house.

[1145] _Sloane MS._ 2530, ff. 6, 11, 12, 46; cf. App. D, Nos. lxii, lxviii.

[1146] Cf. ch. xi, p. 371.

[1147] T. W., _Sermon at Paul’s Cross_ (3 Nov. 1577), ‘Beholde the sumptuous Theatre houses’; Northbrooke (S. R. 2 Dec. 1577), 85, ‘places ... builded for such Playes and Enterludes, as the Theatre and Curtaine is’; Stockwood, _Sermon at Paul’s Cross_ (24 Aug. 1578), ‘the Theatre, the Curtayne, and other places of Playes in the Citie ... the gorgeous Playing place erected in the fieldes ... as they please to have it called, a Theatre’; _News from the North_ (1579), ‘the Theaters, Curtines ... and such places where the time is so shamefully mispent’; T. Twyne, _Physic for Fortune_ (1579), i. xxx, 42, ‘the Curteine or Theater; which two places are well knowen to be enimies to good manners: for looke who goeth thyther evyl, returneth worse’; Stubbes (S. R. 1 March 1583), i. 144, ‘flockyng and runnyng to Theaters and Curtens ... Venus pallaces’; Field (1583), ‘the distruction bothe of bodye and soule that many are brought unto by frequenting the Theater, the Curtin and such like’; Rankins (1587), f. 4, ‘the Theater and Curtine may aptlie be termed for their abhomination, the chappell _adulterinum_’; Harrison, _Chronologie_ (1588), i. liv, ‘It is an evident token of a wicked time when plaiers wexe so riche that they can build suche houses’.

[1148] App. D, Nos. XXXV, lxxiv. It appears to have been thought a good example to frequenters of the Theatre that the locality should occasionally be used for a public execution. Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 749, 750, records the hanging of W. Gunter, a priest from beyond the seas, ‘at the Theater’ on 28 Aug. 1588, and of W. Hartley, another priest, ‘nigh the Theator,’ on 1 Oct. 1588; cf. Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 351, from _True Report of the Inditement of Weldon, Hartley, and Sutton, who Suffred for High Treason_ (1588).

[1149] Sir A. Ashley to Sir R. Cecil (_Hatfield MSS._ vii. 504).

[1150] Cf. ch. ix. In addition to the occasions described above, the Theatre and Curtain are particularly referred to in the City’s complaint to Walsingham on 3 May 1583, and in the Council’s inhibitions of 29 Oct. 1587, where the ‘Liberty’ of Holywell is clearly pointed at in the allusion to ‘places priviledged’, and 23 June 1592 (App. D, Nos. lxix, lxxx, xc).