Chapter VI: Discussion of Kinship (3)

Now Spencer and Gillen adduce in several places concrete instances of beliefs which prove beyond doubt that the idea of the reincarnation of human beings actually exists in the Central tribes. As this point is of some importance in our present study, these instances must be brought forward. One of them is the belief that infants, who either die or are killed, soon undergo reincarnation. Such a belief exists among the Arunta,[608] among the Kaitish and Unmatjera.[609] And again, in another place, such a belief is reported to exist in all the tribes examined by Messrs. Spencer and Gillen.[610] That this belief is deeply rooted is shown by the fact that it serves as an excuse for the practice of infanticide; for the natives believe that the same child will soon undergo rebirth from the same mother. It might, nevertheless, be objected that here rebirth is undergone only by persons who died in infancy; and that this has little connection with the reincarnation of ancestors dead long ago. But, first, this belief is the proof of the existence of reincarnation ideas in general, and moreover there are better instances still. There has been found amongst the Urabunna the belief that a person at each reincarnation changes sex, class and totem.[611] The same belief in the alternation of sexes at each successive reincarnation is held amongst the Warramunga.[612] The knowledge of these concrete and detailed beliefs enables us to affirm without hesitation that the general idea of the reincarnation of human beings exists among the Central Australian tribes.[613] A mere assertion on the part of our informants might leave some doubts; but if they adduce these beliefs in detail, the doubts can be only as to their trustworthiness; and this is out of the question in the present case. There are yet other facts confirming the assumption we are dealing with. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen give a detailed account of the wanderings and doings of the ghost after death.[614] They say expressly that the ghost after a time goes to a certain place, where it awaits reincarnation. A similar belief in a land where the souls of the dead await reincarnation has been found in the Adelaide tribes.[615] So that, dividing the problem of reincarnation into two questions--Is there among the Central Australians (1) a belief in a reincarnation of the Alcheringa ancestors? (2) a belief in the reincarnation of human ancestors?--both must be answered in the affirmative.

[608] _Nat. Tr._, p. 51.

[609] _Nor. Tr._, p. 506.

[610] _Ibid._, p. 609.

[611] _Ibid._, p. 148.

[612] _Nor. Tr._, p. 358, footnote, and p. 530.

[613] And probably among the Australian tribes in general.

[614] _Nat. Tr._, p. 515.

[615] Compare Mr. Thomas' article in _Man_ (1904), p. 99,
§ 68, where he quotes Teichelman and Schürmann. The
widespread belief that white men are dead people
returned to life is a proof of the existence of beliefs
in reincarnation.

To sum up our somewhat extensive discussion of the totemic beliefs of conception, we may say that the collective ideas of the Central and North Central Australian[616] aborigines ignore expressly and explicitly any connection of blood between a father and his child, and probably greatly reduce the importance of the maternal blood tie; that even allowing for the greatest amount of physiological knowledge amongst these aborigines, there cannot be any question of paternal consanguinity. We have seen further that in all these Central and North Central tribes (and possibly in many others too) there is an idea of reincarnation, not only of the Alcheringa, but also of the human ancestors; the word reincarnation being used in the sense indicated above, page 214.

[616] Including the tribes recently investigated by Prof.
B. Spencer.

So far the results regarding parental, and especially paternal, kinship are purely negative; there is between father and child no _consanguinity_.[617] But is there no kinship? According to the theory of kinship sketched above, individual parental kinship must be accepted as existing in the Central no less than in all the other Australian tribes, for the reasons already specified. And, as was said above, and will be discussed again, it is even possible on the basis of the evidence extant to give an account of the emotional character of this relation. The greatest difficulty is to know what idea the aborigines themselves form concerning it; in other words, how is fatherhood determined in the collective psychology of the natives? Some indications at least of what we look for may be found.

[617] Compare above, pp. 176 _sqq._, for discussion of this
term.

If we examine the different items of the folk-lore, traditions, beliefs and customs of the Arunta, we can at first sight hardly discover any ideas that bear upon our subject. Fortunately, in the case of some of the Northern tribes, we are in possession of information which appears highly suggestive in regard to our problem. The Gnanji and Umbaia tribes of the Northern territory share the belief in totemic conception with all the more Southern tribes. But amongst them the child is always of the same totem as its father, wherever conception may have taken place. These tribes have a theory to reconcile these two beliefs that apparently are incompatible, viz. descent of totem in paternal line and birth by incarnation of a spirit-child.[618] They believe that spirits of the husband's totem follow the wife wherever the married couple may go, and that one of these spirit individuals enters the woman's body whenever it pleases; no spirit-child of any other totem could enter her. The infant is therefore always of the husband's totem, and it is the _reincarnation of this individual spirit_ which has chosen to follow the man and his wife on their wanderings. In this belief there are, undoubtedly, contained ideas of a strong tie of sympathy, affinity or kinship between the father and his future child. In the first place the spirit-child, which undergoes reincarnation, belongs to the totem of the husband; but that does not as yet create any individual relation between the father and the child, although it constitutes a bond of totemic kinship between them.

[618] _See_ Spencer and Gillen, _Nor. Tr._, pp. 169 _sqq._

Nevertheless it must be remembered that the individual spirit-child, which sometimes has even to follow the married couple on their wanderings, chooses its mother on account of her husband and not in all probability on her own; for it is not of her totem, and it is improbable that the natives assume ties of preference between two beings of different clans, if there are at hand two members of the same clan--the father and the reincarnated child. Now this act of choosing, this special preference of a certain woman on account of her husband, clearly points to a very close tie between father and child. Unfortunately, the writers who report the beliefs in question have not investigated the side we have discussed, and as all hypothetical inferences are dangerous in sociology, we must consider this belief to be highly suggestive but nothing more. Nevertheless, setting one against another the two facts--the social existence of a close tie between father and child on the one hand (as we can affirm it on the ground of the emotional character of this relationship), and the existence of a belief that the reincarnated spirit-child is of the father's totem, and is, so to say, attached to him in his roaming life--it is difficult not to suspect some inner connection between them. Now, if our supposition is right, and if this belief has its social influence in defining fatherhood, it may be said that in the Gnanji and Umbaia tribes the essence of fatherhood is seen in the fact that a given man has determined a given spirit-child to take up its abode in his wife's body, and that the close tie of kinship lies in this mutual affinity or attraction exercised by the man on the spirit-child. This is hypothetical, but we may note another statement of Spencer and Gillen's which appears to bear upon our subject and corroborates our first hypothetical assumption.

We read that in the three coastal tribes of the Northern territory--Binbinga, Anula and Mara--the natives are very clear upon the point that the spirit-children know which are the right _lubra_ for them respectively to enter, and each one deliberately chooses his or her own mother.[619] Now descent in these tribes is strictly paternal both as regards totems and classes.[620] This means that the father determines the class and totem of his child. We must assume, therefore, that the spirit-child chooses its mother chiefly in regard to her husband, _i. e._ its future father. It may, therefore, be once more repeated here that such an act of preference involves the idea of a very close tie between the spirit-child and the father; whether this idea is a real kinship idea, that is, whether it has its positive influence upon the different functions of the relationship in question, is not mentioned by our informants, and it would be quite vain to speculate upon the subject. But again, putting the two items--_i. e._ the belief in question and the existence of a close tie of kinship--side by side, it is difficult to deny that a connection between them appears very probable.

[619] _Nor. Tr._, p. 174. The same is related in the recent
note of Prof. B. Spencer (_Athenæum_, Nov. 4, 1911, p. 562).
We read there: "The spirit-children know into what woman
they must enter."

[620] _Nor. Tr._, pp. 119, 172. Compare N. W. Thomas, _loc.
cit._ Map No. 1, facing p. 40.

A similar social part appears also to be played by the most general belief connected with the question of birth--the belief in reincarnation. The question whether these beliefs may be assumed in the Arunta has been discussed at length, and an affirmative conclusion has been arrived at. Moreover, it has been seen that this belief appears to be almost universal in Australia, and that it is reported by many writers. There seems to be some reason for assuming that this belief may possibly have some bearing on the aboriginal ideas of kinship. As the child is an incarnation not only of a spirit individual, and consequently of an Alcheringa ancestor, but also in the majority of cases of a series of human ancestors, it comes into this world with an already formed personality, and it stands in a definite relation to an Alcheringa ancestor; to a Nanja place and to a given Churinga; it has its place in a totemic group and in a class. We may, therefore, reasonably assume that among other attributes the child brings its individual kinship, derived from some vague ideas about a former life, with it into the world. In other words, the child is probably supposed already at its birth to stand in a definite kinship relation (dating from a mutual previous existence) towards its individual parents. In fact, if the child comes into the world as a member of other social groups, it may be taken as very probable that it comes as the individual kinsman of its father and mother. Father, mother and child have already lived in the past; they may already have stood in a very close relationship; perhaps they have even been members of the same individual family.

This supposition may appear at first sight highly hypothetical; plausible perhaps, but nothing more; yet there are other facts which in considerable measure support it. There is the belief that the spirit part of a child which is killed, or dies in infancy, comes to life again by and by, and undergoes incarnation in the same woman.[621] In this belief we see that the ties of individual kinship, once established, do not give way after death, and that they determine the rebirth of the child. This belief may be a special case of a more general one, viz. that rebirth in all cases is determined by ties of individual kinship established in a former life. There is yet another series of beliefs leading more directly to the same conclusion. I mean the well-known fact that white men were considered to be returned dead relatives, and treated accordingly. We know that there were several cases in which the life of a man was saved by this belief. The best known is the case of Buckley, a run-away convict, who lived about thirty years among the natives. He was treated with the greatest kindness and tenderness by his "relatives."[622] The same tokens of affection are related to have been shown to a settler in the vicinity of Perth by his "parents," who merely to see him would travel more than sixty leagues through a country which was in parts dangerous.[623] In another place we are informed that a white convict identified with a dead relative was presented with a piece of land which "belonged to him by right." Similar statements are numerous.[624] In order to establish the relevancy of these facts to our problem, it may be remarked that the most important features of the beliefs in question are (1) that white men are identified with a given dead individual, (2) that they get then _ipso facto_ a definite place in the tribe, in the local group, and--what is most important as regards the present question--in the individual family. The belief that people after death become white may account for the identification of white men with the dead. But the fact that in ever so many cases a white man was identified with a certain individual, and became thereby entitled to a social position, implies some additional beliefs. One of these beliefs is the idea of rebirth or reincarnation that we have established above in another way. The other collective idea, which must be assumed in order to explain the ease and readiness with which feelings of affection as well as worldly goods were bestowed upon these alleged relatives, is that in the ordinary form in which dead men return to this life, _i. e._ in reincarnation by birth, each individual brings with him, or her, full social position, including individual relationship. And this is the point at issue in the present discussion. The fact that white men were recognized as dead relatives compels us to assume that children--who were considered as reborn men--were also accepted as relatives. If the natives had not their mind turned that way, if they were not used to identify every new member of their society with some ancestor of their own, could they do it so easily in the case of white men, who were so different from them, and could not present any striking physical similarity? Of course this inference is not a cogent one. But putting side by side all the facts we have gathered: the belief in reincarnation of the dead; the easy recognition of dead relatives in white men; and the promptitude with which, in some cases, the latter were given their places in society, their hunting-grounds, their parents, relatives, and so on--all this allows us to affirm with a high degree of probability that a new-born child was looked upon as a reincarnated member of the tribe, and that an intimate kinship between him and his parents was considered to be established on the ground of kinship in a previous life. Is not the parental affection which was bestowed on some of the white men one of the most astonishing traits in the evidence in question? Of course white men were considered to be immediate reincarnations, or rather a return of the dead in ghost condition; whereas rebirth was a much longer process, and was, perhaps, considered as reincarnation of a long-dead ancestor. Consequently the ties of kinship between a white man and his "relatives" were the repetition of an actual relation which had already existed for the native in his life. Whereas if a reborn child is considered, as we here assume, to be a "previous" kinsman, this kinship is based upon a relation obtaining in some former existence. But it may be urged that if we deal with aboriginal collective psychology no very clear ideas can be expected. The only thing that we assumed here was that the ideas of rebirth, combined with some other specific Australian beliefs, suggest very strongly that children might have been both held, and felt to be, kindred, on the ground that they come with some sort of ready-made personality; and on the ground that, as E. S. Hartland argues, rebirth is the result of some spontaneous action of the creature to be reborn. I think that if we ask for the source of the widespread belief in white men being returned ghosts, and especially for the readiness and ease with which they were accepted into the family and into the tribe--we must presuppose some beliefs and institutions to account for it, and the explanation proposed above seems to me very plausible.[625] But the best example of the ideas of kinship of the magic order is to be found among the tribes studied and described by W. E. Roth.

[621] Compare above, p. 216.

[622] J. Morgan, _Life and Adventures of William Buckley_
(Hobart, 1852). The value of this book and especially of
the ethnographic information contained in it, has been
disputed by Bonwick. See J. Bonwick, _William Buckley, the
Wild White Man_ (Melbourne, 1856), p. 7. I have not used
Morgan's book as a source. The life-story of Morgan told
therein is admittedly authentic.

[623] Stokes, quoted by M. Lévy-Bruhl, _loc. cit._, p. 400.

[624] Another instance where a white woman was received by
a man as his daughter and accepted into the tribe and into
all her rights and relationships, is told by Macgillivray,
_loc. cit._, i., p. 303. She was shipwrecked, came into
the power of the natives, and, of course, lived in a very
miserable condition. Her only comfort was derived from
the man who imagined that she was his reborn daughter.
Henderson says that among the blacks of New South Wales the
belief in white men being dead relatives who had returned
was quite general. Such white men were accepted into the
tribe and cordially treated. _Loc. cit._, p. 161.

For other statements about white men being reincarnated
dead relatives see Wilhelmi, _Trans. R.S.V._, v. p. 189.
Br. Smyth, _Aborigines of Victoria_, ii. p. 224. (Article
by Chauncy) _ibid._, p. 307 (article by Howitt).
R. H. Mathews, _Jour. and Proc. R.S.N.S.W._, xxxviii.
(1905), p. 349. W. E. Roth, Bull. 5th, p. 16. R. H.
Mathews, _Jour. and Proc. R.S.N.S.W._, xl. pp. 113, 114.
Earl, _loc. cit._, p. 241. Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, pp. 445,
446. The latter says that the natives were "ready to do
anything" for the white people, once they recognized in
them their relatives.

[625] Similar ideas have been enunciated by M. Lévy-Bruhl,
_loc. cit._, pp. 388-402. Some of the Australian facts
are quoted and interpreted there in an analogous way.
M. Lévy-Bruhl naturally does not enter into as many
particulars as has been necessary here, but his conclusion,
"l'enfant-esprit qui se réincarne est déjà dans une
relation determinée avec le père et la mère qui lui
donnent naissance," is nearly identical with what we have
endeavoured to prove here. Perhaps the word "relation" does
not quite coincide with what we are especially concerned
with in this place, _i. e._ individual kinship, and has a
wider, more general meaning.

Before we proceed to the North Queensland tribes, there may be mentioned some customs of the _couvade_ type, referring to the Central tribes. These customs, as has been said above, express an intimate connection of a mystic character between father and child. They also involve a considerable amount of paternal affection and care for the welfare of the offspring, as they expose the father to various inconveniences, privations and hardships for the benefit of the child. Thus we read that among the Central tribes the father has to observe certain taboos and restrictions during the pregnancy of his wife, otherwise she would have a difficult confinement.[626] This only shows a connection between the behaviour of the man and the act of birth. But we read in another place that the non-observance of certain hunting taboos by the man during the pregnancy of his wife would have baleful consequences for the offspring.[627] We are informed, also, of a few functions of parental kin expressed in different customs which accentuate the intimacy of this relation. Thus the mother plays some part in the initiation ceremonies,[628] as well as in mourning and funerals. Concerning the important social functions of the father, I may quote what Mr. R. H. Mathews writes about the Central tribes: "The privilege of working incantations, making rain, performing initiatory ceremonies, and other important functions, descends from the men of the tribe to the sons."[629] Moreover all the ceremonies in common with totems "are likewise handed down through the men."[630] We see from this that many important social functions descend from father to son. Messrs. Spencer and Gillen report that the position of the Alatunja is hereditary amongst the Arunta.[631] And similarly the position of the headman is hereditary amongst the Northern tribes.[632] All these facts serve on the one hand socially to define individual kinship, and on the other to show that there exist certain ideas of a mystic bond between father and child. How far these ideas, as expressed in the customs of the _couvade_ type, harmonize with the ideas dealt with above, it is quite impossible to know. It may be said that in both respects we have hints showing the existence of ideas on kinship, but that we can by no means go beyond mere supposition when we try to reconstruct these ideas and to find some mutual connection. Let us now pass to the other tribes.

[626] _Nat. Tr._, pp. 466, 467.

[627] _Nor. Tr._, pp. 344, 607.

[628] _Nat. Tr._, p. 250.

[629] _Trans. R.S.N.S.W._ (1907), p. 75.

[630] _Ibid._, p. 77.

[631] _Nat. Tr._, p. 10.

[632] _Nor. Tr._, p. 23.

The belief in a supernatural cause of pregnancy is spread not only all over the Central and North Central area, _i. e._ among all the tribes included in the researches of Spencer and Gillen.[633] The same ignorance of physiological fatherhood is found in the whole of the Northern territory, in Queensland, and probably in West Australia. We read that among the tribes of the North-West territory of South Australia (Port Darwin and Daly River) "conception is not regarded as a direct result of cohabitation."[634] And we read in Dr. Frazer's new work: "The view is shared by all the tribes of Central and Northern Australia. In point of fact, I am informed by the Bishop of North Queensland (Dr. Frodsham) that the opinion is held by all the tribes with which he is acquainted both in North Queensland and in Central Australia, including the Arunta; not only are the natives in their savage states ignorant of the true cause of conception, but they do not readily believe it even after their admission into mission stations, and their incredulity has to be reckoned with in the efforts of the clergy to introduce a higher standard of sexual morality among them."[635] This is a very strong proof of the depth of these beliefs, and of the absolute ignorance of the natives on this point.[636] In the South-Eastern region this belief is to be found as far as the Northern part of New South Wales. We have statements of Mrs. Parker[637] which, although not very clear, seem at least to imply a great amount of magical beliefs as to procreation, if not complete ignorance of the physiological part borne by the father. With regard to the Western tribes, Mrs. Bates writes in a letter to Mr. Lang[638]: "They did not believe that procreation had anything to do with conception."

[633] _Ibid._, p. 330.

[634] H. Basedow, in _Trans. R.S.S.A._, xxxi. p. 4, of the
reprint quoted by Prof. Frazer, _Tot. and Exog._, i. p. 576.
This has been recently verified by Prof. B. Spencer; compare
above, p. 209, footnote 1.

[635] _Tot. and Exog._, i. pp. 576, 577.

[636] That the ignorance in question was complete is also
the opinion of Mr. E. S. Hartland, _loc. cit._, ii.
pp. 275, 276. He adduces several reasons and statements in
support of it. Compare also what we said above about the
completeness of this ignorance among the Central tribes.

[637] _Loc. cit._, pp. 50, 61, 98.

[638] See _Man_ (1906), p. 180.

That in spite of this absence of any kind of consanguinity, especially in the father's case, there exists in the Queensland tribes an individual kinship relation between both parents and their children, is clear from the statements collected on page 245, and from the conclusion on page 249, to which the reader may be referred, as well as to the theoretical conclusion on page 198. Looking at the rich and interesting collection of folk-lore of these tribes given by Mr. W. E. Roth, it will be possible to find the way in which fatherhood is determined by the animistic ideas of the aborigines. As just said, among the North-West Central Queensland tribes, the causal nexus between conception and copulation is not known. We read in Roth that, according to aboriginal ideas, there are several ways in which a child may enter a woman's body: it may be inserted into her in a dream; she may be told by a man that she will be pregnant and so on. But in whatever mode the child has come, "the recognized husband accepts it as his own without demur."[639] This phrase seems to point to the fact that a man has certain ways of recognizing a child as his own, and ideas under which he conceives this tie.

[639] Roth, _Bull._ V. p. 22, § 81.

In fact we read that man possesses several "souls" or vital principles. One of them, _ngai_, leaves the body soon after death; if the deceased was a male his _ngai_ "passes into his children, both boys and girls equally." The _ngai_ of a female goes to her sister or passes away. Nobody has a _ngai_ before his father dies, but receives his father's _ngai_ after the latter's death.[640] This is an important connection, which by itself might very well serve to establish the most intimate tie of kinship. The child is supposed to be its father's spirit's heir. It shares in his most personal and individual element. Is this spiritual communion not something quite as strong and deep as any community of blood?

[640] Roth, _Bull._ V. p. 18, § 68. This refers to the
Pennefather River tribes.

In another tribe of this area there is a similar belief concerning the _choi_ (another "soul"). The aborigines of Pennefather River believe that babies are made out of swamp mud and then inserted into the wombs of women by a being called Anjea. Now it is particularly important for us to note that Anjea animates the baby with a piece of its father's spirit if it is a boy, and with a piece of its father's sister's spirit if it is a girl. For each new baby Anjea provides a new piece of spirit. But he does not take these pieces from the spirit of the living father or his sister. He has a special source from which to take it; he takes it from the father's or father's sister's afterbirth. When a child is born a portion of its spirit stays in its afterbirth. Hence the grandmother takes the afterbirth and buries it in the sand, and marks the place by thrusting sticks into the ground. So when Anjea comes along and sees it, he knows where to look for the father's (or father's sister's) spirit, which he wants in order to animate the new baby. And in this way all babies are animated by a spiritual part of their father or paternal aunts.[641]

[641] _Ibid._

Both these examples illustrate perfectly well the general definition of kinship ideas we have given above. Here the relation between father and child is established in the native ideas by a purely spiritual connection. But obviously this connection is a very important one. The deep tie between a man and his child is here explicitly indicated and not inferred by us, as in the foregoing cases, in which we could only state that the beliefs and facts point to such a tie. In the present case the father's spirit is the material from which the child's soul is to be built up. It is not his bodily germ that procreates the child, but his spiritual germ. What does it matter that the mother gives birth to the child? The latter is animated by the father's (or father's sister's) spirit, and this spiritual connection is of course as strong a bond of kinship as can possibly be imagined.

There is in the second of these examples a complication produced by the fact that a female child is not animated by her father's, but by her father's sister's, spirit. But this complication is more apparent than real. We must always remember that the aborigines do not think in clearly defined ideas, and that there is always a question rather of some broad emotional connection than of a tie logically apprehended. And here the connection between the female children and their father is broadly marked by the spiritual tie between his sister and the children. It may be said that "spiritual propagation" follows the male line exclusively, for all children are animated by a spirit taken from their father or his sister.

We have still a few examples to quote where there appears to be involved a tie between father and child established on other grounds than the sexual act. In some of the North Queensland tribes (Cairns district) "the acceptance of food from a man by a woman was not merely regarded as a marriage ceremony, but as the actual cause of conception."[642] A similar belief obtains among the Larrekiya and Wogait of Port Darwin. "The old men say that there is an evil spirit who takes babies from a big fire and places them in the wombs of women, who must then give birth to them. When in the ordinary course of events a man is out hunting and kills game or gathers vegetable food, he gives it to his wife, who must eat it, believing that the food will cause her to conceive and bring forth a child. When the child is born, it may on no account partake of the particular food which produced conception until it has got its first teeth."[643] In these cases we might look also for some material from which the ideas of individual paternity might have been evolved, but this is a supposition merely, which obviously is much less well founded than our inferences referring to the Central and North Central tribes.

[642] J. G. Frazer, _Tot. and Exog._, i. p. 577, on the
authority of Bishop Frodsham.

[643] H. Basedow, _loc. cit._, quoted by Frazer, _Tot. and
Exog._, i. p. 576.

Let us turn to another portion of the continent, to the South-Eastern tribes, where the natives have to a certain extent inverse ideas on procreation. They seem to know that conception is due to copulation. But they exaggerate the father's part. The children are begotten "by him exclusively; the mother receives only the germ and nurtures it; the aborigines ... never for a moment feel any doubt ... that the children originate solely from the male parent, and only owe their infantine nurture to their mother."[644] This theory is not a logical and consistent one, but none of the aboriginal views possess these qualities! But this theory of procreation is quite clear and categorical in acknowledging exclusively what seems to the native mind important for the formation of consanguineous ties in the act of procreation. Let us adduce the examples in detail, as they are very instructive. The Wirdajuri nation[645] believe that the child "emanates from the father solely, being only nurtured by its mother." There is a strong tie of kinship between the child and the father; the latter nevertheless has not the right to dispose of his daughter in marriage; that is done by the mother and the mother's brother. We see here that curiously enough strong paternal consanguinity coincides with weakening of the _patria potestas_ (provided the information be accurate on both points). For disposal of the daughter is one of the chief features of a parent's authority over the child. Among the Wolgal the child belongs to the father, and he only "gives it to his wife to take care of for him."[646] This is probably an interpretation of the facts of procreation. In this tribe the father disposes of his daughter; in fact "he could do what he liked" with her on the ground of his exclusive right to the child. Here, apparently, the ideas on kinship enhance the paternal authority. A strong proof of this unilateral paternal consanguinity is given yet more in detail in the case of the Kulin tribes. There, according to a native expression, "the child comes from the man, the woman only takes care of it."[647] And when once an old man wished to emphasize his right and authority over his son he said: "Listen to me! I am here, and there you stand with my body."[648] This is clearly a claim to kinship on the basis of consanguinity. It is interesting to note that in the examples just quoted this consanguineous kinship seems to give some claims to authority. Analogously amongst the Yuin the child belonged to his father "because his wife merely takes care of his children for him."[649]

[644] Howitt, _J.A.I._, xii. p. 502.

[645] Cameron, _J.A.I._, xiv. p. 351.

[646] Aboriginal phrase quoted by Howitt, _Nat. Tr._,
p. 198.

[647] Howitt, _Nat. Tr._, p. 255.

[648] _Ibid._

[649] _Ibid._, p. 263.

Withal this information leaves us in the dark about the detailed working of these ideas. Especially we are not quite clear whether the assertions of "being of the same body," of "belonging to him," etc., do actually refer to the act of procreation, whether they form an interpretation of this act, or whether they have quite a different basis; although it seems from the expressions quoted above that the first alternative is the right one. On the other hand, when we read that the mother only nurtures the child, that she merely takes care of it and so on, does it mean that the aboriginal mind _decrees_ or interprets that during pregnancy the mother is a kind of nurse only, that she is the soil in which the father has deposited the seed? And as the relation between the plant and the seed is closer than that between the plant and the soil, so the relation between father and child is nearer than that between mother and child? All this is left to hypothesis, strongly supported by the statements, but unfortunately not affirmed by them in a clear and unambiguous way. We are not at all sure whether all these ideas, instead of being theories of the act of impregnation, have not some mystic, legendary basis like the beliefs of the Queenslander dealt with above.

A survey of different points of Australian folk-lore has been made in order to find some kinship ideas corresponding to the definition given on page 183. From all the results obtained, the most certain and best founded one is the negative fact that the majority of the Australian tribes are wholly ignorant of the physiological process of procreation. This result, although at first sight a negative one, leads, when viewed in the proper light, to sociological conclusions of some importance. In regard to the discussion on consanguinity (given pp. 176 _sqq._), it follows from this fact that we cannot speak of paternal consanguinity among these tribes in the social sense of this word,[650] and that the individual tie of kinship, which does nevertheless exist between father and child, must be conceived of by the natives in some different way. This conclusion is also very important, for it obviously tears asunder the intimate connection between the sexual side of marriage and kinship, a connection that has often been assumed hitherto. The lack of sexual exclusiveness found in Australia does not affect the structure of the individual family, of which kinship is the index. Waiving the question whether this holds good for primitive mankind in general, it may be assumed as quite a final result for the majority of Australian tribes.

[650] It has been already remarked above on page 179, that
there can be no question of physiological consanguinity for
other reasons.

The positive ideas of kinship enumerated in this survey fulfil the two conditions set up on page 183; they refer to the individual relation between father and child,[651] and they affirm a close tie between the two. But in order to prove that such ideas are sociologically relevant ideas of kinship, it must yet be shown that they possess some social functions; that is to say, that they play an essential part in the collective formulation of the various norms regulating individual parental kinship. Now it was not possible to find any data on this point, so this gap remains unfilled, and therefore the results arrived at here must be considered as incomplete. It was necessary to introduce the conjectural assumption that all the facts known which give sociological evidence of individual parental kinship stand in close connection with the beliefs in question. Nevertheless, this assumption is neither arbitrary nor scientifically barren, as far as I see. It may first be remarked that the complete absence in our ethnographic information of any attempt to connect the data of folk-lore and the facts of sociology is not astonishing at all, as it is the consequence of one of the shortcomings in social science at the present day. This lack is due to reasons connected with the ethnographer and not with the material. The intimate relation which must exist between social beliefs and social functions was quite a sufficient justification for the introduction of this assumption. Moreover, this assumption, although hypothetical, lies quite within the limits of verification. A conjectural assumption referring to facts which lie necessarily outside the reach of observation, incurs much more the risk of scientific barrenness. But this cannot be the case with new points of view, the enunciation of which imposes itself as an inevitable logical inference, and which, being capable of verification, may serve as a fertile working hypothesis.

[651] Defined at first only as members of the same
individual family.