Chapter VII: Introduction: The Boy Companies (5)

An Oxford’s company did not again perform at Court, but his ‘plaiers’ were at Norwich in 1585–6, and Ipswich in 1586–7,[295] and players under his name were notified to Walsingham amongst others setting up their bills in London on 25 January 1587 (App. D, No. lxxviii). They were at York in June 1587 and Maidstone in 1589–90. Finally, at the end of the reign, comes a letter from the Privy Council to the Lord Mayor on 31 March 1602, which informs him that at the Earl’s suit the Queen has tolerated a new company formed by a combination of his servants and those of the Earl of Worcester, and that they are to play at the Boar’s Head (App. D, No. cxxx). Oxford’s men had probably then been established for some little time, as they are indicated as having played _The Weakest Goeth to the Wall_ (1600, S. R. 23 October 1600) by the title-page, and _The History of George Scanderbarge_ by the entry in the Stationers’ Register (3 July 1601). Meres’s reference to Oxford in 1598 suggests that they may have been in existence still earlier, as it is natural to suppose that he wrote comedies for his own men. Some of the writers, however, with whom Meres groups him belong to the early years of the reign, although others are contemporary. From 1602 the company was no doubt merged in Worcester’s, which in its turn became Queen Anne’s.

x. THE EARL OF ESSEX’S MEN

Walter Devereux, s. of Sir Richard Devereux and g.s. of Walter,
Lord Bourchier and 1st Viscount Hereford; _nat._ 1541; succ.
as 2nd Viscount Hereford, 1558; m. Lettice, d. of Sir Francis
Knollys, _c._ 1561; 1st Earl of Essex, 4 May 1572; _ob._ 22
Sept. 1576.

Lettice, Countess of Essex, b. _c._ 1541; m. (2) Robert, Earl of
Leicester, 21 Sept. 1578, (3) Sir Christopher Blount, July 1589;
_ob._ 25 Dec. 1634.

Robert Devereux, s. of 1st Earl of Essex; b. 19 Nov. 1566; succ.
as 2nd Earl, 1576; m. Frances, Lady Sidney, d. of Sir Francis
Walsingham, 1590; Master of the Horse, 23 Dec. 1587; Earl
Marshal, 28 Dec. 1597; Chancellor of Cambridge University, 10
Aug. 1598; rebelled, 8 Feb. 1601; executed, 25 Feb. 1601.

The Bourchiers, Earls of Essex, whom the Devereux succeeded through an heiress, had their players well back into the fifteenth century. In fact, the earliest household troop on record is that of Henry Bourchier, first earl of the senior creation, which is found at Maldon in 1468–9 and at Stoke-by-Nayland on 9 January 1482.[296]

Walter Devereux had a company, which visited Bath, Bristol, Gloucester, and Nottingham in 1572–3, Wollaton (Francis Willoughby’s) in July 1574, Coventry on 29 August, and Leicester before 29 September 1574, Gloucester, Dover, and Coventry in 1574–5, Coventry and Leicester in 1575–6, Nottingham in September 1576, and Bristol in September 1577. On the Earl’s death the Countess retained the company, and under her name it appeared at Coventry and Oxford in 1576–7. On 11 February 1578 it gave its only performance at Court, taking the place of Leicester’s men, to whom that day had originally been assigned. It was included in the list of Court companies sent to the Lord Mayor in December 1578 (App. D, No. xl), but gave no play that winter. The Privy Council described it as the Earl of Essex’s men, and it played under that name at Coventry in 1577–8 and at Ipswich in 1579–80; but at Oxford, Coventry, and Stratford-on-Avon in 1578–9, and at Oxford in 1579–80, it is still called the Countess of Essex’s. It could hardly have borne that name after August 1579, when the Countess’s secret marriage with Leicester was revealed to Elizabeth, and doubtless her disgrace debarred it from any further Court favour.

Robert Earl of Essex had a provincial company from 1581 to 1596. In 1581–2 it was at Exeter, in July 1584 at Ludlow, in 1583–4 at Leicester, Stratford-on-Avon, and Ipswich, and in 1584–5 at Bath. On 26 June 1585 it played at Thorpe in Norwich, in spite of a prohibition by the Corporation, and was sentenced to be excluded from civic reward in future. In 1585–6 it was at Coventry and Ipswich, in 1586 before 29 September at Leicester, and possibly about May at Oxford, on 27 February 1587 at York, on 16 July at Leicester, and in the course of the year at Stratford-on-Avon. In 1587–8 it was at Coventry, Ipswich, Saffron Walden, and Leicester, in 1588–9 at Bath, Saffron Walden, and Reading, on 7 September 1589 at Knowsley, on 31 October at Ipswich, and in the same year at Faversham. It was also at Coventry and Faversham in 1589–90, at Maldon in 1590, and twice at Faversham in 1590–1, and is last recorded at Ludlow in April 1596. Murray adds some intermediate dates. A company of Essex’s men which appeared at Coventry in 1600–1 is probably distinct. The execution of Essex on 25 February 1601 must have brought it to a premature end.

xi. LORD VAUX’S MEN

William Vaux, 3rd Lord Vaux; _nat._ _c._ 1542; m. (1) Elizabeth
Beaumont, (2) Mary Tresham; _ob._ 20 Aug. 1595.

Edward Vaux, 4th Lord Vaux; _nat._ 1588; _ob._ 1661.

These companies are extremely obscure. Gabriel Harvey mentions the first in 1579 (cf. p. 4); the second was at Leicester in October-December 1601, Coventry in 1603–4 and 1608, and Skipton in 1609.

xii. LORD BERKELEY’S MEN

Henry FitzHardinge Berkeley, Baron Berkeley; succ. 1553; m.
Catherine, d. of Henry Howard, Earl of Surrey; _ob._ 1613;
father of Thomas Berkeley, _nat._ 11 July 1575; m. Elizabeth,
d. of Sir G. Carey, afterwards 2nd Baron Hunsdon, 19 Feb. 1596;
_ob._ 22 Nov. 1611.

The only London record of this company is in July 1581, when some of them, including Arthur King and Thomas Goodale, were committed to the Counter after a brawl with Inns of Court men. Lord Berkeley apologized to the Lord Mayor on their behalf, and said that they would go to the country (App. D, Nos. xlix, l). Their other appearances are all in the country, at Bristol between 6 and 12 July 1578, where they played _What Mischief Worketh in the Mind of Man_, at Bath on 11 July 1578 and on another day in 1578–9, at Abingdon in 1579–80, Stratford-on-Avon in 1580–1, Maldon in 1581, Stratford-on-Avon in 1582–3, Barnstaple in 1583–4, and Bath in 1586–7. Long after they, or a later company under the same name, reappear at Coventry in 1597–8, at Leicester in 1598 before Michaelmas, at Saffron Walden in 1598–9, and at Coventry and elsewhere in 1603–10. Lord Berkeley’s name is sometimes misspelt in the account-books as ‘Bartlett’.[297]

xiii. QUEEN ELIZABETH’S MEN

The origin of this company, the most famous of all the London companies during the decade of the ’eighties, can be dated with an extreme minuteness.[298] The Revels Accounts for 1582–3 record an expenditure of 20s. in travelling charges by

‘Edmond Tylney Esquire Master of the office being sente for
to the Courte by Letter from M^r. Secreatary dated the x^{th}
of Marche 1582. To choose out a companie of players for her
majestie.’[299]

The date then was 10 March 1583, and the business was in the hands of Sir Francis Walsingham. Lord Chamberlain Sussex, to whom it would naturally have fallen, was ill in the previous September[300] and died on the following 9 June. Walsingham’s agency in the matter is confirmed in the account of the formation of the company inserted by Edmund Howes in the 1615 and 1631 editions of Stowe’s _Annales_:

‘Comedians and stage-players of former time were very poor
and ignorant in respect of these of this time: but being now
grown very skilful and exquisite actors for all matters, they
were entertained into the service of divers great lords: out
of which companies there were twelve of the best chosen, and,
at the request of Sir Francis Walsingham, they were sworn the
queens servants and were allowed wages and liveries as grooms
of the chamber: and until this yeare 1583, the queene had no
players. Among these twelve players were two rare men, viz.
Thomas Wilson, for a quicke, delicate, refined, extemporall
witt, and Richard Tarleton, for a wondrous plentifull pleasant
extemporall wit, he was the wonder of his time. He lieth buried
in Shoreditch church. [In a note] He was so beloved that men use
his picture for their signs.’[301]

Howes is not altogether accurate. ‘Thomas’ is obviously a mistake for ‘Robert’ Wilson. Elizabeth had maintained players before, the Interluders, although they had cut little figure in the dramatic history of the reign, and the last of them had died in 1580. Dr. Greg thinks that the players were not appointed as grooms of the Chamber, on the ground that their names do not appear in a list of these officers appended to a warrant of 8 November 1586.[302] But Tarlton is described as ‘ordenary grome off her majestes chamber’ in the record of his graduation as a master of fence in 1587, and both he and his ‘fellow’, William Johnson, are described as ‘grooms of her majesties chamber’ in his will of 1588. Their absence from Dr. Greg’s list is probably due to their treatment as a special class of grooms of the chamber in ordinary without fee, who were not called upon to perform the ordinary duties of the office, such as helping to watch the palace.[303] That they had liveries, which were red coats, is borne out by the particular mention of the fact that they were not wearing them, in the depositions concerning a very untoward event which took place in the first few months of their service. On the afternoon of 15 June 1583 they were playing at the Red Lion in Norwich. A dispute as to payment arose between a servant of one Mr. Wynsdon and Singer, who, in a black doublet and with a player’s beard on, was acting as gatekeeper. Tarlton and Bentley, who was playing the duke, came off the stage, and Bentley broke the offender’s head with the hilt of his sword. The man fled, pursued by Singer with an arming-sword which he took off the stage, and by Henry Browne, a servant of Sir William Paston. Both of them struck him, and one of the blows, but it was not certain whose, proved mortal.[304]

Several other places, besides Norwich, received a visit from the Queen’s men during the first summer of their existence. In April they were at Bristol, on 9 July at Cambridge, and between 24 July and 29 September at Leicester. Their travels also extended to Gloucester, Aldeburgh, Nottingham, and Shrewsbury.[305] In the winter they returned to London, and on 26 November the Privy Council wrote to the Lord Mayor to bespeak for them permission to play in the City and the liberties upon week-days until Shrovetide. The City accordingly licensed them to play at the Bull and the Bell, but with unwelcome limitations, for on 1 December it was necessary for Walsingham to write a personal letter, explaining that it was not the intention of the Council that the licence to play should be confined to holidays. The City record gives the names of the twelve members of the company as Robert Wilson, John Dutton, Richard Tarlton, John Laneham, John Bentley, Thobye Mylles, John Towne, John Synger, Leonall Cooke, John Garland, John Adams, and William Johnson. The company made its initial appearance at Court on 26 December, and played again on 29 December, and on 3 March 1584. Their public performances probably continued through the spring, but in June there were disturbances in and around the Middlesex theatres, and the City obtained leave from the Council to suppress plays. The Queen’s submitted to an injunction from William Fleetwood, the Recorder; and their leader advised him to send for the owner of the Theatre, who was Lord Hunsdon’s man, and bind him. They travelled again, and are found in 1583–4 at Bath and Marlborough, and in October or November at Dover. When the winter came on, they once more approached the Council and requested a renewal of the previous year’s privilege, submitting articles in which they pointed out that the time of their service was drawing near, and that the season of the year was past to play at any of the houses outside the City. They also asked for favourable letters to the Middlesex justices. The City opposed the concession, and begged that, if it were granted, the number and names of the Queen’s men might be set out in the warrant, complaining that in the previous year, when toleration was granted to this company alone, all the playing-places were filled with men calling themselves the Queen’s players. The records do not show whether the Council assented.[306] The company appeared four times at Court, giving _Phillyda and Corin_ on 26 December, _Felix and Philiomena_ on 3 January 1585, _Five Plays in One_ on 6 January, and an antic play and a comedy on 23 February. They had prepared a fifth performance, of _Three Plays in One_, for 21 February, but it was not called for. Mr. Fleay has conjectured that the _Five Plays in One_ and the _Three Plays in One_ may have been the two parts of Tarlton’s _Seven Deadly Sins_.[307] The payment for this winter’s plays was made to Robert Wilson.

There is no evidence that the company were travelling in 1585. They were at Court again on 26 December and on 1 January and 13 February 1586. During 1586 they were at Maidstone, in July at Bristol, on 22 August and later at Faversham, and before 29 September at Leicester. In 1585–6 they were also at Coventry. On 26 December 1586 and on 1 and 6 January and 28 February 1587 they were at Court, and in the same January a correspondent of Walsingham’s names them amongst other companies then playing regularly in the City (App. D, No. lxxviii). During 1586–7 they were at Bath, Worcester, Canterbury, and Stratford-on-Avon, whence Malone thought that they might have enlisted Shakespeare.[308] They were at Bath again on 13 July 1587, and at Aldeburgh on 20 May and 19 July. Before 29 September they were at Leicester, on 9 September at York, where it is recorded that they ‘cam in her Majesties lyvereys’, twice in September at Coventry, and at Aldeburgh on 16 December. They were at Court on 26 December 1587 and on 6 January and 18 February 1588.

A subsidy list of 30 June 1588 shows that Tarlton, Laneham, Johnson, Towne, Adams, Garland, John Dutton, Singer, and Cooke were then still household players.[309] It can, perhaps, hardly be assumed that the whole of the company is here represented. Mills, Wilson, and Bentley may have dropped out since 1583. But one would have expected to find the name of Laurence Dutton beside that of John, as he was certainly a Queen’s man by 1589. Knell also acted with Tarlton in _The Famous Victories of Henry the Fifth_, and must have belonged to the company. He also may have been dead by 1588. And this must certainly be the case if he is the William Knell whose widow Rebecca John Heminges married on 10 March 1588. There is some reason to suppose that Heminges himself joined the Queen’s men, perhaps in right of his wife. The composition of the list of 1583 generally bears out the statement of Howes, that the Queen’s men were selected as the best out of the companies of divers great lords, for Wilson, Laneham, and Johnson belonged to Leicester’s in 1572, Adams to Sussex’s in 1576, and Dutton, after a chameleon past, to Oxford’s in 1580. Mr. Fleay, who did not know either the list of 1583 or that of 1588, declares that the original members of the company included James Burbadge and William Slaughter, and probably John Perkyn.[310] Of these William Slaughter is merely what the philologists would call a ‘ghost’-name, for there is no evidence that any such actor ever existed.[311] Evidently James Burbadge did not join the Queen’s men. Probably Mr. Fleay was biased by his knowledge that these men acted at the Theatre, which was Burbadge’s property. But this could prove nothing, as the relations between particular companies and particular theatres were much less permanent than Mr. Fleay is apt to suppose. The Queen’s seem to have been acting at the Theatre when Fleetwood suppressed them in June 1584, but the owner of the house, who can hardly be any other than James Burbadge, is specifically described as Lord Hunsdon’s man, which of course does not necessarily signify that he was a player at all. Moreover, it is clear from the official correspondence of the following autumn, not only that, as we know from other sources, the companies regularly moved in from the suburban houses to the City inn-yards at the approach of winter, but also that the Queen’s in particular had in the winter of 1583 dispersed themselves for their public performances over various play-places. The view that they did not exclusively attach themselves to Burbadge’s, or to any other one theatre, is further borne out by the indications in the _Jests_ of Tarlton, which there is no reason to reject, however apocryphal they may be in detail, as evidence of the theatrical conditions under which the famous mime appeared. The _Jests_ frequently speak of Tarlton as a Queen’s man and never mention any other company in connexion with him.[312] And, as it happens, they record performances at the Curtain,[313] the Bell,[314] and the Bull,[315] but none at the Theatre. Nashe, however, tells us that Tarlton made jests of Richard Harvey and his _Astrological Discourse_ of 1583 there;[316] and an entry in the Stationers’ Register makes it possible to add that shortly before his death he appeared at the Bel Savage.[317] The stage-keeper in _Bartholomew Fair_ (1614), Ind. 37, gives us a reminiscence of a scene between Tarlton and John Adams, ‘I am an Asse! I! and yet I kept the _Stage_ in Master _Tarletons_ time, I thanke my starres. Ho! and that man had liu’d to haue play’d in _Bartholmew Fayre_, you should ha’ seene him ha’ come in, and ha’ beene coozened i’ the Cloath-quarter, so finely! And _Adams_, the Rogue, ha’ leap’d and caper’d vpon him, and ha’ dealt his vermine about, as though they had cost him nothing. And then a substantiall watch to ha’ stolne in vpon ’hem, and taken ’hem away, with mistaking words, as the fashion is, in the _Stage_-practice.’

Tarlton’s own talent probably ran more to ‘jigs’ and ‘themes’ than to the legitimate drama. But the palmy days of the Queen’s company were those that intervened between its foundation in 1583 and his death on 3 September 1588. To it belonged the men whom such an actor of the next generation as Thomas Heywood could remember as the giants of the past,[318] and whose reputation Edward Alleyn’s friends were ready to back him to excel.[319] From 1588 the future of the stage lay with Alleyn and the Admiral’s men and Marlowe, and it may reasonably be supposed that the Queen’s men were hard put to it to hold their own against their younger rivals. Adams probably survived Tarlton, and his name appears to be traceable as that of the clowns in _A Looking Glass for London and England_ (_c._ 1590) and _James IV_ (_c._ 1591). In 1587–8 the Queen’s visited Coventry and Exeter, and in 1588 Dover, and on two occasions Faversham. On 19 July and 14 August they were at Bath. The Bath accounts for this year also show a payment ‘to the quenes men that were tumblers’. Owing to Tarlton’s death or to some other reason, the Queen’s men prolonged their travels far into the winter. On 31 October they were at the Earl of Derby’s house at New Park, Lancashire; on 6 November ‘certen of’ them were at Leicester; on 10 December they were at Norwich and on 17 December at Ipswich. But they reached the Court in time for the performance on 26 December, with which they seem to have had the prerogative of opening the Christmas season, and appeared again on 9 February. They must have had some share in the Martin Marprelate controversy, which raged during 1589. In the previous year, indeed, Martin was able to claim Tarlton as an ally who had ‘taken’ Simony ‘in Don John of London’s cellar’, and was himself accused of borrowing his ‘foolery’ from Laneham. But when the bishops determined to meet the Puritans with literary weapons like their own, they naturally turned to the Queen’s men amongst others. About April 1589 _A Whip for an Ape_ bids Martin’s grave opponents to ‘let old Lanam lash him with his rimes’, and although it cannot be assumed that, if the _Maygame of Martinism_ was in fact played at the Theatre, it was the Queen’s men who played it, _Martin’s Month’s Minde_ records in August the chafing of the Puritans at players ‘whom, saving their liveries (for indeed they are hir Majesty’s men ...) they call rogues’. Influence was brought to bear to suppress the anti-Martinist plays. A pamphlet of October notes that _Vetus Comoedia_ has been ‘long in the country’; and this accords with the fact that the provincial performances of the Queen’s men began at an unusually early date in 1589. They are found at Gloucester on 19 April, at Leicester on 20 May, at Ipswich on 27 May, at Aldeburgh on 30 May, and at Norwich on 3 June. On 5 July they were at the Earl of Derby’s at Lathom, and on 6 and 7 September at another house of the Earl’s at Knowsley. On 22 September Lord Scrope wrote from Carlisle to William Asheby, the English ambassador in Scotland, that they had been for ten days in that town. He had heard from Roger Asheton of the King’s desire that they should visit Scotland, and had sought them out from ‘the furthest parte of Langkeshire’.[320] One would be glad to know whether they did in fact visit Scotland. In any case they were back in England and at Bath by November. During 1588–9 they were also at Reading, at Nottingham, and twice at Coventry. Both the Nottingham records and those of Leicester furnish evidence that for travelling purposes they divided themselves into two companies. At Leicester the town account for 1588–9 shows ‘certen of her Maiests playars’ as coming on 6 November, and ‘others moe of her Mayestyes playars’ as coming on 20 May; that of Nottingham for the same year has an entry of ‘Symons and his companie, being the Quenes players’ and another of ‘the Quenes players, the two Duttons and others’. The arrangement was of course natural enough, seeing that even in London the Queen’s men were sufficiently numerous to occupy more than one inn-yard. Laurence Dutton was evidently by now a member of the company with his brother John. It is to be presumed that Symons is the John Symons who on not less than five occasions presented ‘activities’ at Court, in 1582–3 with Strange’s (q.v.), in 1585 with Oxford’s, in 1586 with ‘Mr. Standleyes boyes’, in 1587–8 with a company under his own name, and in 1588–9 either with the Admiral’s or possibly with the Queen’s itself.

Doubtless the incorporation of Symons into the Queen’s service explains the appearance of the Queen’s tumblers at Bath in 1589. Performances at Court, for which John Dutton and John Laneham received payment, took place on 26 December 1589 and 1 March 1590. During 1589–90 the company were at Coventry, Ludlow, Nottingham, Bridgnorth, and Faversham, on 22 April 1590 at Norwich, on 24 June under the leadership of ‘Mr. Dutton’ at Knowsley, and on 30 October at Leicester. Acrobatic feats still formed a part of their repertory, and in these they had the assistance of a Turkish rope-dancer.[321] There were further Court performances on 26 December and on 1, 3, and 6 January, and 14 February 1591. It is to be noted that payment was made for the play of 1 January to ‘John Laneham and his companye her maiesties players’ and for the rest by a separate warrant to ‘Lawrence Dutton and John Dutton her maiesties players and there companye’; and that this distinction indicates some further development of the tendency to bifurcation already observed may be gathered from a study of the provincial records for 1590–1. On the very day of the performance of 14 February Queen’s men were also at Southampton, and the form of the entry indicates that they were there playing in conjunction with the Earl of Sussex’s men. This was the case also at Coventry on 24 March and at Gloucester during 1590–1.[322] At Ipswich during the same year there are two entries, of ‘the Quenes players’ on 15 May 1591 and of ‘another company of the Quenes players’ on 18 May. Obviously two groups were travelling this year and one had strengthened itself by a temporary amalgamation with Sussex’s. Perhaps the normal combination was restored when the two groups found themselves on the same road at the end of May, for Queen’s men are recorded alone at Faversham on 2 June 1591, at Wirkburn on 18 August, and at Coventry on 24 August and 20 October.

It was probably during this summer that Greene, having sold _Orlando Furioso_ to the Queen’s men for twenty nobles, resold it ‘when they were in the country’ to the Admiral’s for as much more. The winter of 1591–2 marks a clear falling-off in the position of the company at Court, since they were only called upon to give one performance, on 26 December, as against six assigned to Lord Strange’s men, with whom at this date Alleyn and the Admiral’s men appear to have been in combination. Yet it was still possible for the City, writing to Archbishop Whitgift on 25 February 1592, to suggest that Elizabeth’s accustomed recreation might be sufficiently served, without the need for public plays, ‘by the privat exercise of hir Ma^{ts} own players in convenient place’.[323] That they were again making use of the Theatre may perhaps be inferred from a passage in Nashe’s _Summer’s Last Will and Testament_ of the following autumn, in which a Welshman is said to ‘goe ae Theater, and heare a Queenes Fice, and he make hur laugh, and laugh hur belly-full’.[324] During 1591–2 they were at Nottingham, Coventry, Stratfordon-Avon, twice at Aldeburgh, and twice at Bath. In 1592 they were at Rochester, on 27 May at Norwich, before 29 September at Leicester, and early in September at Chesterton close to Cambridge. Here they came into conflict with the authorities of Cambridge University, who were apprehensive of infection from the crowds assembled at Sturbridge fair, and forbade them to play. Encouraged by Lord North and by the constables of Chesterton, they disobeyed, set up their bills upon the college gates, and gave their performance. It is interesting to note that ‘one Dutton’ was ‘a principale’, and to remember that, twelve years before, the Duttons had gone to Cambridge as Lord Oxford’s men and had been refused permission to play by the University authorities.[325] The outcome of the present encounter was a formal protest by the Vice-Chancellor and Heads of Houses to the Privy Council for which they requested Burghley’s support as Chancellor of the University. After a further appeal about a year later, they succeeded in obtaining a confirmation of their privileges.[326] Another letter from the University to their Chancellor, written on 4 December 1592, is of a different character. Its object is to excuse themselves from accepting an invitation conveyed through the Vice-Chamberlain to present an English comedy before Elizabeth at Christmas. Sir Thomas Heneage appears to have given it as a reason for his request ‘that her Maiesties owne servantes, in this time of infection, may not disport her Highnes w^{th} theire wonted and ordinary pastimes’.[327]

On 11 October 1592 the Queen’s men were at Aldeburgh, on the same day as, and conceivably in association with, Lord Morley’s men, although the payments are distinct. They did not in fact appear at Court during the Christmas of 1592–3, although both Lord Pembroke’s and Lord Strange’s did. They were at Coventry and Stratford-on-Avon in the course of 1592–3, at Leicester in June 1593 and again after Michaelmas, at Bath on 22 August, and at York in September. On 6 January 1594 they returned to Court and gave what proved to be their last performance there. On 1 April they began to play at one of Henslowe’s theatres ‘to geather’--that is to say, either alternately or in combination--with Sussex’s men, who had already performed there for the six weeks between Christmas and Lent. Possibly this was a renewal of an earlier alliance of 1591. Only eight performances are recorded, and of the five plays given only _King Leire_ can very reasonably be assigned to the repertory of the Queen’s men. The others were _The Jew of Malta_ and _The Fair Maid of Italy_, which Sussex’s men had been playing in the winter, Greene’s _Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay_, which was played for Henslowe by other companies both before and after, and was probably his property, and _The Ranger’s Comedy_, the performances of which were being continued by the Admiral’s men in the following autumn, but which it is possible that they or Henslowe may have acquired from the Queen’s. For there can be no doubt that the Queen’s men, whether because they had ceased to be modish, or because their finances had proved unable to stand the strain of the plague years, were now at the end of their London career. On 8 May 1594 the significant entry occurs in Henslowe’s diary of a loan of £15 to his nephew Francis Henslowe ‘to lay downe for his share to the Quenes players when they broke & went into the contrey to playe’.[328] This by itself would not perhaps be conclusive, as there are other years in which the company began its provincial wanderings as early as May. But from the present journey there is nothing to show that they ever returned, and it may fairly be reckoned as another sign of defeat that while _The Troublesome Reign of King John_ (1591) was the only play certainly theirs which was printed before 1594, no less than nine found their way into the publishers’ hands during that and the following year. These were, besides _Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay_ (1594, S. R. 14 May 1594), with which they probably had only a recent connexion, _A Looking Glass for London and, England_ (1594, S. R. 5 March 1594), _King Leire_ (1594, S. R. 14 May 1594), _James IV_ and _The Famous Victories of Henry V_ (1598, S. R. 14 May 1594), _The True Tragedy of Richard III_ (1594, S. R. 19 June 1594), _Selimus_ (1594), Peele’s _Old Wive’s Tale_ (1595, S. R. 16 April 1595), and _Valentine and Orson_ (S. R. 23 May 1595), of which no copy is known to be extant. Somewhat later came _Sir Clyomon and Clamydes_ (1599).

The Queen’s men were at Coventry on 4 July 1594, at Bristol in August, and at Bath and Barnstaple, where they were unlucky enough to break down the ceiling in the Guildhall, during 1593–4, and thereafter they are traceable right up to the end of the reign, at Coventry, Oxford, and Bath in 1594–5, at Leicester both before and after Michaelmas 1595, twice at Coventry and at Ludlow in 1595–6, at Stratford-on-Avon on 16 and 17 July 1596, at Bristol in August, at Leicester between October and December 1596, and at Faversham and Bridgnorth in the same year, at Coventry, at Dunwich, and twice at Bath in 1596–7, at Bristol again about Christmas 1597, at Nottingham on 8 July 1597, at Bristol about 25 July, at Bath in 1597–8, at Leicester on 9 January 1598, at Maldon in 1598, at Ipswich and Reading in 1598–9, at Maldon in 1599, at Dunwich in 1599–1600, at Ipswich on 2 June 1600, and at Leicester before 29 September in the same year, at Coventry and Bath in 1600–1, at York in July 1602, at Leicester on 30 September 1602, at Belvoir in August or September of the same year, and at Coventry in 1602–3. But little, naturally enough, is known of the _personnel_ of the company during this period of its decay. On 1 June 1595 Francis Henslowe borrowed another £9 from his uncle ‘to laye downe for his hallfe share w^{th} the company w^{ch} he dothe playe w^{th} all’,[329] and I see no particular reason to suppose that this was another company than the Queen’s. The loan is witnessed by William Smyght, George Attewell, and Robert Nycowlles, each of whom is described as ‘player’. It is likely enough that these were now fellows of Francis Henslowe. Attewell had been payee for Lord Strange’s men in 1591. The earlier loan was witnessed by John Towne, Hugh Davis, and Richard Alleyn. Davis and Alleyn appear elsewhere in connexion with Henslowe, but Towne was certainly a Queen’s man. He is in the 1588 list and is described as ‘one of her Majesties plears’ when on 8 July 1597 he obtained a release of debts due to Roger Clarke of Nottingham.[330] The other men of 1588 had nearly all vanished. John Singer had joined the Admiral’s by the autumn of 1594. I should not be surprised, however, to find that John Garland was still with the Queen’s. He was an associate of Francis Henslowe in the Duke of Lennox’s men in 1604, and was then ‘owld’ Garland. Indeed, it seems probable that, when the Queen’s men lost their last shred of claim to a livery on Elizabeth’s death, they made an attempt still to hold together under the patronage of Lennox. John Shank was once a Queen’s man.

xiv. THE EARL OF ARUNDEL’S MEN

Henry Fitzalan, 12th Earl of Arundel; _nat. c._ 1511; m. (1)
Katherine, d. of Thomas Grey, Marquis of Dorset, before 1532,
(2) Mary, Countess of Sussex, d. of Sir John Arundel, after
1542; succ. Jan. 1544; Lord Chamberlain, 1544; Lord Steward,
1553, and again 1558–64; _ob._ 24 Feb. 1580.

Philip Howard, 13th Earl of Arundel, s. of Thomas Howard, 4th
Duke of Norfolk, attainted 1572, and Mary, d. and h. of 12th
Earl; _nat._ 28 June 1557; m. Anne, d. of Thomas, Lord Dacre,
1571; succ. Feb. 1580; sent to Tower, 25 Apr. 1585, and _ob._
there, 19 Oct. 1595.

The Earls of Arundel had players as far back as the fifteenth century.[331] The 12th Earl entertained Elizabeth with a mask at Nonsuch on 5 August 1559. He had players, who were rewarded by the Duchess of Suffolk, apparently during a London visit, in December 1561. The 13th Earl had a company in 1584. It was in London when plays were suppressed in June, and obediently submitted. It seems to have been located at the Curtain. It can be traced at Ipswich on 1 July, at Leicester before 29 September, at Aldeburgh in 1583–4, at Norwich in 1585–6, and thereafter no more.

xv. THE EARL OF HERTFORD’S MEN

Edward Seymour, s. of Edward, Protector and 1st and attainted
Duke of Somerset; _nat._ 25 May 1539; cr. Earl of Hertford, 13
Jan. 1559; m. (1) Lady Catherine Grey, d. of Henry, Duke of
Suffolk, _c._ Nov. 1560, (2) Frances, d. of William, 1st Lord
Howard of Effingham, before 1582, (3) Frances, d. of Thomas,
Lord Howard of Bindon and widow of Henry Pranell, Dec. 1600;
_ob._ 6 Apr. 1621.

These are among the most obscure of the companies. They appeared at Canterbury in 1582, Faversham in 1586, Newcastle in October 1590, Leicester on 22 November 1590, and Bath, Marlborough, and Southampton in 1591–2. During the progress of 1591 Elizabeth was entertained from 20 to 24 September by the Earl at Elvetham in Hampshire ‘beeing none of the Earles chiefe mansion houses’ (cf. ch. xxiv). This was really a visit of reconciliation, for much of Hertford’s life had been spent in disgrace, owing to his first marriage with the heiress, under Henry VIII’s will, to Elizabeth’s throne. The entertainment was very elaborate, and at its close Elizabeth protested to the Earl that it was so honourable ‘as hereafter he should find the rewarde thereof in her especiall favour’. No doubt Hertford’s players took a part, and shared the ‘largesse’ which she bestowed upon the ‘actors’ of the pastimes before she departed. I think it must have also been their success on this occasion which earned them their only appearance at Court, on the following 6 January 1592. I have elsewhere tried to show that there is a special connexion between this Elvetham entertainment and _A Midsummer-Night’s Dream_,[332] and if any special company is satirized in Bottom and his fellows, I feel sure that it must have been the Earl of Hertford’s and not, as Mr. Fleay thinks, the Earl of Sussex’s.[333]

Probably the company went under in the plague of 1592–4, and in 1595 Hertford was again in disgrace for presuming so far upon his favour as to claim a declaration of the validity of his first marriage. But there were players under his name at Coventry in 1596–7, at Ipswich in 1600–1, and on 8 May 1602, at Norwich in 1601, and at Bath in 1601–2, and this company appeared at Court on 6 January 1603. Their payee was Martin Slater, formerly of the Admiral’s, and since then, possibly, an associate of Laurence Fletcher in his Scottish tours. In 1604–5 they were at Norwich. In 1606 they visited Leicester, on 9 July Oxford, and on 2 December the Earl of Derby wrote to the Mayor of Chester to bespeak for them the use of the town-hall. In 1606–7 they were at Coventry.

xvi. MR. EVELYN’S MEN (1588)

George Evelyn, of Wotton, Surrey; _nat._ 1530; _ob._ 1603.

Collier gives no authority for the following rather puzzling statement:[334]

‘In Feb. 1587, the Earl of Warwick obtained a warrant for the
payment of the claim of George Evelyn of Wotton, for provisions
supplied to the Tower, and for the reward of actors on Shrove
Tuesday for a Play, the title of which is not given nor the name
of the company by which it was performed: the whole sum amounted
to only 12_s._’

The date intended must be 1588, as in 1587 Shrovetide fell in March. But there is probably some misunderstanding, as no such payment occurs in the Treasurer of the Chamber’s accounts, and the sum named is too small for a reward. Moreover, private gentlemen do not seem to have entertained Court companies at so late a date. The Revels Account for 1587–8 only records seven plays. Of these the Treasurer of the Chamber paid for six, and the seventh was presented by Gray’s Inn.

xvii. THE EARL OF DERBY’S (LORD STRANGE’S) MEN

Henry Stanley, s. of Edward, 3rd Earl of Derby; _nat._ 1531;
known as Lord Strange; m. Margaret, d. of Henry, 2nd Earl of
Cumberland, 7 Feb. 1555; succ. as 4th Earl, 24 Oct. 1572; Lord
Steward, 1588; _ob._ 25 Sept. 1593.

Ferdinando Stanley, 2nd s. of Henry, 4th Earl of Derby; _nat.
c._ 1559; m. Alice, d. of Sir John Spencer of Althorp, 1579;
summoned to Parliament as Lord Strange, 28 Jan. 1589; succ. as
5th Earl of Derby, 25 Sept. 1593; _ob._ 16 Apr. 1594.

William Stanley, s. of Henry, 4th Earl of Derby; _nat._ 1561;
succ. as 6th Earl of Derby, 16 Apr. 1594; m. Elizabeth, d. of
Edward, 17th Earl of Oxford, 26 Jan. 1595; _ob._ 29 Sept. 1642.

The companies connected with the great northern house of Stanley present a history perhaps more complicated than that of any other group, partly because it seems to have been not unusual for the heir of the house to entertain players during his father’s lifetime. The 3rd Earl had a company in Henry the Eighth’s reign. His successor had one as Lord Strange, which is only recorded in the provinces, in 1563–70.[335] Four years later he had again a company as Earl of Derby. The earliest mention of it is at Coventry in 1573–4. It was at Dover and Coventry in 1577–8, at Ipswich on 28 May 1578, at Nottingham on 31 August 1578, at Bristol in the same year, and at Bath in 1578–9. In the last three months of 1579 it was at Leicester; and during the following Christmas it made its first appearance at Court with a performance of _The Soldan and the Duke of ---- _ on 14 February 1580. In 1579–80 it was at Stratford-on-Avon, Exeter, and Coventry, on 1 January 1581 at Court, in 1580–1 at Bath, Leicester, Nottingham, Exeter, and Winchester, in 1581–2 at Nottingham, Winchester, and Abingdon, in October to December 1582 at Leicester, and in 1582–3 at Bath, Norwich, and Southampton. Its last appearance at Court was in _Love and Fortune_ on 30 December 1582.

I think that the Earl of Derby’s players must be taken to be distinct from another company, which was performing during much the same period of years under the name of Lord Strange. These men are found in 1576–7 at Exeter, in 1578–9 at Bath, Ipswich, Rochester, Nottingham, Coventry, and Stratford-on-Avon. They also made their first appearance at Court in the winter of 1579–80. Their performance was on 15 January 1580, and they are spoken of, not as players, but as tumblers. On the other hand they appear as players at Bath, side by side with Derby’s men, in 1580–1 and 1582–3, and as players also at Bristol, Canterbury, and Gloucester in 1580–1, Plymouth in 1581–2, and Barnstaple in 1582–3 and 1583–4. With the tumbling at Court in 1580 begins a rather puzzling series of records. There are further Court entries of feats of activity by Lord Strange’s men on 28 December 1581, and of feats of activity and tumbling on 1 January 1583. For this last occasion the payee of the company was John Symons. Two years later Symons and his ‘fellows’ were again at Court with feats of activity and vaulting, but they were then under the patronage, not of Lord Strange, but of the Earl of Oxford. There would be nothing extraordinary about such a transference of service, were it not that during the following Christmas, on 9 January 1586, tumbling and feats of activity are ascribed to John Symons and ‘Mr. Standleyes boyes’, and that by ‘Mr. Standley’ one can hardly help assuming either Ferdinando Stanley, Lord Strange, or some other member of his family to be intended. This inference is confirmed by a mention of Lord Strange’s men at Faversham in 1585–6, and it becomes necessary to assume that, after attaching himself for a year to the Earl of Oxford, Symons thought better of it, and returned to his original master. Symons and his company again showed feats of activity on 28 December 1587. No patron is named on this occasion, but as Strange’s men are traceable at Coventry during 1587–8, it is natural to assume that they were still holding together. Now a new complication comes in. There were activities again at Court in the winter of 1588–9, and Symons certainly took part in them.[336] But the only men companies to whom payments were made were the Queen’s and the Admiral’s, who now reappear at Court after absence during two winters, and it is only in the case of the Admiral’s that the payment is specified to be for activities. If the restless Symons had joined the Admiral’s men, it cannot have been for long, since in the course of 1588–9 he was leading one section of the Queen’s men to Nottingham. Nor had Strange’s yet entirely broken up, for on 5 November 1589, both they and the Admiral’s, evidently playing as distinct companies, were suppressed by the Lord Mayor in the City.[337] Strange’s, who were then at the Cross Keys, played contemptuously, and some of them were imprisoned. A year later, the Admiral’s were with Burbadge at the Theatre, and there I conceive that the residue of Strange’s, deserted by Symons, had joined them. If they were too many for the house, we know that the Curtain was available as an ‘easer’. After the quarrel with Burbadge in May 1591, the two companies probably went together to the Rose. The main evidence for such a theory is that, while the Privy Council record of play-warrants include two for the Admiral’s men in respect of plays and feats of activity on 27 December 1590 and 16 February 1591, the corresponding Chamber payments are to George Ottewell on behalf of Strange’s men.

This amalgamation of Strange’s and the Admiral’s, tentative perhaps in 1588–9, and conclusive, if not in 1589–90, at any rate in 1590–1, lasted until 1594. So far as Court records are concerned, the company seems to have been regarded as Strange’s. But the leading actor, Edward Alleyn, kept his personal status as the Lord Admiral’s servant, and it is to be observed that, for whatever reason, both the Admiral’s and Strange’s continue to appear, not only in combination, but also separately in provincial documents.[338] Of this various explanations are conceivable. One is that the municipal officials were not very precise in their methods, and when an amalgamated company came before them, sometimes entered the name of one lord, sometimes of the other, sometimes of both. Another is that a few of the Admiral’s men may have been left out of the amalgamation and have travelled separately under that name. We know, of course, that Richard Jones and others went abroad in 1592, but they may have spent some time in the provinces first. And thirdly, it is possible that, while the combined company performed as a whole in London, they found it more economical to take their authorities from both lords with them, when they went to the country in the summer, and to unite or divide their forces as convenience prompted. I am the more inclined to this third conjecture, in that the ‘intollerable’ charge of travelling with a great company and the danger of ‘division and separacion’ involved were explicitly put forward by Lord Strange’s men in a petition to the Privy Council for leave to quit Newington Butts, where they had been commanded to play during a long vacation, and return to their normal quarters, doubtless at the Rose, on the Bankside. They particularly wanted to avoid going to the country, but Newington Butts did not pay, and they were backed by the Thames watermen, who lost custom when the Rose was not open. It is not clear whether this petition belongs to 1591 or 1592.[339] The provincial records show that the company probably travelled during 1592, but not 1591. If the petition belongs to 1592, it is obvious that the plague intervened, and I strongly suspect that the company’s fears proved justified, and that the reorganization for provincial work did in fact lead to a ‘division and separacion’, by the splitting off of some members of the combine as Pembroke’s men (q.v.).

This, however, anticipates a little. To Alleyn’s talent must be attributed the remarkable success of the company in the winter of 1591–2, during which they were called upon to give six performances at Court, on 27 and 28 December, 1 and 9 January, and 6 and 8 February, as against one each allotted to the Queen’s, Sussex’s, and Hertford’s men. On 19 February 1592 the company began a season with Philip Henslowe, probably at the Rose, and played six days a week for a period of eighteen weeks, during which they only missed Good Friday and two other days. Henslowe records in his diary the name of the play staged at each of the hundred and five performances, together with a sum of money which probably represents his share of the takings.[340] If so, his average receipts were £1 14_s._ 0_d._; but the daily amounts fluctuated considerably, sometimes falling to a few shillings and again rising to twice the average on the production of a new or popular play or during the Easter or Whitsun holiday. Twenty-three plays in all were given, for any number of days from one to fifteen; the same play was rarely repeated in any one week. Five of the plays are marked in the diary with the letters _ne_, which are reasonably taken to indicate the production of a new piece. These were ‘Harey the vj’, probably Shakespeare’s _1 Henry VI_, _Titus and Vespasian_, probably the play on which was based Shakespeare’s _Titus Andronicus_, the _Second Part_ of _Tamar Cham_, _The Tanner of Denmark_, and _A Knack to Know a Knave_. The eighteen old plays included Marlowe’s _Jew of Malta_, Greene’s _Orlando Furioso_ and _Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay_, Greene and Lodge’s _A Looking Glass for London_; also _Muly Mollocco_ which might be Peele’s _Battle of Alcazar_, _Four Plays in One_, which is conjectured to be a part of Tarlton’s _Seven Deadly Sins_, and _Jeronimo_, which is almost certainly Kyd’s _Spanish Tragedy_. There was also a play, sometimes given on the day before this last, under the varying titles of _Don Horatio_, the _Comedy of Jeronimo_, or _The Spanish Comedy_, which does not appear to have been preserved.[341] The same fate has befallen the other ten plays, of which the names were _Sir John Mandeville_, _Henry of Cornwall_, _Clorys and Orgasto_, _Pope Joan_, _Machiavel_, _Bindo and Richardo_, _Zenobia_, _Constantine_, _Jerusalem_, and _Brandimer_. From the financial point of view, the greatest successes were _Titus and Vespasian_, _The Jew of Malta_, _2 Tamar Cham_, _1 Henry VI_, and _The Spanish Tragedy_. These averaged respectively for Henslowe £2 8_s._ 6_d._ for seven days, £2 3_s._ 6_d._ for ten days, £2 1_s._ 6_d._ for five days, £2 0_s._ 6_d._ for fifteen days, and £1 17_s._ 0_d._ for thirteen days. The _Seven Deadly Sins_ and perhaps also the _Looking Glass_ must have passed in some way into the hands of Strange’s or the Admiral’s, or into Henslowe’s, from the Queen’s.

The performances came to an end on 23 June, for on that day the Privy Council inhibited all plays until Michaelmas. Whether the Newington Butts episode and the watermen’s petition followed or not, at any rate plague intervened in the course of the summer, and the company had to face the disadvantages of travelling. They were afoot by 13 July and still on 19 December. Ten days later, Henslowe resumed his account, and the resemblance of the list of plays to that of the previous spring renders it reasonable to suppose that the actors were the same.[342] The season lasted to the end of January 1593, and a play was given on each of the twenty-six week-days of this period. _Muly Mollocco_, _The Spanish Tragedy_, _A Knack to Know a Knave_, _The Jew of Malta_, _Sir John Mandeville_, _Titus and Vespasian_, _Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay_, _1 Henry VI_, and _2 Tamar Cham_ all made their appearance again. In addition, there were a comedy called _Cosmo_, and two new plays, _The Jealous Comedy_, which may, I think, be _The Comedy of Errors_, and _The Tragedy of the Guise_, which is usually accepted as Marlowe’s _Massacre of Paris_. The first representation of the former yielded Henslowe £2 4_s._ 0_d._, that of the latter £3 14_s._ 0_d._; as in the spring, his daily takings averaged £1 14_s._ 0_d._ Besides their public performances, Strange’s men were called upon for three plays at Court, on the evenings of 27 and 31 December 1592 and 1 January 1593.

The plague made a new inhibition of plays necessary on 28 January, but it does not seem to have been for some months that Strange’s men made up their minds to travel. A special licence issued in their favour by the Privy Council on 6 May is registered in the following terms:

‘Whereas it was thought meet that during the time of the
infection and continewaunce of the sicknes in the citie of
London there shold no plaies or enterludes be usd, for th’
avoiding of th’ assemblies and concourse of people in anie usual
place apointed nere the said cittie, and though the bearers
hereof, Edward Allen, servaunt to the right honorable the
Lord Highe Admiral, William Kemp, Thomas Pope, John Heminges,
Augustine Phillipes and Georg Brian, being al one companie,
servauntes to our verie good the Lord the Lord Strainge, ar
restrained their exercize of playing within the said citie and
liberties thereof, yet it is not therby ment but that they
shal and maie in regard of the service by them don and to be
don at the Court exercize their quallitie of playing comodies,
tragedies and such like in anie other cities, townes and
corporacions where the infection is not, so it be not within
seaven miles of London or of the Coort, that they maie be in the
better readines hereafter for her Majesty’s service whensoever
they shalbe therunto called. Theis therfore shalbe to wil and
require you that they maie without their lett or contradiccion
use their said exercize at their most convenient times and
places (the accustomed times of Devine praiers excepted).’[343]