Chapter XXXI: Introduction: The Public Theatres (13)

[1151] App. D, No. xlii. The County records also contain entries of a recognisance by ‘James Burbage of Shorditch gent.’, Henry Bett, and [Cuthbert] Burbage in the Strond, yeoman’, on 6 April 1592, for the former’s appearance at the next Middlesex sessions, and a similar recognisance of ‘James Burbage of Hallywell, yeoman’, on 11 Sept. 1593 (Jeaffreson, i. 205, 217); but there is nothing to show the nature of the proceedings.

[1152] Cf. App. C, No. xxv.

[1153] App. D, No. cx.

[1154] E. Guilpin, _Skialetheia_, sat. v:

‘but see yonder,
One, like the unfrequented Theater,
Walkes in darke silence and vast solitude’.

[1155] Wallace, 169, 183, 191, 214, 218.

[1156] Ibid. 72, 76, 226.

[1157] Ibid. 232, 235.

[1158] Wallace, 195, 203, 212, 216, 220, 238. Robert Miles took occasion of the negotiations to renew his old claim by petitioning in the Court of Requests for an interest in the new lease. The proceedings, so far as preserved, are inconclusive (ibid. 158). Meanwhile Cuthbert Burbadge was co-operating with Giles Allen in defending a claim made by the Earl of Rutland to the ‘debateable’ ground, and remained a party to the consequent litigation in 1602, long after the Theatre had disappeared (Stopes, 184).

[1159] Wallace, 184, 196, 204.

[1160] Ibid. 221.

[1161] Ibid. 164, 179, 197, 217, 222, 238, 278. The dates are not quite certain; possibly the 20 Jan. of _Allen v. Street_ was an error. Allen’s Answer in the Court of Requests places the whole transaction ‘aboute the feast of the Natiuitie’, and this in his Star Chamber suit becomes ‘aboute the eight and twentyth day of December’, without any suggestion that more than one day was occupied.

[1162] Ibid. 163.

[1163] Ibid. 181.

[1164] Wallace, 186, 215, 220.

[1165] Ibid. 285.

[1166] Ibid. 267, 275.

[1167] Aubrey, ii. 12, on the authority of J. Greenhill, says that Ben Jonson ‘acted and wrote, but both ill, at the Green Curtaine, a kind of nursery or obscure play-house, somewhere in the suburbes’ (I thinke towards Shoreditch or Clarkenwell), and on that of Sir Edward Shirburn that Jonson killed Marlowe, ‘on Bunhill, comeing from the Green-Curtain play-house’. Hoxton, where Jonson killed Gabriel Spencer, is of course not far from Bunhill, and both are in the Holywell neighbourhood. Probably Aubrey, in giving a name to the theatre, is babbling of green frieze, rather than green fields. Steevens and Malone (_Variorum_, iii. 54) committed themselves to the view that ‘the original sign hung out at this play-house was the painting of a curtain striped’.

[1168] Thomas Wilkins was perhaps related to George Wilkins the dramatist, who was buried at Shoreditch 9 Aug. 1613. Sir William Allen is not known to have had anything to do either with Edward Alleyn or with Giles Allen, the ground-landlord of the Theatre. Lanman was 54 on 30 July 1592. We cannot assume that the name is merely an orthographic variant of that of Laneham.

[1169] Reproduced in Ordish, 40.

[1170] Reproduced in Baker, 36, 135, with a photographic enlargement of the building, wrongly identified with the _Theatre_. It is shown as a round or hexagonal structure, with a large flag, standing in the middle of a square paled plot; but too much stress must not be laid on what is probably only a cartographic symbol. Immediately south of it is Bedlam. Kiechel tells us that the house had three galleries, and de Witt that it was an ‘amphitheatrum’ (cf. pp. 358, 362). In the epilogue to _Three English Brothers_ (1607) it is a ‘round circumference’.

[1171] Cf. p. 393.

[1172] Fleay, 40, 88, 145, 201, 300, assigns it as follows: Sussex’s (1576–83), Arundel’s and Oxford’s (1584), Howard’s and Hunsdon’s (1585), Oxford’s (1586–8), Pembroke’s (1589–97), Chamberlain’s (1597–9), Derby’s (1599–1600), uncertain company (1601), Queen Anne’s (1604–9), Duke of York’s (1610–23). But, of course, this _is_ guessing.

[1173] Tarlton, 16. If _Tarlton’s Jig of a Horse Load of Fools_, taken from a manuscript of Collier’s (Tarlton, xx), is genuine, that also was given at the Curtain.

[1174] _Sloane MS._ 2530, ff. 4, 12, 43, 44, 46.

[1175] Guilpin, _Skialetheia_ (S. R. 8 Sept. 1598), Sat. v:

if my dispose
Perswade me to a play, I’le to the Rose,
Or Curtaine, one of Plautus comedies,
Or the patheticke Spaniards tragedies;

and in the _Preludium_, of a ‘Cittizen ... comming from the Curtaine’.

[1176] _Scourge of Villainy_ (1598), xi. 37 (_Works_, iii. 372):

Luscus, what’s play’d to-day? Faith now I know
I set thy lips abroach, from whence doth flow
Naught but pure Juliet and Romeo.
Say who acts best? Drusus or Roscio?
Now I have him, that ne’er of ought did speak
But when of plays or players he did treat--
Hath made a commonplace book out of plays,
And speaks in print: at least what e’er he says
Is warranted by Curtain plaudities.

[1177] Cf. p. 365.

[1178] Jeaffreson, i. 259.

[1179] Heath, Epigram 39; Wither, _Abuses_, i. 1; ii. 3.

[1180] Cf. App. C, No. lix.

[1181] _Variorum_, iii. 54, 59; Ordish, 106, from _Vox Graculi_ (1623) and Jeaffreson, iii. 164.

[1182] A writer in the _Daily News_ for 9 April 1898 identifies the site of the theatre, without giving any evidence, as ‘between Clock Passage, Newington Butts, Swan Place, and Hampton Street’; cf. _9 N. Q._ i. 386.

[1183] App. D, Nos. xlvi, lxxvi, xcii.

[1184] Cf. p. 373.

[1185] C. W. Wallace in _N. U. S._ xiii. 2, ‘as shown by a contemporary record to be published later’.

[1186] _A Woman is a Weathercock_, III. iii. 25.

[1187] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 60, ‘Among the early Surveys, 1 Edward VI, we see that this was not merely a name--the place was a veritable Rose Garden, and paid £1 3_s._ 4_d._ by the year, and the messuage called the Rose paid £4’.

[1188] _Close Roll 6 Edw. VI_, p. 5, m. 13; cf. Rendle, _Bankside_, xv; _H. P._ 1.

[1189] _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 13, quoted in Henslowe, ii. 25. But in ii. 43 Dr. Greg misdescribes the Rose as on the west of the Barge, Bell, and Cock.

[1190] _Henslowe Papers_, 1.

[1191] Ibid. 2.

[1192] Henslowe, i. 209.

[1193] Cf. Dekker, _Satiromastix_, 1247, ‘th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose, that growes by the Beare-garden’.

[1194] G. L. Gomme, _The Story of London Maps_ (_Geographical Journal_, xxxi. 628), ‘1588. Henchley.--Item, we present Phillip Henchley to pull upp all the pylles that stand in the common sewer against the play-house to the stopping of the water course, the which to be done by midsomer next uppon paine of x^s yf it be undone. x^s (done)’. Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), says that these records mention the theatre as ‘new’ in April 1588, and show other amercements during the next eighteen years.

[1195] Dr. Greg, in Henslowe, ii. 46, is, I think, successful in showing that all the dated building entries belong to 1592 and not to 1591 or 1593. I suppose the scattered entries with the date ‘1591’ to have been written in first, and the continuous account under the date ‘1592’ added later, probably after Henslowe had changed the year-date in his play-entries, which seems to have been on 6 May.

[1196] Henslowe, i. 7.

[1197] App. D, No. xcii.

[1198] The words ‘Chomley when’ appear with other scribbles by Henslowe on the first page of the diary (Henslowe, i. 217).

[1199] Cf. p. 402.

[1200] Henslowe, i. 4.

[1201] Henslowe, i. 178.

[1202] Ibid. ii. 55.

[1203] Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914).

[1204] Rendle, _Bankside_, xv, quotes

In the last great fire
The Rose did expire,

and adds ‘but when that was, I am not clear’. It reads like Collier.

[1205] I cannot endorse the suggestion of Dr. Martin (cf. p. 378) that the ‘Globe’ of Visscher (1616) was really the Rose. Baker, 165, reproducing a cut from Hollar (1640), also misnames the Globe as the Rose.

[1206] Young, ii. 241.

[1207] _Variorum_, iii. 56. I should have been happier if Malone had quoted _verbatim_, but I do not see that Adams, 160, explains away the statement by suggesting that a source for Malone’s ‘error’ is a note on p. 66, where he again cites Herbert for fencing at the Red Bull in 1623.

[1208] _E. S._ xliii. 341; _Index to Remembrancia_, 277. It appears from _Hatfield MSS._ vi. 182, 184, that in May 1596 Langley was concerned in some negotiations about a missing diamond claimed by the Crown; cf. p. 396.

[1209] Printed from a contemporary copy in the Guildhall by W. Rendle in Appendix to Part II of _Harrison’s Description of England_ (_N. S. S._, 1878) and Adams, 162. The original is held by the steward of the manor.

[1210] App. D, No. cii.

[1211] Cf. p. 361, and for the reliability and value of the record as evidence for the structure and staging of theatres, chh. xviii, xx.

[1212] _S. v. L._ 352, ‘the said howse was then lately afore vsed to have playes in hit’.

[1213] Ibid., ‘the Defendant should be allowed for the true value thereof out of the Complainantes moytie of the gains for the seuerall standinges in the galleries of the said howse which belonged to them’. As ‘which’ may follow on ‘moytie’, I see no reason for Wallace’s inference (360) that the galleries were structurally divided between the two parties, instead of the takings being shared.

[1214] Cf. ch. xiv (Pembroke’s) and ch. xxii (Nashe).

[1215] _S. v. L._ 353 (6 Feb. 1598), ‘the said Defendant hath euer synce had his said howse contynually from tyme to tyme exercysed with other players to his great gaines’.

[1216] App. D, No. cxiv.

[1217] App. D, No. cxv.

[1218] App. C, No. lii.

[1219] Cf. p. 362.

[1220] App. D, No. cxxiii.

[1221] Manningham, 130; Gawdy, 93.

[1222] Ch. xxiii (Vennar).

[1223] _E. S._ xliii. 342.

[1224] Act v, sc. i.

[1225] P. Norman, _The Accounts of the Overseers of the Poor of Paris Garden, 1608–71_ (1901, _Surrey Arch. Colls._ xvi. 55), from _Addl. MS._ 34, 110, and again by C. W. Wallace as a new discovery in _E. S._ xliii. 390. The amounts are £4 6_s._ 8_d._ in 1611, £5 3_s._ 4_d._ in 1612, £5 5_s._ in 1613, £3 0_s._ 10_d._ in 1614, 19_s._ 2_d._ in 1615, and £3 19_s._ 4_d._ in 1621.

[1226] It can hardly have been open at the time of the Watermen’s petition early in 1614 (cf. p. 370).

[1227] Herbert, 63; _Variorum_, iii. 56. Rendle, in _Antiquarian Magazine_, vii. 211, notes a ‘licence for T. B. and three assistants to make shows of Italian motion, at the Prince’s Arms, or the Swan’ in 1623; cf. Herbert, 47.

[1228] Cf. p. 376.

[1229] _N. U. S._ xiii. 279; cf. p. 399.

[1230] Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), ‘Ac de et in vna domo de novo edificata cum gardino eidem pertinenti in parochia S^{ci} Salvatoris praedicta in comitatu Surria praedicta in occupacione Willielmi Shakespeare et aliorum’.

[1231] Cf. p. 364.

[1232] A rather fantastic argument of Ordish, 85, for the Curtain on the ground of the martial character of the neighbourhood is answered by Murray, i. 99.

[1233] _E. M. O._ 4368.

[1234] _O. v. H._ l. 110.

[1235] _O. v. H._ l. 99; _W. v. H._ 313.

[1236] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 317.

[1237] _W. v. H._ 314.

[1238] _Century_ (Aug. 1910), 508; cf. p. 424.

[1239] _W. v. H._ 314.

[1240] _O. v. H._ l. 194.

[1241] _W. v. H._ 319.

[1242] Ibid. 317. Wallace dates the admission of Condell in 1610, but this seems to be an error.

[1243] _O. v. H._ l. 97; _W. v. H._ 321.

[1244] Rye, 61, from _Relation_ of Hans Jacob Wurmsser von Vendenheym, ‘Lundi 30 [April 1610] S. E. [Prince Lewis Frederick of Württemberg] alla au Globe, lieu ordinaire ou l’on joue les Commedies, y fut representé l’histoire du More de Venise’; cf. p. 369 on visit of Prince of Hesse-Cassel in 1611.

[1245] _W. v. H._ 320.

[1246] Stowe, 926. Jonas, 104, cites another record of the date from A. Hopten, _A Concordancy of Yeares_ (1615).

[1247] Birch, _James_, i. 253.

[1248] L. Pearsall Smith, _Letters of Wotton_, ii. 32.

[1249] Winwood, iii. 469.

[1250] Arber, iii. 528, ‘Simon Stafford ... a ballad called the sodayne Burninge of the Globe on the Bankside in the Play tyme on Saint Peters day last 1613’; ‘Edward White ... a doleful ballad of the general ouerthrowe of the famous theater on the Banksyde called the Globe &c. by William Parrat’.

[1251] Halliwell-Phillipps, _Outlines_, i. 310, ‘from a manuscript of the early part of the seventeenth century, of unquestionable authenticity, preserved in the library of Sir Mathew Wilson, Bart., of Eshton Hall, co. York’. The Eshton Hall collection, originally formed by John Hopkinson in 1660, has recently been sold, with the verses, to Mr. G. D. Smith of New York. The ‘Sonnett’ was first printed [by Joseph Haslewood] in _The Gentleman’s Magazine_ (1816), lxxxvi. 114, ‘from an old manuscript volume of poems and therefrom by Collier, i. 371, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 225.

[1252] _Taylors Water-Works_ (1614), reprinted as _The Sculler_ (1630, _Works_, 515), ep. 22 of 3rd series.

[1253] _Underwoods_, lxii, written later than the Fortune fire of 9 Dec. 1621.

[1254] _Histriomastix_, 556.

[1255] Birch, _James I_, i. 329.

[1256] Cf. p. 374.

[1257] _W. v. H._ 320.

[1258] Ibid. 321.

[1259] A later statement by Shank in the _Sharers Papers_ puts it at £1,400. Heminges describes Witter’s ‘parte’ by a slip as one-sixth instead of one-seventh of the moiety. If the £120 was one-twelfth of the total cost, his figure (£1,440) would agree with that of Shank. Professor Wallace says in _The Times_ of 2 Oct. 1909, ‘This amount is in fact excessive.... I have other contemporary documents showing the cost was far less than £1,400.’

[1260] _W. v. H._ 323; Wallace in _The Times_ (1914).

[1261] _O. v. H._ ll. 245 sqq.

[1262] Lambert, _Shakespeare Documents_, 87.

[1263] _W. v. H._ 323.

[1264] Halliwell-Phillipps, i. 312.

[1265] Cf. ch. xi. There was a much rougher type of audience at the Globe; cf. Shirley, _Prologue at the Globe, to his Comedy called ‘The Doubtful Heir’, which should have been presented at the Blackfriars_, quoted in _Variorum_, iii. 69.

[1266] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars).

[1267] Wallace in _The Times_ (1914). Bodley seems to have acquired a dubious title to hold the land in his own right in 1608, raised a fine of £20 for recognizing the players’ lease in 1609, and a fine of £2 on Heminges for leave to build his taphouse in 1615. Matthew Brend recovered the property through the Court of Wards, after the end of his minority, in 1622.

[1268] Rendle, _Bankside_, xvii, from _Southwark Vestry Papers_. Brend was knighted in 1622.

[1269] Cf. p. 374. Wallace, in _The Times_ (1914), makes Matthew Brend’s lease end on 25 Dec. Yet he puts the destruction after the expiration of the lease.

[1270] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 58.

[1271] Martin, 158.

[1272] Stopes, _Burbage_, 196; Martin, 169; from _Close Roll, 3 Car. I_, pt. 23, m. 22.

[1273] Martin, 174.

[1274] A. Hayward, _Autobiography of Mrs. Piozzi_, ii. 33.

[1275] _History of St. Saviour’s_ (1795), 231.

[1276] T. Pennant, _London_ (1791), 60, ‘A little west of S. Mary Overies (in a place still called Globe Alley) stood the Globe.... I have been told that the door was very lately standing’; Concanen and Morgan, 224, ‘Several of the neighbouring inhabitants remember these premises being wholly taken down about fifty years ago, having remained for many years in a very ruinous state: avoided by the young and superstitious as a place haunted by those imaginary beings called evil spirits’.

[1277] Martin, 165, 177. It is probably a mere coincidence that John Knowles held a garden next the Globe site in 1599.

[1278] Rendle, _Bankside_, xix; _Antiquarian_, viii. 216.

[1279] Chalmers, _Apology_ (1797), 114, ‘I maintain, that the Globe was situated on the Bank, within eighty paces of the river, which has since receded from its former limits; that the Globe stood on the site of John Whatley’s windmill, which is at present used for grinding colours; as I was assured by an intelligent manager of Barclay’s brewhouse, which covers, in its ample range, part of Globe Alley; and that Whatley’s wind mill stands due south from the western side of Queenhythe by the compass, which I set for the express purpose of ascertaining the relative bearings of the windmill to the opposite objects on the Thames’; W. Wilson, _History and Antiquities of Dissenting Churches_ (1814), iv. 148, 175, ‘In former days there stood here [in Globe Alley] a theatre called the “Globe”.... Near to this place stood the meeting-house.... Its dissolution took place about the year 1752.... It is at present used for warehousing goods. A mill was also erected over it for the purpose of grinding bones’; R. Wilkinson, _Londina Illustrata_ (1819), i. 135, ‘Upon the disuse of the theatre, its site ... was formed into a meeting-house.... Afterwards a mill was erected here to grind bones; and it is at present appropriated for the purpose of grinding stones and similar materials’. The plan, however, which accompanies Wilkinson’s text, assigns the theatre to an improbable site some way west of the meeting-house. The Globe Alley meeting-house was built in 1672; it appears in a list of 1683, and is marked on Rocque’s map of 1746 on Rendle’s favourite site. Wilson only says the meeting-house was near the Globe; Wilkinson identifies the sites. Chalmers mentions the windmill, but not the meeting-house. I may add that a line drawn south from the west of Queenhithe would pass west of any possible site for the Globe. Malone’s ‘nearly opposite to Friday Street, Cheapside’ (_Variorum_, iii. 63) can also only be approximate.

[1280] Cf. facsimile from token-book in Martin, 157.

[1281] Concanen and Morgan, _History of St. Saviour’s_ (1795), 224, ‘It was situated in what is now called Maid lane; the north side and building adjoining, extending from the west side of Counter-alley to the north side of the passage leading to Mr. Brook’s cooperage; on the east side beyond the end of Globe-alley, including the ground on which stood the late parish workhouse, and from thence continuing to the south end of Mr. Brook’s passage. Under this building was Fountain-alley, leading from Horseshoe-alley into Castle-lane.’ This account appears to make the site extend farther north than Dr. Martin allows for, right up, indeed, to Maid Lane.

[1282] Plan of 1810 in R. Taylor, _Londina Illustrata_, ii. (1825) 136; plan of 1818 in Taylor, _Annals of St. Mary Overy_ (1833), 140.

[1283] Martin, 171. One cannot lay much stress upon hearsay locations of the site by employees of the brewery (Martin, 183), or the discovery of underground staging still farther south than Dr. Martin’s site on a spot which in 1599 must have been well within Winchester Park (Martin, 201), or of a stone inscribed ‘[T]heayter’, just south of Globe Alley (Martin, 184).

[1284] Martin, 164.

[1285] A Clink poor relief assessment of 1609 (Collier, _Alleyn Memoirs_, 91; Warner, 49) shows two names, each assessed for ‘halfe the parke’; this would hardly be the Bishop’s. The token-books also show persons resident in the park, but here the order of the entries points to a locality south of Maiden Lane, near the gate of the Bishop’s Park (_11 N. Q._ xii. 143).

[1286] Wallace in _The Times_ (1914). Dr. Martin explains (_11 N. Q._ xii. 161) that, in order to conduct their patrons from Bankside to the play-house south of Maiden Lane, ‘the owners of the Globe had erected a bridge over the ditches and quagmire of Maid Lane’.

[1287] Dr. Wallace says that all these records were made by the Commissioners ‘in dealing with the property of Brend and others on the north side’ of Maiden Lane. But there is no reference to ‘the north side’ in the actual record. Bingham had, and Sellers may have had, more than one plot in the neighbourhood.

[1288] Cf. p. 379.

[1289] _R. I. B. A. Journal_, 3rd series, xvii. 26.

[1290] Halliwell-Phillipps (_Calendar of Shakespeare Rarities_, 81) had a document of 1653 concerning a sewer ‘in Maide Lane nere the place where the Globe play-house lately stood’, which he considered as establishing the exact locality of the theatre. It is probably now in America.

[1291] Cf. p. 436.

[1292] I ought not to have suggested in _The Stage of the Globe_, 356, that the first Globe might have been rectangular.

[1293] _Variorum_, iii. 67.

[1294] _Henslowe Papers_, 14; Henslowe, ii. 56.

[1295] _Henslowe Papers_, 16.

[1296] Ibid. 25.

[1297] Ibid. 108.

[1298] Printed by W. W. Greg, _Henslowe Papers_, 4, from _Dulwich Muniments_, 22; also in _Variorum_, iii. 338, and Halliwell-Phillipps, _Illustrations_, 81; _Outlines_, i. 304.

[1299] _Quarterly Review_, ccviii. 442; _Architectural Review_, xxiii. 239. Models by Mr. Godfrey are at the Columbia and Illinois Universities (Adams, 277). M. W. Sampson has pointed out in _M. L. N._ for June 1915 (cited by Adams, 279) that the passage in _The Roaring Girl_ (1611), i. 1, where Sir Alexander Weargrave displays his house to his friends, is really a description of the Fortune when ‘Within one square a thousand heads are laid’.

[1300] _Henslowe Papers_, 25.

[1301] Ibid. 11.

[1302] App. D, Nos. cxvii, cxviii, cxxi, cxxii, cxxiv.

[1303] Cf. ch. viii and App. D, No. cl.

[1304] _Henslowe Papers_, 110.

[1305] Cf. ch. xi.

[1306] _Henslowe Papers_, 64.

[1307] Ibid. 25.

[1308] Ibid. 27.

[1309] Birch, _James I_, ii. 270.

[1310] Cf. ch. xi.

[1311] Birch, _James I_, ii. 280.

[1312] Young, ii. 225.

[1313] _Henslowe Papers_, 28.

[1314] Cf. App. I. It is this second house that is represented as a small angular flagged building in the ‘Ryther’ maps.

[1315] _Fortnightly Review_ (May 1916).

[1316] W. J. Lawrence in _Archiv_ (1914), 301; cf. p. 520.

[1317] Adams, 284, gives the history of the Fortune during 1621–49.

[1318] A Boar’s Head on the Bankside, which belonged to Henslowe in 1604 and previously to Alleyn (Henslowe, ii. 30), was apparently not an inn.

[1319] E. Gayton, _Pleasant Notes upon Don Quixot_ (1654), 277, ‘Sir John of famous memory; not he of the Boares Head in Eastcheap’. Neither the text nor the stage-directions of _Henry IV_ name the Boar’s Head; but the references to Eastcheap (_1 Hen. IV_, I. ii. 145, 176; II. iv. 16, 485; _2 Hen. IV_, II. i. 76; II. ii. 161) are sufficient, and when Prince Hal asks (_2 Hen. IV_, II. ii. 159) ‘Doth the old boar feed in the old frank?’, Bardolph answers, ‘At the old place, my lord, in Eastcheap’. Doll Tearsheet (II. iv. 250) calls Falstaff a ‘whoreson little tidy Bartholomew boar-pig’.

[1320] Halliwell-Phillipps, ii. 258. Harben, 88, however, suggests that the name was transferred to this house from another on the north side of Great Eastcheap in St. Clement’s.

[1321] Stowe, _Survey_, i. 126; ii. 72. I suppose the inn is identical with the ‘Blue Bore Inne’ marked by Ogilby (1677). The site is at No. 30 on the north of Aldgate High Street (Harben, 87).

[1322] Dasent, vi. 168.

[1323] App. D, No. cxxx. The description of this letter in the _Index to Remembrancia_, 355, as referring to ‘the Boar’s Head in Eastcheap’ has proved misleading.

[1324] App. D, Nos. cxxv, cxxix, cxxxv.

[1325] Cf. ch. xiii (Anne’s).

[1326] Adams, 17; cf. ch. xiii (Duke of York’s). The further suggestion of Adams, 8, that Rawlidge in 1628 (cf. p. 360) wrote ‘Whitefriars’ for ‘Whitechapel’ is less plausible. Rawlidge is only dealing with play-houses within the City.

[1327] Adams, 17, identifies the site with Boar’s Head Yard, between Middlesex Street and Goulston Street, Whitechapel. But this is the house of 1557 (v. _supra_) within the liberties. Rocque (1746) shows an oval site, just east of Church Lane and south of the church of St. Mary, Whitechapel, which rather suggests an amphitheatre, but may be merely a churchyard.

[1328] _Henslowe Papers_, 59.

[1329] Cf. p. 374.

[1330] The section is reproduced in Adams, 294.

[1331] Not the mercer Stone who sold stuffs to the Admiral’s in 1601 and 1602 (Henslowe, ii. 313); he was doubtless William Stone (Knt. in 1604).

[1332] _W. v. H._ 296. Professor Wallace has confused this 1_s._ 6_d._ with the profits of Woodford’s seventh, and thinks that a gatherer got one-eighteenth of the receipts.

[1333] I think the inference is that the gallery profits were divided in the proportion of seven-eighteenths to the housekeepers and eleven-eighteenths to the players.

[1334] No order seems to have been made as to the gatherer’s place.

[1335] _Knight of the Burning Pestle_, IV. i. 43.

[1336] _Travels of the Three Brothers_ (ed. Bullen, p. 88).

[1337] Dekker, _Works_, iv. 97; cf. p. 367.

[1338] Jeaffreson, ii. 64, 86.

[1339] Wither, _Abuses Stript and Whipt_ (1613), i. 1,

‘His poetry is such as he can cull
From plays he heard at Curtain or at Bull’;

_Albumazar_, II. i. 16, ‘Then will I confound her with compliments drawn from the plays I see at the Fortune and Red Bull, where I learn all the words I speak and understand not’; Gayton, 24, ‘I have heard that the poets of the Fortune and Red Bull had always a mouth-measure for their actors (who were terrible tear-throats) and made their lines proportionable to their compass, which were sesquipedales, a foot and a half’.

[1340] Collier, _Memoirs of Alleyn_, 107; _D. N. B._ s.v. Alleyn. The _Diary_ (Young, ii. 51) runs:

‘Oct. 1, 1617. I came to London in the coach and went to the red Bull. 2^d.

Oct. 3. I went to the red bull and ℞ for the younger brother but 3. 6. 4, water 4^d.’

_The Younger Brother_ was entered in the Stationers’ Register in 1653, but is not extant.

[1341] Heywood, _Pleasant Dialogues and Dramas_, 247.

[1342] Adams, 300.

[1343] Prynne, _Epistle_ to _Histriomastix_ (1633); W. C., _London’s Lamentation for her Sins_ (1625), ‘Yet even then, Oh Lord, were the theatres magnified and enlarged’.

[1344] _Fortnightly Review_ (May 1916).

[1345] Cf. App. I.

[1346] Cf. ch. xviii, _Bibl. Note_.

[1347] _Mediaeval Stage_, ii. 250; cf. i. 53, 68, 72; ii. 244 (Durham Priory), 246 (Thetford Priory), 247 (Winchester College), 248 (Magdalen, Oxford).

[1348] Strutt, _Sports and Pastimes_ (ed. Cox), 195.

[1349] Rendle, _Old Southwark_, f. p., 31.

[1350] It is also, although unnamed, in Smith’s drawing of 1588, but that is probably based on Agas.

[1351] William Fitzstephen (_c._ 1170–82) in J. C. Robertson, _Materials for the History of Becket_ (R. S.), iii. 11, ‘In hieme singulis feré festis ante prandium ... pingues tauri cornipetae, seu ursi immanes, cum objectis depugnant canibus’.

[1352] Erasmus, _Adagia_, 3354, ‘Sed intolerabilius est quod apud Britannos complures alunt greges ursorum ad saltationem, animal vorax et maleficum’. I owe the correct reference to Mr. P. S. Allen. Presumably ‘greges’ is no more than ‘numbers’.

[1353] Collier, i. 42, from _Harl. MS._ 433.

[1354] _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 11. Collier, who owned this document, or some other modern, has substituted the name of John Dorrington. A copy, exemplified for Morgan Pope on 18 Nov. 1585, is at Dulwich; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 1. Long became steward of Paris Garden in 1536 (Kingsford, 159).

[1355] Collier, i. 194, from list of fees payable by the Treasurer of the Chamber in 1571 (_Cotton MS._ Vesp. C. xiv), ‘keapers of Beares and Mastives, iij. Item to Mathew Becke, Sergeaunte of the beares, for his wages per ann. 12^l 10^s 7½^d. Item to Symon Powlter, yoman, per ann. 14^l 6^s 3^d. Item to Richard Darryngton M^r and kepar of the bandogges and mastives, per ann. 21^l 5^s 10^d’. Similarly, the Treasurer’s _Declared Account_ for 1594–5 (_Pipe Roll_, 542) shows a total payment to keepers of Bears and Mastiffs of £48 12_s._ 8½_d._ There is an error in one or other entry of 10_s._

[1356] The Privy Council Acts record warrants _inter alia_ to Ralph in 1574 (Dasent, viii. 257), Thomas in 1576, 1577, 1578, 1579, and 1580 (ix. 121, 153, 335; x. 148; xi. 70, 392), Ralph in 1581 (xii. 321), and Edward in 1581 and 1582 (xiii. 115, 311). Edward Bowes seems to have held the Keepership of Dogs, but disclaimed having a fee of £15 17_s._ 4_d._ at the subsidy of 1588 (_M. S. C._ i. 355).

[1357] Earlier licensees were William Payne and Simon Powlter (> 1574). Wistow (_c._ 1575), John Napton, Morgan Pope (_c._ 1585–7), Thomas Burnaby (_c._ 1590–4), and perhaps others; cf. p. 464; Wallace in _The Times_ (1914); Kingsford, 171–8.

[1358] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 213; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 4.

[1359] Henslowe, i. 71. Some payments of June 1597 on account of a privy seal and a patent for Alleyn (Henslowe, i. 200) may relate to this.

[1360] _Henslowe Papers_, 98. Possibly an undated letter from Arthur Langworth to Alleyn (_Henslowe Papers_, 99), in which he refers to Bowes’s illness and protests against a charge of not giving Alleyn sufficient help in procuring some ‘place’, relates to this. But it is allusive and obscure.

[1361] _S. P. D. Eliz._ cclxviii. 18; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 12.

[1362] Probably Bowes had also held this keepership with his Mastership, as he was drawing a fee from the Chamber in 1596 (Henslowe, i. 128).

[1363] Muniment 19 in the _Dulwich MSS._ is a warrant of 24 Nov. 1599 by Meade to a deputy; cf. Henslowe, ii. 38. A list of fees _c._ 1600 in _Henslowe Papers_, 108, shows, under the general heading ‘Parris garden’, only two keeperships, instead of the three of 1571, that of Bears at £12 8_s._ 1½_d._, and that of Mastiffs at £21 5_s._ 10½_d._

[1364] _Henslowe Papers_, 12; cf. Henslowe, ii. 37.

[1365] Receipts by or on behalf of Dorrington dated Jan. and April 1602 are in _Henslowe Papers_, 101; Henslowe, i. 212. Each is for a quarter’s ‘rent’ of £10, and the earlier is specified as ‘for the commissyon for the Bear-garden’. A letter of May 1600 from Dorrington to Henslowe asking him and Meade to have the ‘games’ ready for Court is in _Henslowe Papers_, 100. In 1603 Henslowe spent 16_s._ 4_d._ ‘for sewinge at the cort’, on petitions to Dorrington, the Lord Chamberlain, and the Council, the drawing of two licences, and ‘our warent for baytynge’ (_Henslowe Papers_, 109). I think that from 1603, if not earlier, he had a regular appointment as deputy to Dorrington. On 18 April 1604 he received the Treasurer of the Chamber’s reward as ‘Deputy Master of the Game’.

[1366] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 213; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 4.

[1367] _S. P. D. Jac. I, 1603–10_, p. 134.

[1368] _Henslowe Papers_, 101; _S. P. D. Jac. I_, x, p. 167. It appears from a memorandum of Alleyn’s in _Henslowe Papers_, 107, that he paid £250 for his share.

[1369] _Henslowe Papers_, 104.

[1370] This is recited in a warrant to one of their deputies in _Henslowe Papers_, 18.

[1371] Henslowe, ii. 38. Dr. Greg gives many interesting details of the business, and of the relations of the Masters with their agents, for which I have not space. Others, of Bowes’s time, are in Dasent, ix. 9; xiii. 101.

[1372] _Sydney Papers_, ii. 194 (12 May 1600), ‘This day she appointes to see a Frenchman doe feates upon a rope, in the Conduit court. To morrow she hath commanded the beares, the bull and the ape to be baited in the tiltyard. Upon Wednesday she will have solemn dawncing’; cf. _Epicoene_, iii. 1, ‘Were you ever so much as look’d upon by a lord or a lady, before I married you, but on the Easter or Whitsun-holidays? and then out at the banqueting-house window, when Ned Whiting or George Stone were at the stake?’ George Stone was killed during the visit of Christian of Denmark in 1606 (_H. P._ 105). The Court practice was followed by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen. Payments to the bearward of Paris Garden for pastime showed at the Conduit Heads are in Harrison, iv. 322.

[1373] Machyn, 198.

[1374] Ibid. 270; Nichols, _Eliz._ i. 305; ii. 469; Walsingham, _Journal_, 42; Boississe, i. 345. There is a spirited description of a baiting before Elizabeth at Kenilworth on 14 July 1575 in _Laneham’s Letter_ (Furnivall, _Captain Cox_, 17); but I do not suppose that these were the London bears. Leicester, whose cognizance was the bear and ragged staff, doubtless kept his own ursine establishment.

[1375] Rye, 123.

[1376] _Pipe Office Declared Account_, 543, m. 194.

[1377] Stowe, _Annales_ (1615), 835, 865, 895.

[1378] Translated by F. Madden in _Archaeologia_, xxiii. 354.

[1379] Machyn, 198.

[1380] Translated by G. von Bülow in _2 Transactions of Royal Hist. Soc._ ix. 230, from a manuscript in the possession of Graf von der Osten at Plathe, Pomerania. I add for the sake of completeness the following lines from the _Hodoeporica_ (1568, ed. 2, 1575), 224, of N. Chytraeus, whose visit was probably _c._ 1565–7:

Opposita in Tamesis ripa, longa area paruis
Distincta aspicitur tectis, vbi magna canum vis
Vrsorumque alitur diuersarumque ferarum,
Quae canibus commissae Anglis spectacula praebent,
Hospitibusque nouis, vincti dum praelia miscent,
Luctantes aut ungue fero, vel dentibus uncis.

[1381] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1382] Translated in Rye, 45.

[1383] Cf. p. 362.

[1384] Hentzner, 196; cf. p. 363.

[1385] G. Binz in _Anglia_, xxii. 460, ‘Man pfleget auch alle Sontag vnndt mittwochen zu Londen, yenseits desz wassers den Berenhatz zu halten.... Der Schauplatz ist in die Ründe gebauwen, sind oben herumb viel geng, darauf man zusicht, vnden am boden vnder dem heiteren Himmel ist es nicht besetzet. Da bande man in mitten desz platzes einen grossen Beeren an ein stock am langen seil an.... Wie wir die stegen hinunter kamen, gungen wir hinder den schauwplatz, besahen die Englischen docken, deren bey 120 in einem bezirk beysamen, yedoch yetwederer in einem sonderbahren ställin an einer kettin angeheftet wahren.’

[1386] _Hatfield MSS._ xi. 382.

[1387] G. von Bülow in _2 Transactions of the Royal Hist. Soc._ vi. 16, ‘16 Sept. Auf den Nachmittag haben wir den Bär u. Stierhetze zugesehen ... wohlmehr as 200 Hünde an selbigem Ort in einem besonderen Häuslein unterhalten’.

[1388] Rye, 61.

[1389] Rye, 133.

[1390] _Englische Studien_, xiv. 440.

[1391] _Epigram_ xliii:

Publius, student at the common law,
Oft leaves his books, and for his recreation,
To Paris Garden doth himself withdraw,
Where he is ravished with such delectation,
As down among the bears and dogs he goes;
Where, whilst he skipping cries, ‘To head! to head!’
His satin doublet and his velvet hose
Are all with spittle from above bespread:
When he is like his father’s country hall,
Stinking with dogs and muted all with hawks;
And rightly on him too this filth doth fall,
Which for such filthy sports his books forsakes,
Leaving old Ployden, Dyer, Brooke alone,
To see old Harry Hunks, and Sacarson.

[1392] _Merry Wives_, I. i. 306.

[1393] Dekker, _Work for Armourers_ (1609, _Works_, iv. 98), ‘At length a blind bear was tied to the stake, and instead of baiting him with dogs, a company of creatures that had the shapes of men and faces of Christians (being either colliers, carters, or watermen) took the office of beadles upon them, and whipped Monsieur Hunkes till the blood ran down his old shoulders’.

[1394] _Coryats Crudities_ (1611), i. 114, ‘Hunks of the Beare-garden to be feared if he be nigh on’.

[1395] Cf. p. 453. Nashe, _Strange News_ (1592, _Works_, i. 281, also names ‘great Ned’ and adds ‘Harry of Tame’. In 1590 Burnaby had at the Bear Garden ‘Tom Hunckes’, ‘Whitinge’, ‘Harry of Tame’, three other bears, three bulls, a horse, an ape. A ‘great’ bear was worth £8 or £10, a bull £4 or £5 (Kingsford, 175).

[1396] _Puritan_, iii. 5, ‘How many dogs do you think I had upon me?... almost as many as George Stone, the bear; three at once’.

[1397] _Henslowe Papers_, 106.

[1398] _Copley Accounts_, s. a. 1575, in _Collectanea Genealogica et Topographica_, viii. 253, ‘Gyven to the master of Paryshe Garden his man for goynge with Thos. Sharples into Barmensy Street to see certen mastyve dogges’.

[1399] R. Crowley, _One and thyrtye Epigrammes_ (1550, ed. E. E. T. S.), 381:

And yet me thynke those men be mooste foles of all,
Whose store of money is but verye smale,
And yet euerye Sondaye they will surely spende
One peny or two, the bearwardes lyuyng to mende.
At Paryse garden, eche Sundaye, a man shall not fayle
To fynde two or thre hundredes for the bearwardes vaile.
One halpenye a piece they vse for to giue,
When some haue no more in their purse, I belieue;

Jonson, _Execration upon Vulcan_ (_Works_, iii. 322):

a threatning to the bears,
And that accursed ground, the Paris-garden;

Taylor, _Bull, Bear and Horse_ (1638):

And that we have obtained again the game,
Our Paris Garden flag proclaims the same.

Cf. Sir John Davies’ lines already quoted; also Dekker, ii. 125 (_News from Hell_), iv. 109 (_Work for Armourers_), &c., &c.

[1400] Stowe, _Annales_, 695.

[1401] _Henslowe Papers_, 15, 104. Miss Dormer Harris kindly tells me that the Coventry Corporation rewarded the ‘Bearward of palace Garden’ in 1576–7.

[1402] Cf. p. 411.

[1403] Malone, _Variorum_, xix. 483; Rendle, _Bankside_, iii; _Antiquarian_, vii. 277; Ordish, 128.

[1404] _Annales Monasterii de Bermundseia_, s. a. 1113 (Luard, _Annales Monastici_, iii. 432), ‘Hoc anno Robertus Marmion dedit hidam de Wideflete cum molendino et aliis pertinentibus suis monachis de Bermundeseye’; _Register of Hospital of St. John_, s. a. 1420 (_Monasticon Anglicanum_, vi. 819), ‘Haec sunt statuta et ordinationes concernentia locum privilegiatum vocatum Parishgardyn, alias dictum Wideflete, sive Wiles, cum pertinentiis, facta per Johannem nuper Ducem Bedfordiae, firmarium ibidem, anno Domini mccc[c]xx’ [Rules for a sanctuary, with a dominus, senescallus, ballivus, constabularius, and societas, follow]; _Liber Fundatorum of St. John_ (ibid. vi. 832), ‘Molendina de Wideflete cum gardino vocato Parish-gardin ... tenentur de Abbate de Barmondesey’ (1434). Kingsford, 157, traces the manor through Bermondsey priory, the Templars, and St. John’s Hospital to the Crown in 1536.

[1405] Blount, _Glossographia_ (ed. 4, 1674), 469, quotes _Close Roll, 16 Rich. II_, dorso ii. Kingsford, 156, translates the writ, which is abstracted (Sharpe, _Letter Book H_, 392), ‘Writ to the Mayor and Sheriffs to proclaim ordinances made in the last Parliament at Winchester to the effect that the laystall or latrine (fimarium sive sterquilinium) on the bank of the Thames near the house of Robert de Parys be removed, and a house be built on its site for the use of butchers, where they may cut up their offal and take it in boats to mid-stream and cast it into the water at ebb-tide.... Witness the King at Westminster 21 Feb. 16 Rich. II’. The ordinance is recorded in _Rot. Parl._ iii. 306.

[1406] _Index to Remembrancia_, 478.

[1407] Brewer, xxi. 2. 88, ‘a licence for Thomas Fluddie, yeoman of your Majesty’s bears, to bait and make pastime with your Graces bears at the accustomed place at London, called the Stewes, notwithstanding the proclamation’ (Sept. 1546); Machyn, 78, ‘The sam day [9 Dec. 1554] at after-non was a bere-beytyn on the Banke syde, and ther the grett blynd bere broke losse, and in ronnyng away he chakt a servyng man by the calff of the lege, and bytt a gret pesse away, and after by the hokyll-bone, that within iij days after he ded’.

[1408] Foxe, _Acts and Monuments_ (ed. 1846), v. 388. Collier, iii. 94, cites ‘a book of the expenses of the Northumberland family’ to the effect that the earl went to Paris Garden to behold the bear-baiting in 1525–6. Ordish, 129, criticizes this on the ground that the statement is not in the _Northumberland Household Book_ printed by Percy. It was in fact a different book, from which Collier, i. 86, gives entries, of which one is of boat-hire from and to ‘Parys gardyn’. But there is nothing about bear-baiting.

[1409] _Account of Treasurer of Chamber_, s. a. 1515 (Brewer, ii. 1466), ‘Hen. Anesley, conveying the King’s barge from Greenwich to Parys Garden, 16^d’.

[1410] Ordish, 127.

[1411] In _Shaw v. Langley_ (1597) the Swan is described as ‘in the oulde Parrisgardin’, although there is no specific mention of baiting (_E. S._ xliii. 345, 355).

[1412] Fleetwood, writing to Burghley on 13 July 1578 (Rendle, _Antiquarian_, vii. 274, from _S. P. D. Eliz._ cxxv. 21), describes intrigues of the French ambassador ‘on the Thames side behind Paris Garden toward Lambeth, in the fields ... I got a skuller to Paris Garden, but the place was dark and shadowed with trees, that one man cannot see another unless they have _lynceos oculos_ or els cattes eys, shewing how admirable a place it was for such doings. The place is that boowre of conspiracies, it is the college of male cownsell.... There be certain _virgulta_ or eightes of willows set by the Thames near that place; they grow now exceeding thick, and a notable covert for confederates to shrowd in; a milkmade lately did see the French ambassador land in that _virgulta_’.

[1413] The ring, without a name, is also shown in Smith’s drawing (1588), but this is probably based on one of the maps.

[1414] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57, from _Exchequer Depositions, 18 Jac. I_. The depositions also mention a bull-house built in a dog-yard, a bear-house, a hay-house, a pond for the bears to wash in, and a pond for dead dogs. Kingsford, 175, gives fuller extracts.

[1415] Stowe, _Survey_, ii. 54. A short passage in i. 95 adds nothing.

[1416] Stowe (1615), 695.

[1417] Halliwell, _Dr. Dee’s Diary_ (C. S.), 18; App. C, No. xxxi; App. D, No. lxiv. The ballad of which four stanzas are given by Collier, i. 244, is presumably a forgery.

[1418] More, _Works_ (ed. 1557), 208, ‘This is much like as at Beuerlay late, whan much of the people beyng at a bere baytyng, the church fell sodeinly down at euensonge tyme, and ouer whelmed some that than were in it: a good felow, that after herde the tale tolde, “lo”, quod he, “now maie you see what it is to be at euensong whan ye should be at the bere baytynge”. How be it, the hurt was not ther in beinge at euensonge, but in that the churche was falsely wrought’.

[1419] App. D, No. lxx.

[1420] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57.

[1421] Rendle, _Antiquarian_, viii. 57; _Bankside_, xxx, with map.

[1422] The tithes were for ‘the bear garden and for the ground adjoining to the same where the dogs are’ (Rendle, _Bankside_, v). It was for Morgan Pope that Bowes’s patent as Master of the Game was exemplified in 1585; cf. p. 450.

[1423] Henslowe, ii. 25, from _Egerton MS._ 2623, f. 13, and _Dulwich MS._ iv. 21.

[1424] Henslowe, i. 71, ‘Ano do 1595 the xxviij^{th} of Novembere Reseved of M^r Henslow the day and yeare abov written the som of syx poundes of curant mony of England and is in part of a mor som [yf he the sayd] by twyxt the sayd Phillyp Henslow and me consaning a bargen of the beargarden I say Reseved vj^{ll}. By me John Mavlthouse. Wittnes I E Alley.’ I take the words in square brackets, which are cancelled in the diary, to represent ‘if he proceed’. In Henslowe, i. 43, are further receipts for 40_s._ ‘in part of the bargen for the tenymentes on the bankes syd’ in Dec. 1595, and sums of £10, £20, and £4 for unspecified purposes in Jan. and Feb. 1596. Kingsford, 177, gives the date of Henslowe’s purchase.

[1425] Henslowe, i. 209; cf. _Henslowe Papers_, 109.

[1426] Henslowe, ii. 25.

[1427] _Henslowe Papers_, 107. I agree with Dr. Greg (Henslowe, ii. 30, 39) that it is difficult to see what a lease from Thomas Garland to Henslowe and Alleyn in 1608 of a close called Long Slip or Long Meadow in Lambeth can have had to do with the baiting. But Alleyn added the word ‘Bear-garden’ to the original endorsement ‘M^r Garlands lece’ (_Henslowe Papers_, 12). Perhaps the land was used for some subsidiary purpose in connexion with the Garden.

[1428] _Henslowe Papers_, 110; _Architectural Review_, xlvii. 152.

[1429] Full text in _Alleyn Memoirs_, 78; abstract in _Henslowe Papers_, 102.

[1430] Henslowe, i. 214; cf. p. 189 (_supra_).

[1431] Cf. p. 458.

[1432] Cf. ch. xviii.

[1433] _Henslowe Papers_, 19, from Dulwich Muniment 49; also printed in _Variorum_, iii. 343. Muniment 50 is Katherens’ bond, and Muniment 51 a sub-contract of 8 Sept. 1613 with John Browne, bricklayer, to do the brickwork for £80.

[1434] Cf. p. 370.

[1435] Taylor, _Works_ (1630), 304, with a reply by Fennor and rejoinder by Taylor. Incidentally Taylor mentions the arras of the theatre and the tiles with which it was covered.

[1436] The Southwark vestry order of 1 May 1598 (App. D, No. cxv) seems to connect him with ‘play-houses’, but I doubt whether anything but the bear garden is meant.

[1437] Cf. _Satiromastix_, 1247, ‘Th’ast a breath as sweet as the Rose that growes by the Beare-Garden’.

[1438] _Alleyn Memoirs_, 159.

[1439] Ordish, 235. No date can be assigned to _A North Countrey Song_ in _Wit and Drollery_ (1656):

When I’se come there [to Paris Garden], I was in a rage,
I rayl’d on him that kept the Beares,
Instead of a Stake was suffered a Stage,
And in Hunkes his house a crue of Players.

[1440] Collier, iii. 102.

[1441] Cf. p. 375.

[1442] Ordish, 244. A Bearsfoot Alley shown farther to the east by Rocque (1746) may derive from one of the earlier baiting-places.

[1443] C. W. Wallace in _The Times_ (30 April 1914), ‘We present John Wardner William Sellors and all the land holders or their tenantes that holde anie landes gardeines ground or tenementes abbutting vpon the common sewer leadinge from Sellors gardin to the beare garden to cast clense and scoure their and euerie one of their seuerall partes of the common sewer by Candlemas nexte vpon paine of euerie pole then vndone ... ij^s’.

[1444] Cf. p. 458.

[1445] E. Hake, _Newes out of Poules Churchyarde_ (1579), Sat. v:

What else but gaine and money gote
Maintaines each Saboth day
The bayting of the Beare and Bull?
What brings this brutish play?

Many of the attacks on plays (App. C) also refer to baiting.

[1446] App. D, No. lxxxiv.

[1447] App. D, No. cxxxii.

[1448] ‘In the late quenes tyme fre libertie was permited with owt restrainte to bayght them which now is tacken a way frome vs especiallye one the Sondayes in the after none after devine service which was the cheffest meanes and benefit to the place’; cf. p. 452.

[1449] Cf. p. 375.

[1450] _Henslowe Papers_, 88, 125.

[1451] Printed in _M. S. C._ i. 277, from _P. R. 13 Jac. I_, pt. 20; also by Collier, i. 381, and Hazlitt, _E. D. S._ 46, from the Signet Bill, misdescribed as the Privy Seal, of 31 May.

[1452] Cf. App. D, No. clvii.

[1453] Cf. App. D, No. clx. Collier, i. 384, without giving his authority, says that the Corporation reported the carrying out of this mandate ‘before three days had elapsed’.

[1454] Shaw. ii. 107. Sir Thomas Saunders had the same lodgings _c._ 1551 (cf. p. 478, n. 4; _M. S. C._ ii. 120).

[1455] Cf. ch. xvii (Blackfriars); _M. S. C._ ii. 93, 110, 120.

[1456] W. P. Baildon, _Black Books of Lincoln’s Inn_, iv. 263; C. F. R. Palmer, _The Friar-Preachers of Holborn, London_ (_Reliquary_, xvii. 33, 75).

[1457] Stowe, _Survey_, i. 9, 27, 40, 64, 339; ii. 14, 44, 89; (1720) i. 3. 177; Halle, ii. 150; Nicolas, _Acts of Privy Council_, _passim_; _Rot. Parl._ v. 171; Clapham, 58; _V. H._ i. 498; Brewer, iv. 2483; Riley, _Memorials of London_, 90; Baldwin, 154, 261, 355, 358, 499; Gairdner, _Paston Letters_, i. 426, ‘for the ease of resorting of the Lordys that are withinne the toun’.

[1458] _V. H._ i. 498.

[1459] Brewer, iii. 2. 1053.

[1460] Ibid. xiii. 2. 215.

[1461] Rymer, xiv. 609; Brewer, xiii. 2. 320.

[1462] _M. S. C._ ii. 3.

[1463] Ibid. ii. 4, 6, 8, 109, 114. Cawarden had had a lease of part of the property on 4 April 1548.

[1464] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178.

[1465] Printed from _Journal_, 14, f. 129, as appendix to _Memoranda, References, and Documents relating to the Royal Hospitals of the City of London_ (1836).

[1466] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178. Portinari was a pensioner _c._ 1526 (Brewer, iv. 871), and he was aged 64 in 1572 (_M. S. C._ ii. 52). He was a Florentine by birth and an engineer by profession (_Sp. P._ ii. 399; Winwood, i. 145).

[1467] _B. M. Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 80^v.

[1468] _M. S. C._ ii. 2, 5, 103, 127; Stowe (1598), i. 339; _Athenaeum_ (1886), ii. 91; Dasent, xxvi. 448; xxvii. 13.

[1469] In 1585 the Lord Mayor asked that the Blackfriars might contribute to the musters (Stowe, ed. Strype, i. 3. 180). In 1588 and 1593 requisitions for a levy were sent to the chief officer, i. e. the constable, and the inhabitants (Dasent, xv. 428; xxiv. 30). But in 1589 similar action was taken through the Lord Mayor (Dasent, xvii. 118). A local dispute was referred to Richard Young and another Middlesex justice in 1591, with whom the Lord Mayor was joined because a City company was involved (Dasent, xx. 245, 283). Young and others again received the Council’s instructions, after they had heard the inhabitants, on a building matter in 1591 (Dasent, xxi. 337). At a time of danger in 1592 the keeping of a midsummer watch was committed to Lord Cobham (Dasent, xxii. 551).

[1470] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183; Dasent, iii. 235 (Letter of 14 March 1551 ‘to the Maiour of London to suffer the Lorde Cobham, the Lorde Wardein, and others dwelling within the Blacke Freres t’enjoye their liberties there’). The riot was put down by Sir Thomas Saunders, Sir Henry Jerningham, and William More.

[1471] Stowe (1720), i. 3. 183.

[1472] Stowe, ed. Strype (1720), i. 3. 184. The Blackfriars papers added by A. Munday in 1618 appear to be all notes and examinations taken by Sir Thomas Saunders, who appealed to the Earl of Arundel for support.

[1473] Dasent, viii. 240, 257.

[1474] Dasent, x. 429; xii. 19. Pending a decision the Lord Mayor was directed ‘not to intermeddle in any cawse within the saide liberties, savinge onlie for the punishment of fellons as heretofore he hath don’. The report dated 27 Jan. 1580 is printed by Ingleby, 250, from the Bridgewater MSS. It seems to be genuine. Collier does not print it, although he mentions it (_New Facts_, 9) in connexion with a forged Privy Council order which he dates 23 Dec. 1579. Wallace, ii. 22, describes an unprinted statement of the City’s case, dated 27 Jan. 1579, in _Letter Book_ Z, f. 23^v.

[1475] Dasent, xv. 137; Stowe (1720), i. 3. 177.

[1476] This may be the undated petition relating both to the Blackfriars and the Whitefriars in _B. M. Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 79^v.

[1477] Wallace, i. 174, from _Loseley MSS._, bundle 425.

[1478] _M. S. C._ ii. 124; cf. Dasent, xiii. 76.

[1479] Dasent, xxvi. 448. Lord Hunsdon and Sir John Fortescue, both residents in or near the Blackfriars, sat on the commission with the chief justices. Lady Russell records the want of a steward and bailiff to keep order in 1597 (_Hatfield MSS._ vii. 298).

[1480] Dasent, xxvii. 13; xxx. 134, 149; cf. App. D, No. cxxvi.

[1481] W. de G. Birch, _Historical Charters and Constitutional Documents of the City of London_, 142. James is said to have made the City pay for the rebuilding of the Banqueting House (cf. ch. i) in return for this extension of jurisdiction (Goodman, ii. 176). Collier, _N. F._ 20, 22, 32, although ignorant of the charter, quotes documents relating to the status of the Blackfriars in 1608, of which two at least, a note of the interest of the players in the theatre and a letter in their favour signed ‘H. S.’, are forgeries (Ingleby, 244, 246, 256).

[1482] _M. S. C._ ii. 66, 114; cf. Cawarden’s i. p.m. in Fry, _London Inquisitiones Post Mortem_, i. 191.

[1483] The general lie of Blackfriars can be gathered from Stowe (1598), i. 313; ii. 11, with the maps described in the _Bibl. Note_ to ch. xvi, and the modern ordnance maps. The earlier maps are largely picturesque, and notably place far too much of the precinct on the east of Water Lane. But they seem to preserve certain details, such as the arches over the north to south highway. The old lines of the roads appear to have been preserved at the rebuilding after the great fire of 1666. I have added some details from other sources.

[1484] _M. S. C._ ii. 115.

[1485] The reconstructed map of London by Emery Walker in C. L. Kingsford’s edition of Stowe gives this name in error to Water Lane.

[1486] The 1586 documents in Stowe (1720), i. 3. 178, state that the prior held of the lord of St. John’s, ‘who did make the bridge at the Thames’. Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 454, however, quotes a Declared Account of 1550 for ‘the ereccion and buyldynge ... of two bridges thone at the Blackfreers and thother at the Temple’. Under Elizabeth the liberty maintained the bridge as well as that at Bridewell (_Lansd. MS._ 155, f. 80^v). The tenure from St. John’s is also alleged (1587) in Dasent, xv. 137. It is rather curious that in an endorsement of the survey of St. John’s in 1586–7 (Feuillerat, _Eliz._ 47) that house, although in Clerkenwell, is described, perhaps by a slip, as in the Blackfriars.