Chapter IX: Summary and Conclusions (1)

The aim of the foregoing pages was to give a correct description of the Australian individual family.[958] The chief practical difficulties lay in the methodological treatment of the evidence; in other words, in making the fullest possible use of the material, without inadvertently introducing conjectural elements. We established the necessity of our task by pointing out the following facts: (1) The contradictions, incompleteness and lack of precision in the descriptions of the individual family, given by field ethnographers, who sometimes even go so far as to deny the existence of this institution, such denials being based not upon observation, but upon speculative inference. (2) The discussion of the problem in question or of parts of it (marriage, relationship, descent, etc.), as usually found in ethnographical and sociological works, relates chiefly to the earlier stages of this institution, and as a rule leaves out of sight a series of important points, concerning its actual working, to draw attention to which was in part the aim of the present investigations. Now, considering that ethnological material, especially that from the Australian continent, plays a very important rôle in all general speculations on the history of marriage and the family--Australia being the best-known and the most extensive country inhabited by a very primitive race--it seemed that a careful examination of the facts of family life in Australia would be useful. (3) In the third place it appeared that a minute investigation in this direction might be interesting as an example of a correct sociological definition of the individual family in a given society. To give it, there had to be made a careful collection and classification of material in order to show which facts play an important part in the structure and functions of this institution.

[958] _See_ p. 290, note 1.

An over-hasty comparative survey of social phenomena, especially if the writer is disposed to see everywhere analogies or even identities without due criticism, too often exaggerates irrelevant features and under-rates the most essential ones in a given area. To obtain an adequate picture of any social institution, even if so well marked by many physiological facts as is the individual family, it is necessary to set forth those of its features which are characteristic in a given society. Further, it appeared necessary to point out some facts, which show that the institution of the individual family is deeply connected with a whole series of customs, beliefs and fundamental phenomena of Australian society; and that it thus appears deeply rooted in its social conditions. In other words, that the individual family is the object of a set of well-determined, categorical, collective ideas. This modest task of a correct and detailed description, made on the basis of sufficient ethnographical material, was the chief aim of the present study.

A few words may be said in the first place about the practical difficulties met with in dealing with the evidence, as foreseen and discussed in the chapter on methodology. The views there set out were, briefly, that it is impossible to use the statements in their crude form, and that consequently they must be submitted to criticism; and that it is necessary also to use caution and method in drawing inferences from the evidence. The results seem to confirm these views. So, for example, we often met with a great deal of inaccuracy--_e. g._ in expressions like tribe, tribal, community, group, family--and we had always to be cautious and to ascertain carefully their meaning when dealing with the aboriginal mode of living. Sometimes we were able to ascertain this real meaning; sometimes the statement was quite or nearly useless owing to complete confusion. Furthermore, all qualifying expressions referring to the treatment and behaviour of husband and wife, expressions referring to sexual morality, etc., were in the highest degree inexact. Throughout the whole study there was constant necessity for dealing critically with the text of the evidence.

In the second place we had always to analyze the information and to ask a series of definite questions of it. So, for example, in the sexual side of family life we divided our problem into three main questions, and these again into sub-headings. Again the relations between husband and wife were viewed from the legal point (authority of husband), from the psychological point (affection), and in their functional aspect (behaviour and treatment). The relations between parents and children were divided into several headings (affection, treatment, education, etc.), and so forth. On some of such particular points it has been possible to obtain quite definite answers. Where there was a hopeless contradiction, it was carefully pointed out. In the same manner a reliable but apparently singular statement was carefully noted, even if it differed from all the rest of the information. In general the chief methodic rule in utilizing the evidence was to arrange the whole argument and inferences in the clearest possible manner. To this end the number of the statements for and against any opinion was always given; the compatibility of a given inference with the well-established facts of Australian sociology was investigated; and the _experimentum crucis_, so much recommended by Steinmetz, was applied wherever possible. Attention also has been paid to the geographical point of view. Wherever it has been possible to ascertain local differences in customs, beliefs or institutions, or to show that such differences are localized in more extensive areas, care was taken to point it out. It is obviously an error to take "the Australian Aborigines" as an ethnic unit. Nevertheless many general, fundamental features of family life are undoubtedly common to all the tribes.

The individual family involves both the individual relations between husband and wife, and between parents and children.[959] These two relationships are obviously so intimately connected that the individuality of one of them has as its consequence the individuality of the other; each characteristic feature of one of them stands in a functional relation to some characteristic feature of the other. Both these relationships were studied and their mutual dependence in several respects was indicated.

[959] In the more restricted sense used throughout this
book. Extended family, _Grossfamilie_, involves more remote
relationship.

A series of facts was adduced in order to prove that the individual relationship between husband and wife is unquestionably affirmed in the collective ideas of the natives. These facts, chiefly connected with the modes of obtaining wives (also with burial and mourning), implied even more detailed ideas: the affirmation that the husband has a series of individual rights and duties in regard to his wife; in other words that there is a mutual personal appropriation of husband and wife.

From some of the details as to the modes of obtaining wives the idea of individual appropriation can be clearly gathered. The family disposes of the female and benefits thereby; the disposal is effected in infancy, so it appears that the majority of females are always allotted. The individual appropriation is, so to say, a permanent status, extending not only to the married women, but to all females in the tribe. Only a man deeply in love, or impelled by some other desperate reason, attempts to elope with a female or to capture one. This always constitutes a crime, and is either punished or atoned for. Nevertheless, elopement occurs pretty often and has its fixed forms of legalization. This state of things obviously expresses the idea of individual appropriation in the strongest and most certain manner. Individual appropriation is further expressed in a whole system of ties binding the families of the two contracting parties, and especially binding the man to his (future or actual) parents-in-law. In this latter case the ties consist in the first place of obligations, chiefly gifts and the duty of supplying game. These obligations and the widespread custom of exchange of females appear to be a rudimentary form of marriage by purchase. Hence, again, a confirmation that individual marital rights are well known and acknowledged. Marriage by purchase implies a fair knowledge of individual appropriation, and shows that it is highly valued in a given society. In Australia the "bride money" is paid by an individual, not by a group. We find evidence of a number of betrothal and marriage ceremonies which carry in themselves binding powers. Such ceremonies mean that the underlying ideas are deeply rooted in the society where the ceremonies are found. In this case, the underlying ideas are that man and wife are firmly bound to each other by the ceremony. All these facts appear very important. Not only do they indicate that the ideas of the legality or illegality of the marriage contract--those of personal individual appropriation and of a high value attaching to marriage rights--exist in Australia. But it is difficult to reconcile with them the view that individual marriage is in Australia something new, a kind of innovation; that it is considered by the natives as something immoral, illicit, an encroachment of the individual on the rights of the group; and as something unimportant, secondary, merely temporary. On the contrary, as we find it existing, it bears the character of a deeply-rooted institution. All these conclusions have also been drawn independently from the general character and several details of the mourning customs. So that the discussion of these customs afforded another proof that marriage ties are considered very strong, and that the institution of marriage is the object of definite collective ideas, consequently is firmly established in the social organization. It has a social sanction and appears fairly permanent.

These facts suffice formally to define the individual marriage and individual rights of the husband to his wife. To give full context to this definition, and to characterize it more in detail, we must, on the one hand, investigate the general character of the behaviour of the consorts towards each other, and the feelings to which this behaviour points. On the other hand, an attempt must be made to determine the collective ideas expressing this relationship in its legal aspect. There have been, however, considerable difficulties in determining the emotional side of the relation between husband and wife. The results were rather negative; it appeared that we cannot accept either the extreme view of absolute bad treatment and want of affection, or the contrary opinion that the relations are of idyllic character. In general--allowing for a natural variety of feelings--the preponderance of feelings of attachment appears to be the rule. Much clearer are the results reached concerning the husband's actual rights over his wife. His authority is limited in some extreme cases only; and it is difficult to say who would interfere with it and what would be the legal form of such an interference. It may be said, therefore, that the treatment of females in Australia is determined much more by personal feelings than by legal norms, and that the latter only afford protection to the woman in cases of extreme illtreatment. In accordance with what has just been said as to personal feelings, it appears also that the treatment of women was not so exceedingly rough as is usually assumed.

The sexual rights of the husband must rather be understood in the sense that the husband is a proprietor of his wife, who may and occasionally must dispose of her; not in the sense of an inviolable exclusiveness of sexual access. The idea of chastity is absent. And consequently jealousy is not in existence in the sense in which we use that word in our society. But it exists in the form of ideas and feelings affirming the husband's definite right of control over his wife. And the natives highly disapprove of any transgression without the husband's consent and the sanction of custom. All sexual licence is regulated and subject to strict rules. Consequently the ideas on what is right or wrong in sexual matters are fairly well defined. In other words, there is a more or less defined code of sexual morality, which has also its legal aspect, as crimes against it are punished by society in a regulated manner.

In reference to the problems of individual marriage and the individual family, it may be said, however, that the individualistic character of these institutions is not accentuated in the first place by the exclusiveness of sexual rights. In connection with sexual problems an excursus on the Pirrauru customs was made, in order to prove that the relationship involved does not possess the character of marriage. For it completely differs from marriage in nearly all the essential points by which marriage in Australia is defined. And above all the Pirrauru relation does not seem to involve the facts of family life in its true sense.

In order to investigate the latter in detail on a broader basis, that is including both the relations between parents and children and between husband and wife, we entered into a discussion of the relation of the family unit to the territorial distribution of the natives. It was found that the mode of living points to a very complete isolation of each family; some of the tribes live scattered in very small groups--one to three families on an average. Other tribes live in much larger groups, but these are by no means promiscuous and undivided hordes. There are camp rules, which point to the isolation of the family within the local group; and customary rules for the arrangement of individuals within the family, round camp fires and at meals, etc. These rules and the isolation of families are reported especially from the South-Eastern tribes, where we may perhaps assume that the local groups are more numerous. So that over the whole continent the lowest unit of the tribal structure appears to be the individual family.

After a long digression on the concept of family kinship,[960] the facts illustrating the relation between children and parents were surveyed. It was found that the characteristic features of this relationship are parental love and attachment of both father and mother to their children. The close tie between mother and child is set up by the fact of the first cares, suckling and carrying the child. The father is, as a rule, also extremely fond of his children; his relation to them is by no means characterized by any legal authority or tyrannical power, but by his affection. The father as well as the mother treat children of both sexes with extreme leniency, and give them some rudiments of education. Attention was drawn to the fact that the common attachment and extreme fondness of both parents for their children must constitute a strong bond of union between husband and wife. The family unit is nevertheless restricted to parents and children under the age of puberty. For although the ties between parents and children last throughout life, still after reaching puberty the children enter into new relationships, which superimpose themselves on the former ones. These new bonds result for the girl from marriage, for the boy from his entering into the tribal secret society (initiation and life in the bachelors' camp).

[960] As this chapter is of a more theoretical character,
it is omitted in this summary, where, on the whole, only
actual facts and results are dealt with. The reader is
referred to the conclusions and summaries of the said
chapter (pp. 198 and 232).

The discussion of the economic facts shows that the sexual division of labour is considerably developed; that the man's and the woman's share in the maintenance of the household is quite well defined and diverse. Further we find that the woman's work is of first-rate importance for the economic unity and subsistence of the household.

The careful survey of the facts has led to some conclusions which may be pointed out. Thus, for example, we have been driven to the conclusion that, in considering marriage, the importance of the sexual facts ought not to be exaggerated. In the majority of tribes sexual facts do not seem to play any part in the formation of bonds of kinship. Ideas of consanguinity are absent in these tribes,[961] and herewith the sexual relations between husband and wife lose their chief influence upon the unity of the family. On the other hand, the sexual rights of the husband, although very well determined, are so often crossed by other customs that _exclusive_ access to a woman must not be made a part of the sociological definition of marriage. The importance of the economic features of family life, and of the common affection for children, is much more in the foreground.

[961] Compare above, Chap. VI., esp. pp. 182, 209 _sqq._
and 226.

Stress has been laid throughout the investigation on the importance of bearing in mind the connection of our special problem with the general structure of society. As said above, each conclusion has been submitted to a kind of test as to whether it stands in agreement or in contradiction with well-established general facts. The main points in which the dependence of the individual family upon social facts has been traced were the connection of the individual family with the territorial and tribal structure, the mode in which land ownership in some cases distinguishes the family as a unit, the influence of economic communism upon the economics of the individual family, etc. But the manner in which society most directly influences any institution lies in the various norms, moral, customary or legal, by which society regulates different aspects of the given institution. The importance of such social rules is emphatically affirmed by Prof. Durkheim: "Une communauté de fait entre des consanguins qui se sont arrangés pour vivre ensemble, mais sans qu'aucun d'eux soit tenu à des obligations déterminées envers les autres et d'où chacun peut se retirer à volonté, ne constitue pas une famille.... Pour qu'il y ait famille, il n'est pas nécessaire qu'il y ait cohabitation et il n'est pas suffisant qu'il y ait consanguinité. Mais il faut de plus ... qu'il y ait des droits et des devoirs, sanctionnés par la société, et qui unissent les members dont la famille est composée.... La famille n'existe qu'autant qu'elle est une institution sociale, à la fois juridique et morale, placée sous la sauvegarde de la collectivité ambiante."[962] Although this opinion is certainly exaggerated,[963] it quite rightly lays stress on the importance of the social regulation of the individual family.[964]

[962] _A.S._, i. pp. 329, 330.

[963] Because "_cohabitation_," community of life, is one
of the _essential_ constituents of the family. Besides,
there cannot exist a "communauté de fait"; a social group
cannot exist without the sanction of the surrounding
society, and this creates obligations between the members
of the group.

[964] We obviously cannot agree with Prof. Durkheim when
he says further (_loc. cit._, p. 331), speaking of the
Australian family: "Ce sont des associations de fait,
non de droit. Elles dépendent du gré des particuliers,
se forment comme elles veulent, sans être tenues de
s'astreindre à aucune norme préalable." The Australian
family is not a casual but a legal association, for it does
not depend upon the whim of individuals; neither is it
formed when and how they choose. There are norms governing
its formation, duties and obligations while it lasts, and
even afterwards when it has been dissolved by a natural
cause, such as the death of the husband. All these norms,
duties and obligations are legal (compare the definition
of legal, p. 11), for non-compliance with them leads to
the interference of society; and they directly show that
society approves of this institution. The reasoning of
Prof. Durkheim--who enumerates four domestic rights and
obligations (vendette, law of inheritance, name and cult),
and says that those four functions are attached to the
_clan_--is open to very serious objections. In the first
place it is dubious whether those four duties constitute
the main body of primitive domestic law. The economic
functions, the duties and rules of cohabitation, the
various duties towards children, the mourning duties of
religious character--all these legal functions, which are
domestic rights and obligations even in our society, were
shown to exist in Australia. They belong to the family
and not to the clan. On the other hand, when revenge is
to be taken on members of another local group, then it
is the local group offended which carries it out. The
cases of intergroup justice are very few, for evil
magic is always looked for at a distance, and we have
hardly any information about justice within the local
group. (For all particulars compare Wheeler, chap. viii.
pp. 116 _sqq._) It is not the clan, but the local group
about which we know most in this respect. Inheritance,
owing to the unimportance of private property (compare
Wheeler, p. 36) plays a very subordinate rôle. From the six
instances collected by Wheeler (pp. 37, 38), three point
to inheritance according to class, three to inheritance
according to family. Land was not a clan property, as we
saw. There remains of Prof. Durkheim's legal customs the
name and the cult. Cult may be obviously as well a public
as a domestic institution; the name is not enough to show
that the clan was the only legal form of family.

The importance of such norms, and especially of the legal ones, clearly appeared in the foregoing investigation. In order adequately to discuss this matter, the exact sense in which the concepts of _law_ and _legal_ may be used was defined, and the legal organization in Australia was sketched. Furthermore, in all the questions discussed we have tried to ascertain whether there are any norms sanctioned by society, and what form this social enforcement assumes in any given case. And here it appears that nearly all sides of family life, far from being left to follow their own course, are more or less subject to definite norms of moral, customary or legal character. It was possible to establish beyond doubt the legal aspect of marriage by analyzing the modes of contracting marriage, and the duties of the widow, as shown in the mourning ceremonies. The relation between husband and wife, although characterized by a very extensive authority of the former, has nevertheless its legal basis. For the husband's authority is limited to a certain extent by exterior factors (tribal government, woman's kin) and must conform to certain norms (he has the right to punish her for certain crimes in a definite way); and he acquires his authority in a legal way (by a legal marriage contract). Sexual matters in general, and the sexual rights of the husband are well defined and regulated. Customary (or legal) rules govern the mode of living of a family, the distribution of food within the family, the sexual division of labour. The relation between parents and children, and especially the paternal authority, hardly presented any legal aspect. But on the whole it appears perfectly legitimate and necessary to define the individual family in Australia as a legal one, inasmuch as very many aspects of this institution are subject to legal norms. And, it would be completely erroneous to call, with Prof. Durkheim, these units "agrégat de fait, sans liens de droit, désapprouvé même le plus souvent par la loi et par l'opinion."[965]

[965] _A.S._, i. p. 330.

There is yet another point in Australian sociology most intimately connected with the individual family. I mean the other forms of kinship organization: the exogamy class, the totemic clan, possibly also the other divisions reported by Mr. R. H. Mathews and Mrs. Parker ("blood" and "shed" divisions, etc.). And on this point the present study is obviously incomplete, as it neither clearly fixes the line of demarcation between the individual and the group kinship, nor solves any of the difficulties and contradictions indicated at the outset. A few words must be said here in order to avoid misunderstandings. If in any society there exist two institutions of very close resemblance, as in Australia, the individual family creating individual relationship and the various kinship organizations creating group relationship, the only way to understand their working is by describing minutely the social functions of each of them. This has been done for the individual family in the foregoing pages; it remains to be done for the kinship groups.[966]

[966] The writer hopes to return to this subject on another
occasion. The material for the description of _social
functions_ of the exogamous class and totemic clan is
comparatively scanty, although so much has been written on
this subject.

Social institutions should in the first place be defined by their social functions; if the functions--religious, magical, legal, economic, etc.--of the totemic class, the exogamous class, and other divisions be known and compared with the functions of the individual family, each of these institutions will appear as occupying a definite place in the social organization, and playing a determinate part in the life of the community. And such a knowledge would afford a firm basis for further speculations.

In the foregoing investigations we have omitted this side of the problem partly in order to avoid increasing the bulk of the monograph, but above all, that we might develop more clearly the features of the institution described.

The individual family was shown to be a unit playing an important part in the social life of the natives and well defined by a number of moral, customary and legal norms; it is further determined by the sexual division of labour, the aboriginal mode of living, and especially by the intimate relation between the parents and children. The individual relation between husband and wife (marriage) is rooted in the unity of the family. Moreover, it is expressed by a series of facts connected with the modes in which marriage is brought about and in the well-defined, although not always exclusive, sexual right the husband acquires over his wife.

ADDENDA

Several points omitted in the body of this book, as well as a few
works and passages of special importance, which I noted whilst
reading the proofs, may be mentioned shortly in this place. I
read the book of Mr. Crawley (_Mystic Rose_) unfortunately after
the foregoing pages were in type; my study would have been more
complete had I known it before. Mr. Crawley analyzes the psychology
underlying human relations (those of sex in particular) from their
religious side. Primitive man is full of apprehension of the mutual
danger inherent in social and especially in sexual contact. Hence
the different systems of _taboo_; the sexual taboo being one of the
most important. To establish harmless relations between people of
different sexes requires a system of _breaking the taboo_.

The ceremonies and rites of marriage are treated in the _Mystic
Rose_ from this point of view (removal of taboo). In my opinion
this book is of great sociological importance chiefly because
it shows that the sexual act must be treated in its bearing
upon social forms, not as a simple physiological fact, but as a
phenomenon complex both in its sociological and psychological
aspects. For "savages" in particular it is surrounded by a network
of magico-religious ideas, apprehensions and emotions, resulting
in a system of rites, customs and institutions, which never can be
comprehended without reference to the underlying psychology. It
follows as an important consequence that everything connected with
matters of sex is an object of well-defined rules and laws (compare
the passage above, p. 123, where the same has been pointed out with
reference to the Australians).

Another important result of Mr. Crawley's work is the establishment
of the principle that marriage rites, being the breaking of a
dangerous taboo, are an essential part of marriage, and therefore
their study is essential for the understanding of this institution.
The rites, being exclusively intended to break the taboo between
two individuals and not between two groups, lead to individual
marriage and family, and not to "group marriage" and "group family."

Mr. Crawley's book is full of valuable remarks, some of which
must be quoted in the following paragraphs. I complete also the
information on several points by the addition of statements from
Mr. Roth's _North Queensland Ethnography_ (_Bull._ 9 _sqq._), which
I have only recently been able to peruse.

Pp. 27-29. _Methodic presentation of evidence._ As in summing
up the evidence the number of statements supporting one view
or another has been adduced sometimes by way of illustration,
it is necessary to say explicitly what is considered to be a
_unit of information_ (or an _individual statement_). I consider
as independent statements: (1) Observations of different
ethnographers. (2) Observations of the same author made on
different tribes, provided that the author has pointed out the
differences and that they are substantial enough. It seems hardly
necessary to emphasize that the numeric treatment of statements has
no pretentions to be a "statistic method of presenting evidence."
It is meant only as a convenient and clear way of summarizing
evidence.

P. 35 and Chap. VII. _passim_. _Mystic._ By this word I understand
belonging to the category of magico-religious ideas.

P. 42. _The marriage ceremonies of the Central and Northern tribes,
religious and magical._ Compare Crawley (_M.R._, p. 347).

P. 48. _Betrothal_ is prevalent all over the tribes of North
Queensland (Roth, _Bull._ 10, pp. 3-7, §§ 6-14). Among the tribes
of Pennefather River (§ 6) it is effected during the infancy of
the female and it is invariably adhered to. In the hinterland of
Princess Charlotte Bay the bridegroom has to visit his fiancée
before marriage for several weeks (§ 7). Infant betrothal is rare
among the natives of Cape Bedford (§ 8). On the Bloomfield River
female children are betrothed at birth (§ 10). Infant betrothal
obtains also among the Cape Grafton and Tully River natives (§§ 11,
12). A betrothal ceremony (recalling that of the Euahlayi tribe,
see above, p. 40) held when a girl is about three years old is
described with reference to the Torilla and Pine Mountain Blacks (§
13). There are an elaborate ceremonial, taboos and duties connected
with betrothal in all these tribes. In the North-West tribes
betrothal is generally known (§ 14).

Pp. 50-52. _Marriage gifts._ In the Pennefather River tribes a man
is bound to supply his fiancée's parents with gifts (food, arms,
etc.) (_Bull._ 10, § 6). Presents form an important feature of
the marriage contract among the natives of Princess Charlotte Bay
(_ibid._, § 7). The same is reported about the tribes of Normanby
River (§ 9), Bloomfield River (§ 10), Torilla and Pine Mountain (§
12).

P. 52. _Publicity of marriage and betrothal_ is mentioned by Roth
among the natives of Pennefather River (_Bull._ 10, § 6) and
Bloomfield River (§ 10). There is a public ceremonial sign for
marriage ("building of a hut and lighting of a fire" by the girl)
common to all tribes (§ 5).

P. 52. _Marriage ceremonies more prevalent than appears from
evidence._ To corroborate my supposition that marriage ceremonies
are much more frequent in Australia than stated by the authorities
I may quote Mr. Crawley's view. He says that "as to those (peoples)
who are said to possess no marriage ceremony, it will generally be
found that there is some act performed which is too slight or too
practical to be marked by an observer as a 'ceremony,' but which
when analyzed turns out to be a real marriage rite." And as an
example the author quotes two forms of marriage ceremony among the
tribes of Central Australia (_Mystic Rose_, p. 318).

Pp. 52, 53. _Marriage ceremonies_ are reported by Roth with
reference to all tribes of Northern Queensland (_Bull._ 10,
"Marriage Ceremonies," etc., especially §§ 1-19). In § 5 a
public ceremonial sign of marriage common to all these tribes is
described; in §§ 9, 13 and 15, such ceremonies in different tribes
are given with details. Ceremonial sexual intercourse with other
men before marriage is mentioned in § 20.

Pp. 56-58. _Legal aspect of marriage._ The different social
conditions enumerated by Roth (_Bull._ 10, §§ 1, 2 and 3) are a
valuable addition to our knowledge of the legal aspect of marriage.
"Essentials of marriage before it can be publicly recognized"
are: membership in suitable exogamous groups, absence of intimate
consanguinity and a suitable social status. If these conditions
are not fulfilled the community either violently break the match,
or by ridicule, plots, etc., will take an action "usually quite
sufficient to cause a separation" (§1, p. 2).

P. 61. _Ideas embodied in marriage ceremonies._ In the survey of
various marriage ceremonies Mr. Crawley first enumerates those in
which the aspect of _breaking the taboo_, of securing immunity from
danger, dominates (_M.R._, pp. 322-370); then come those in which
the magical and religious elements "actually and materially uniting
the man and woman" are prominent (_loc. cit._, pp. 370-390). This
aspect corresponds to what I have expressed above emphasizing that
marriage is a "sacrament" (p. 61). Very important is the analogy
between marriage rites and love charms which Mr. Crawley points
out; the same has been said above (p. 41), where it was pointed out
that the Arunta love charm has its legal (=binding) aspect. Mr.
Crawley lays emphasis on the fact that all marriage ceremonies and
rites possess an _individualistic_ character (_loc. cit._, pp. 320
_sqq._). They refer always to individuals and not to groups, and
all their magical, religious (I would add _legal_) consequences
refer to the two individuals concerned and not to two groups.

P. 63. _Polygyny._ Although this fact had no special theoretical
bearing in any of my arguments, still it seems advisable to
state it here explicitly and with references for the sake of
completeness. Polygyny seems to be restricted to the old and
influential men, and to be rather an exception, although it seems
to be found in all tribes. _Cf._ Curr, _A.R._, i. pp. 106, 107, 110
_sqq._; Br. Smyth, ii. p. 291; Howitt, _T.R.S.V._, p. 115; Woods,
p. 191 (Meyer), and p. 222 (Schürmann); Angas, ii. p. 222; Curr,
_Recollections_, p. 129; Wilson, p. 143; Macgillivray, i. p. 151.
_Idem_, ii. p. 8; Hodgkinson, p. 230; Bennett, p. 173; Henderson,
p. 110; Roth, _Bull._ 10, p. 12; Tom Petrie, p. 61; Brown, p. 450;
Salvado, p. 278. Compare besides Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 440, and
the references given there.

Pp. 63, 64. _Levirate._ _Cf._ Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 510, for
Australian references and for the exposition and criticism of
different theories concerning this custom.

Pp. 64-66. _Divorce_ is mentioned by Roth (_Bull._ 10, pp. 11, 12).
Usually the man repudiates or gives away his wife.

Pp. 82-84. _Marital affection._ Mutual attachment and love between
man and wife is stated explicitly by Roth (_Bull._ 10, § 17).
It plays an important part in marriage arrangements (marriage
by elopement). That love must be prevalent among the Australian
savages is shown also by the different love charms they possess.
(Compare, for instance, above, p. 41, footnote 9).--Compare
Westermarck, _H.H.M._, p. 359, where Australian references are
given, and Chap. XVI. pp. 356 _sqq._, where the problem in general
is discussed.

Pp. 84-88. _Mourning and burial._ In Roth, _Bull._ 9, pp. 366,
367, we read that only after the elaborate mourning and burial
ceremonies have been finished and the dead man's spirit appeased
and got rid of, is the widow allowed to remarry. On pp. 394, 396
and 402, we read that the widow and widower have the greatest
share in these ceremonies. P. 381 recounts the severe ordeals
that a widow and widower have to undergo. Unfortunately it it
impossible to enter here into the many details given by Roth which
strongly confirm the views expressed above, in Chap. III. From the
description of mourning and burial customs among some tribes of New
South Wales, given by Mr. R. H. Mathews, it appears that the widow
has long and toilsome mourning duties; she is specially adorned,
she may not go out hunting, and has to chant customary lamentation
for several months (_Eth. Notes_, pp. 71, 72).

P. 93, footnote 4 and p. 107. _Incest._ Roth affirms that incest
is absolutely never perpetrated in the North Queensland tribes
(_Bull._ 10, pp. 2, 3).

Pp. 108-123. _Pirrauru not a group marriage._ Mr. A. Lang gives an
excellent criticism of the view that _Pirrauru_ is a survival of
ancient promiscuity. Still less tenable, of course, is the view
that it is actual group marriage. Lang, _The Secret of the Totem_,
Chap. III.--A similar view has been expounded by Mr. Crawley, _loc.
cit._, pp. 475-483.

Pp. 168 _sqq._ _Necessity of adapting sociological concepts to the
social and psychological conditions of the given society._ "It is
only in early modes of thought that we can find the explanation
of ceremonies and systems which originated in primitive society;
and, if ceremony and system are the concrete forms in which
human relations are expressed, an examination, ethnological and
psychological, of human relations is indispensable for inquiry
into human institutions." And, speaking of some previous inquiries
into human kinship, the same author adds: "They have interpreted
primitive custom by ideas which are far from primitive, which, in
fact, are relatively late and belong to the legal stage of human
culture. The attribution of legal conceptions to primitive thought
has had the usual effect of _a priori_ theory, and has checked
inquiry" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 1). The second phrase covers in
particular the views expounded above, pp. 185 _sqq._

P. 170. _Social factors of kinship._ "Habitual proximity and
contact is the strongest and most ordinary tie, and is earlier in
thought than the tie of blood" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 452).

P. 175. _Collective mind._ This expression does not postulate the
existence of any metaphysical entity--any mysterious spiritual
medium, independent of any human brains. Of course every
psychological process takes place in an individual mind. This term
is an abbreviation for denoting the _ensemble_ of "collective
ideas" and "collective feelings." And by these are expressed
such mental facts as are peculiar to a certain society, and at
the same time embodied in and expressed by its institutions. For
sociological purposes psychological facts must be treated from a
special point of view, and, to emphasize _that_, the adjective
"collective" seems appropriate. Compare p. 192, footnote 1.

Pp. 179-182. _Absence of social consanguinity in primitive
societies._ "The strong conception of the tie of blood, best seen
in feudal and semi-civilized societies, is by no means so strong in
primitive culture" (Crawley, _loc. cit._, p. 451).

P. 183. _The meaning of "kinship" ought not to be restricted to any
special set of ideas._ "'Kinship' in primitive thought is a vaguer
term than in later culture ... because the tie of blood had not
attained prominence over looser ties of contact" (Crawley, _loc.
cit._, p. 451).

Pp. 183, 184. _Couvade._ An extensive bibliography on this subject
is forthcoming in _Zeitschr. f. Ethnol._ Band 43. Heft iii. and
iv., pp. 560-63. Berlin, 1911.

Pp. 260-262. _Young females monopolized by old men._ Besides the
statements set forth in the text, I find three more collected by
Prof. Webster referring to the Queenslanders (Lumholtz), to the
West Australians (Frogatt), and to the Australians in general
(J. Matthew) (_loc. cit._, pp. 70, 71). Among the tribes of Northern
Queensland infant betrothal widely prevails; "the old men usually
getting the pick" (Roth, _Bull._ 10, pp. 3-7).

Pp. 262 _sqq._ The _bachelors' camp_ is mentioned by Roth (_Bull._
10, p. 4).

Pp. 272, 273. _Relations between brothers and sisters._ Mr. Crawley
has shown that avoidance between brother and sister, rooted in
apprehensions of mutual danger is the rule among savages. This is
corroborated by the scanty Australian evidence we possess. (See
_M.R._, _passim_; for references see Index under "Brother and
Sister").

Pp. 283-286. _Communism in food._ An interesting statement of an
old explorer concerning the aboriginal communism in food may be
adduced here. It refers to the North-Western blacks. "Be it little
or much that they get, every one has his part, as well the young
and tender as the old and feeble, who are not able to go abroad, as
the strong and lusty" (Dampier, _loc. cit._, p. 103).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. _List of Books used as Ethnographical Sources, referring to the Australian Aborigines._

ANGAS, G. F.: _Savage Life and Scenes in Australia and New Zealand_.
2 vols. London, 1847.

BARRINGTON, G.: _The History of New South Wales, including Botany
Bay, Port Jackson, Parramatta, Sidney and all its Dependencies_.
London, 1802.

BASEDOW, HERBERT: "Anthropological Notes on the Western Coastal
Tribes of the Northern Territory of South Australia"; in
_Transactions of the R. Soc. of S. Australia_, vol. xxxi.
Adelaide, 1907.

BATES, MRS. D. M.: Article in _Victorian Geographical Journal_,
vols. xxiii-xxiv. 1905-1906.

BENNETT, G.: _Wanderings in New South Wales_, etc. 2 vols. London,
1834.

BEVERIDGE, P.: _The Aborigines of Victoria and Riverina_. 1 vol.
Melbourne, 1889.

BONNEY, F.: "On some Customs of the Aborigines of the River Darling";
in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiii. London, 1884.

BROWNE, J.: "Die Eingeborenen Australiens"; in _Petermann's
Mittheilungen_. Gotha, 1856.

CAMERON, A. L. P.: "Notes on Some Tribes of New South Wales"; in
_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xiv. London, 1885.

CAMPBELL, MAJOR: "Geographical Memoir of Melville Island and Port
Essington, Northern Australia"; in _Journ. of the R. Geog. Soc._,
vol. iv. London, 1834.

CHAUNCY: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_,
vol. ii. London, 1878.

COLLINS, D.: _An Account of the English Colony in New South
Wales_, 2 vols. London, 1798-1802.

CRAWLEY, ERNEST: _The Mystic Rose_. London, 1902.

CURR, E. M.: _Recollections of Squatting in Victoria_. 1 vol.
Melbourne, 1883.

---- _The Australian Race_. 4 vols. Melbourne and London, 1886.

DAMPIER, W.: in "Early voyages to ... Australia," by R. H. Major,
_Hakluyt Society_. London, 1859.

DAWSON, J.: _Australian Aborigines_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1881.

DAWSON, ROB.: _The Present State of Australia_. London, 1831.

EARL, G. W.: "On the Aboriginal Tribes of the North Coast of
Australia"; in the _Journ. of the R. Geog. Soc._, vol. xvi.
London, 1846.

EYRE, E. J.: _Journals of Expeditions of Discovery into Central
Australia and Overland from Adelaide to King George's Sound, in
the Years 1840-41._ 2 vols. London, 1845.

FIELD BARRON: _Geographical Memoirs on New South Wales_, etc.
London, 1825.

FISON, L., and HOWITT, A. W.: "From Mother-right to Father-right";
in _Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xii. London, 1883.

---- _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_. 1 vol. Melbourne, 1880.

FORREST, J.: "On the Natives of Central and Western Australia"; in
_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. v., pp. 316 _sqq._ London, 1876.

FRASER, J.: _The Aborigines of New South Wales._ 1 vol. Sydney, 1892.

FRAZER, J. G.: "Notes on the Aborigines of Australia; Questions of
Prof. Frazer, and Answers of Several Correspondents"; in _Journ.
Anthr. Inst._, vol. xxiv. London, 1894-95.

GASON, S.: "The Manners and Customs of the Dieyerie Tribe"; in
Woods, _The Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

GERSTAECKER, F.: _Narrative of a Journey round the World_. 3 vols.
London, 1853.

GILL, T.: "Notes on South Australian Aborigines"; in _Proc. R.
Geogr. Soc. Australasia. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. x. Adelaide,
1907-1908, pp. 220 _sqq._

GILLEN, F.: Article in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol.
iv. Adelaide, 1889.

GREEN, J.: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_,
vol. i. London, 1878.

GREY, SIR G.: _Journals of Two Expeditions of Discovery in
North-West and Western Australia during the Years 1837, 1838,
1839_. 2 vols. London, 1841.

GRIBBLE, J. B.: _Black but Comely_. London, 1874.

HENDERSON, JOHN: _Excursions and Adventures in N. S. Wales_. 2 vols.
London, 1851.

HODGKINSON, CL.: _Australia from Port Macquarie to Moreton Bay_.
London, 1845.

HODGSON, C. P.: _Reminiscences of Australia_. London, 1846.

HOWITT, A. W.: "Australian Group Relations"; in _Smithsonian
Report_, 1883. Washington, 1885.

---- On the "Organization of Australian Tribes"; in _Transactions
of the Royal Society of Victoria_, vol. i., part ii. Melbourne,
1889.

---- "The Dieri and other kindred Tribes of Central Australia"; in
_Journ. Anthr. Inst._, vol. xx. London, 1891.

---- _The Native Tribes of South-East Australia_. 1 vol. London, 1904.

---- "The Native Tribes of South-East Australia"; in _Folk-Lore_,
vol. xvii. London, 1906.

---- _See also_ FISON, L., and HOWITT, A. W.

KRICHAUFF, F. E.: "The Customs, etc., of the Abdolinga Tribe, Central
Australia." Read before the R. Geog. Soc. of Australasia (South
Australian Branch), 1886. _Proceedings_, vol. ii. pp. 33 _sqq._
and 77 _sqq._

KÜHN: Article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and Kurnai_. Melbourne,
1880.

LANG, G. S.: _The Aborigines of Australia_. Melbourne, 1865.

LANG, J. D.: _Queensland_. London, 1861.

LEONHARDI, M. VON. _See_ STREHLOW.

LE SOUËF: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of Victoria_, 2
vols. London, 1878.

LUMHOLTZ, C.: _Among Cannibals_. 1 vol. London, 1889.

MCDOUGALL, A. C.: Article in _Science of Man_. 1900.

MACGILLIVRAY, JOHN: _Narrative of the Voyage of H.M.S. "Rattlesnake,"_
etc. 2 vols. London, 1852.

MATHEW, J.: _Two Representative Tribes of Queensland (the Kabi and
Wakka Tribes)_. London, Leipsic, 1910.

MATHEWS, D.: Article in _Proc. R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. iv.

MATHEWS, R. H.: Numerous short articles in various papers; chiefly
_Journ. and Proc. R. Soc. N. S. Wales_, _Amer. Anthropologist_,
_Proc. Amer. Philos. Soc._ In the present book the articles in
the first-named paper have chiefly been used, and an explicit
reference in each case is given. Numerous references and
bibliographies of his own articles are to be found in Mr. Mathew's
publications. Cf. "Ethnological Notes on the Aboriginal Tribes of
N. S. Wales and Victoria" (Sydney, 1905); which is a reprint from
the _Journ. and Proc. R.S.N.S.W._, vol. xxxviii. Sydney, 1904.

MEYER, H. E. A.: "Manners and Customs of the Aborigines of the
Encounter Bay Tribe"; in Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_.
Adelaide, 1879.

MITCHELL, Major T. L.: _Three Expeditions into the Interior of Eastern
Australia_. 2 vols. London, 1838.

MOORE, G. F.: _A descriptive Vocabulary of the Language of Aborigines
of Western Australia._ London, 1884.

MOORE-DAVIES, J.: Article in R. B. Smyth's _The Aborigines of
Victoria_, vol. ii. London, 1878.

MORGAN, JOHN: _Life and Adventures of William Buckley_. Hobart, 1852.

NEWLAND, S.: "The Parkengees" (Darling Riv.); in _Proc. R.G.S.A.
(S. Austr. Branch)_. vol. ii. 3rd session.

NIND, SCOTT: _Description of the Natives of King George's Sound_.
London, 1831.

North Queensland Ethnography (chiefly by W. E. Roth), Bulletins 1-8.
Brisbane, 1901-1906. Bulletins 9-18; in _Records of the Australian
Museum_, vols. vi.-viii. Sydney, 1890-1910. Bull. No. 9 in vol. vi.
No. 5.--Bull. No. 10 in vol. vii. No. 1.--Bull. No. 11 in vol.
vii. No. 2.--Bull. No. 12 in vol. vii. No. 3.--Bull. No. 13 in vol.
vii. No. 4.--Bulls. Nos. 14-18 in vol. viii. No. 1.

OLDFIELD, A.: "On the Aborigines of Australia"; in the _Transactions
of the Ethnological Society_, vol. iii. London, 1865.

PALMER, E.: "Notes on Some Australian Tribes"; in _Journ. Anthr.
Inst._, vol. xiii. London, 1884.

PARKER, MRS. K. L.: _The Euahlayi Tribe_. London, 1905.

PARKHOUSE: Article in _Reports Austr. Assoc. Adv. Science_, vol. vi.
Sydney, 1895.

PETRIE, TOM: _Reminiscences_. Brisbane, 1905.

PHILLIP, A.: _An Authentic and Interesting Narrative_, etc. London,
1789.

PURCELL, B. H.: "The Aborigines of Australia"; in _Transactions of
the Royal Geographical Society of Australasia_ (Victorian Branch),
vol. xi. Melbourne, 1894.

ROTH, W. E.: _Ethnological Studies among the North-West Central
Queensland Aborigines_. 1 vol. Brisbane and London, 1897.

---- Article in the _Proc. of the Royal Society of Queensland_,
vol. xvii, part II. Brisbane, 1903.

---- _See under_ North Queensland Ethnography.

RUSDEN, G. W.: An article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and
Kurnai_.

SALVADO, RUDESINDO: _Mémoires Historiques sur l'Australie_. 1 vol.
Paris, 1854.

_Science of Man_ and _Australasian Anthropological Journal_ (New
Series). Sydney, 1898, etc. Some articles from this series have
been used and quoted with detailed references.

SCHULTZE, L.: "The Aborigines of the Upper and Middle Fink River";
_Transactions of the R. Soc. South Australia_, vol. xiv. Part II.
Adelaide, 1891.

SCHÜRMANN, C. W.: "The Aboriginal Tribes of Port Lincoln"; in
Woods, _Native Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

SMYTH, R. BROUGH: _The Aborigines of Victoria_, 2 vols. Melbourne
and London, 1878.

SPENCER, B.: Notice in _Athenæum_, Nov. 4, 1911.

SPENCER, BALDWIN, and GILLEN, F. J.: _The Northern Tribes of Central
Australia_, 1 vol. London, 1904.

---- _The Native Tribes of Central Australia_. 1 vol. London, 1899.

STÄHLE, REV. J. H.: Article in Fison and Howitt's _Kamilaroi and
Kurnai_.

STANBRIDGE, W. E.: "General Characteristics ... of the Tribes
of the Central Part of Victoria"; in _Transactions of the
Ethnological Society_, vol. i. London, 1861.

STREHLOW, C.: "Die Aranda und Loritja-Stämme in Zentral-Australien,"
Bearbeitet von Moritz Freiherrn von Leonhardi; in
_Veröffentlichungen aus dem städtischen Museum zu Frankfurt_.
4 parts. Frankfort on the Main, 1907, etc.

SUTTON, T. M.: "The Adjahdurah Tribe" (Yorke's Peninsula), _Proc.
R.G.S.A. (S. Austr. Branch)_, vol. ii. 3rd session.

TAPLIN, G.: "The Narrinyeri"; in Wood's _Native Tribes_. Adelaide,
1879.

TENCH, W.: _A complete Account of the Settlement at Port Jackson
in N. S. Wales_. London, 1793.

TURNBULL, JOHN: _A Voyage round the World in the Years 1800-1804_.
London, 1813.

WAITZ, T., and GERLAND, G.: _Anthropologie der Naturvölker_, vol.
vi. Leipsic, 1872.

WILHELMI, CHARLES: "Manners and Customs of the Australian Natives"
(Port Lincoln); in the _Transactions of the R. S. of Victoria_,
vol. v.

WILKES, CH.: _Narrative of the United States Exploring
Expedition_. 2 vols. London, 1852.

WILKES, CH.: _Narrative of the United States Exploring Expedition_,
5 vols. Philadelphia, 1844.

WILSON, T. B.: _Narrative of a Voyage round the World_. London, 1835.

WILLSHIRE, W. H.: _The Aborigines of Central Australia_. Adelaide,
1891.

WITHNELL, J. G.: _The Customs and Traditions of the Aboriginal
Natives of N. W. Australia_. Roeburne, 1901.

WOODS, J. D.: _The Native Tribes of South Australia_, 1 vol. Adelaide,
1879.

WYATT, W.: "Some Account of the Manners and Superstitions of the
Adelaide and Encounter Bay Aboriginal Tribes"; in Wood's _Native
Tribes of South Australia_. Adelaide, 1879.

II. _List of other Works quoted in the Text._

AVEBURY, LORD: _The Origin of Civilization_. London, 1902.

BÜCHER, KARL: _Die Entstehung der Volkswirtschaft_. Tübingen, 1904.

CUNOW, H.: _Die Verwandtschafts-Organisationen der Australneger_.
Stuttgart, 1894.

DARGUN, L.: _Mutterrecht und Vaterrecht_. Leipsic, 1892.

DARWIN, CHARLES: _The Descent of Man_. London, 1890.

DURKHEIM, ÉMILE: _De la division du travail social_. Paris, 1893.

---- Reviews of books on family; in _Année sociologique_, vol. i.
1896-97. Paris, 1898.

FRAZER, J. G.: _Totemism and Exogamy_. 4 vols. London, 1910.

GENNEP, ARNOLD VAN: _Mythes et Légendes d'Australie._ Paris, 1906.

GIDDINGS, F. H.: _The Principles of Sociology_. New York, 1896.

GOMME, SIR LAURENCE: "Folklore as an Historical Science"; in _The
Antiquary's Books_. London, 1908.

GRAEBNER, F.: Article in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_. 1905.
Berlin, 1905.

GROSSE, ERNST: _Die Formen der Familie und die Formen der
Wirthschaft._ Freiburg i. B. and Leipsic, 1896.

HADDON, A. C.: _Reports of the Cambridge Anthropological Expedition
to Torres Straits_, vols. v. and vi. Cambridge, 1904.

HARTLAND, EDWIN SIDNEY: _Primitive Paternity._ 2 vols. London, 1909.

KOHLER, J.: "Über das Recht der Australneger"; in _Zeitschr. f.
vergleichende Rechtswiss._, vol. vii. Stuttgart.

LANG, ANDREW: _The Secret of the Totem._ London, 1905.

---- Article in the _Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_.
Oxford, 1907.

---- "The Origin of Terms of Human Relationship"; in _Proceedings of
the British Academy_. London, 1909.

LÉVY-BRUHL, L.: _Les Fonctions mentales dans les sociétés inférieurs._
Paris, 1910.

MACLENNAN: _Studies in Ancient History._ London, 1886.

MORGAN, L. H.: _Ancient Society._ London, 1877.

---- "Systems of Consanguinity and Affinity of the Human Family";
in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, vol. xvii. Washington,
1871.

NIEBOER, H. J.: _Slavery as an Industrial System._ The Hague, 1900.

POST, A. H.: _Grundriss der ethnologischen Jurisprudenz._ 2 vols.
Oldenburg and Leipsic, 1894-95.

REITZENSTEIN, FRHR. V.: Article in _Zeitschrift für Ethnologie_,
vol. xli. Berlin.

RIVERS, W. H. R.: _The Todas._ London, 1906.

---- "On the Origin of the Classificatory System of Relationships"; in
_Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor_. Oxford, 1907.

---- Several chapters in _Reports, Cambridge Expedition_, etc.
_See under_ Haddon.

---- "The Genealogical Method of Anthropological Inquiry"; in
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SCHMIDT, FR. W.: "Die Stellung d. Aranda"; in _Zeitschr. f. Ethn._,
1908.

SELIGMANN, C. G.: _The Melanesians of British New Guinea._ Cambridge,
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STEINMETZ, S. R.: "Das Verhältnis zwischen Eltern und Kindern bei
den Naturvölkern"; in _Zeitschr. f. Sozialwissensch._, vol. i.
Berlin, 1898.

---- "Die neueren Forschungen zur Geschichte der menschlichen
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---- _Ethnologische Studien zur ersten Entwickelung der Strafe._ 2
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THOMAS, N. W.: _Kinship Organisations and Group Marriage in
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WEBSTER, HUTTON: _Primitive Secret Societies._ New York, 1908.

WESTERMARCK, EDWARD A.: _The History of Human Marriage._ London, 1901.

---- _The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas._ 2 vols.
London, 1908.

WHEELER, G. C.: _The Tribe, and Intertribal Relations in Australia._
With a prefatory note by E. A. Westermarck. London, 1910.

INDEX

Abduction, considered as a crime, 38, 39, 41, 55
Adoption, alternative for infanticide, 247
Adultery, punishment of, 92-97, 99, 103, 124
Affection:
Between husband and wife, 68, 70-74, 82-84, 307
Parental, 191-197, 238-257, 269-272, 299
Aggregation, social, its influences, 132-134
Alatunja:
Head of local group, 143
Position hereditary among the Arunta, 225-226
Alcheringa ancestors, reincarnation belief, 214, 215, 218, 221
Allotment of females, its consequences, 60.
_See also_ Infant Betrothal
Altjira, term explained, 215
Ancestors, reincarnation beliefs discussed, 212-233
Angas, G. F., on--marriage customs, 261;
maternal love, 239;
mode of living, 138;
relations between husband and wife, 70;
women's work, 276
Animism, fatherhood as determined by animistic ideas, 227-229
Anjea, supernatural being, 228
Annihilation, aboriginal belief in, asserted, 215-216
Anula, tribe:
Marriage customs, 42, 51
Reincarnation and kinship ideas, 220
Aralkililima ceremony, 85
Arunta nation:
Camping rules, 265
Ceremonial licence, 106
Division of labour, 278
Hereditary position of Alatunja, 225-226
Infanticide and motive for, 236
Marriage customs, 41-42
Mourning ceremonies, 85-86
Procreation and reincarnation beliefs, 209, 212, 216, 220-221
Relations of husband and wife,72
Treatment of children, 244-245
Tribal government, 13
Atninga, avenging party, 13
Authority:
Marital, 67, 68-74, 76, 77-79, 302
Parental, 254-256
_See also_ Law
Avebury, Lord, on primitive law, 10