Chapter XII: Part 12

“Ferdinand Magellan went to Castile to the port of Seville, where he married the daughter of a man of importance, with the design of navigating on the sea, because he was very learned in the art of pilots, which is that of the sphere. The emperor kept the House of Commerce in Seville, with the overseers of the treasury, with great powers, and much seafaring traffic, and fleets for abroad. Magellan, bold with his knowledge, and with the readiness which he had to annoy the King of Portugal, spoke to the overseers of this House of Commerce, and told them that Malacca, and Maluco, the islands in which cloves grew, belonged to the emperor on account of the demarcation drawn between them both [the Kings of Spain and Portugal]: for which reason the King of Portugal wrongfully possessed these lands: and that he would make this certain before all the doctors who might contradict him, and would pledge his head for it. The overseers replied to him, that they well knew that he was speaking truth, and that the emperor also knew it, but that the emperor had no navigation to that part, because he could not navigate through the sea within the demarcation of the King of Portugal. Magellan said to them: ‘If you would give me ships and men, I would show you navigation to those parts, without touching any sea or land of the King of Portugal; and if not, they might cut off his head.’ The overseers, much pleased at this, wrote it to the emperor, who answered them that he had pleasure in the speech, and would have much more with the deed; and that they were to do everything to carry out his service, and the affairs of the King of Portugal, which were not to be meddled with; rather than that everything should be lost. With this answer from the emperor, they spoke with Magellan, and became much more convinced by what he said, that he would navigate and show a course outside of the seas of the King of Portugal; and that if they gave him the ships he asked for, and men and artillery, he would fulfil what he had said, and would discover new lands which were in the demarcation of the emperor, from which he would bring gold, cloves, cinnamon, and other riches. The overseers hearing this, with a great desire to render so great a service to the emperor as the discovery of this navigation, and to make this matter more certain, brought together pilots and men learned in the sphere, to dispute upon the matter with Magellan, who gave such reasons to all, that they agreed with what he said, and affirmed that he was a very learned man. So the overseers at once made agreements with him, and arrangements, and powers, and regulations, which they sent to the emperor, who confirmed everything, reserving specially the navigation of the King of Portugal; thus he commanded and prohibited, and ordered that everything which Magellan asked for should be given him. On this account, Magellan went to Burgos, where the emperor was, and kissed his hand, and the emperor gave him a thousand cruzados alimony for the expenses of his wife whilst he was on his voyage, set down in the rolls of Seville, and he gave him power of life and death[453] over all persons who went in the fleet, of which he should be captain-major, with regard to which he assigned him large powers. So, on his return to Seville, they equipped for him five small ships, such as he asked for, equipped and armed as he chose, with four hundred men-at-arms, and they were laden with the merchandise which he asked for. The overseers told him to give the captaincies, with regard to which he excused himself, saying that he was new in the country and did not know the men; and that they should seek out men who would be good and faithful in the emperor’s service, and who would rejoice to endure hardships in his service, and the bad life which they would have to go through in the voyage. The overseers were obliged to him for this, and held it to be good advice, and decided to inform the captains they might make, and the crews they might take, of the powers which he had received from the emperor. This they did, and they sought in Seville for trustworthy men for captains, who were Juan de Cartagena, Luis de Mendoça, Juan Serrano, Pero de Quesada. This fleet having been fitted out, and the crews paid for six months, he sailed from San Lucar de Barrameda in August of the year 1519. So he navigated to the Canary Islands, and took in water; whilst he was there a vessel arrived with letters from his father-in-law,[454] in which he warned him to keep a good watch for his personal safety, because he had learned that the captains whom he took with him had said to their friends and relations, that if he annoyed them they would kill him, and would rise up against him. To this he replied, that he would do them no injuries so that they should have reason to act thus; and on that account he had not appointed them, but the overseers, who knew them, had given them; and whether they were good or bad, he would labour to do the service of the emperor, and for that they had offered their lives. The father-in-law showed this answer to the overseers, who greatly praised the good heart of Magellan.”

“He sailed from the Canaries of Tanarife, and made the Cape Verde, whence he crossed over to the coast of Brazil, and there entered a river which is named Janeiro. There went, as chief pilot, a Portuguese named Joan Lopes Carvalhinho, who had already been in this river, and took with him a son whom he had gotten there of a woman of the country. From this place they went on sailing until they reached the Cape of Santa Maria, which Joan of Lisbon had discovered in the year 1514; thence they went to the river San Julian. While they were there taking in water and wood, Juan de Cartagena, who was sub-captain-major, agreed with the other captains to rise up, saying that Magellan had got them betrayed and entrapped. As they understood that Gaspar de Quesada was a friend of Magellan’s, Juan de Cartagena got into his boat at night, with twenty men, and went to the ship of Gaspar Quesada, and went in to speak to him, and took him prisoner,[455] and made a relation of his captain of the ship, in order that all three might go at once to board Magellan and kill him, and after that they would reduce the other ship of Joan Serrano, and would take the money and goods, which they would hide, and would return to the emperor, and would tell him that Magellan had got them entrapped and deceived, having broken faith with his instructions, since he was navigating in seas and countries of the King of Portugal: for which deed they would get first a safe conduct from the emperor. So they arranged matters for their treason, which turned out ill for them.”

“Magellan had some suspicion of this matter, and before this should happen, he sent his skiff to the ships to tell the captains that the masters were to arrange their ships for beaching them to careen them; and with this pretext he warned a servant of his to notice what the captains answered. When this skiff came to the revolted ships they did not let it come alongside, saying that they would not execute any orders except those of Juan de Cartagena, who was their captain-major. The skiff having returned with this answer, Magellan spoke to Ambrosio Fernandes,[456] his chief constable, a valiant man, and gave him orders what he was to do, and to go secretly armed; and he sent a letter to Luis de Mendoça by him, with six men in the skiff, whom the chief constable selected. And the current set towards the ships, and Magellan ordered his master to bend a long hawser,[457] with which he might drop down to the ships if it suited him. All being thus arranged, the skiff went, and coming alongside of Luiz de Mendoça, they would not let him come on board. So the chief constable said to the captain that it was weakness not to bid him enter, as he was one man alone who was bringing a letter. Upon which the captain bade him enter. He came on board, and giving him the letter, took him in his arms, shouting: ‘On behalf of the emperor, you are arrested!’ At this the men of the skiff came on board with their swords drawn; then the chief constable cut the throat of Luis de Mendoça with a dagger, for he held him thrown down under him, for so Magellan had given him orders. Upon this a tumult arose, and Magellan hearing it, ordered the hawser to be paid out, and with his ship dropped down upon the other ships, with his men under arms, and the artillery in readiness. On reaching the ship of Mendoça, he ordered six men to be hung at the yard-arms, who had risen up against the chief constable, and these were seized upon by the sailors of the ship, of which he at once made captain, Duarte Barbosa, a Portuguese, and a friend of his: and he ordered the corpse of Mendoça to be hung up by the feet, that they might see him from the other ships. He then ordered Barbosa to prepare the men for going and boarding one of the other ships; and to avoid doing the harm which it was in its power to have done, and since he was a Portuguese, and the crews belonged to the emperor, he used a stratagem, and spoke secretly to a sailor, whom he trusted, who fled to the ship of Cartagena, where, at night when the current set for Magellan’s ship, which was astern, the sailor seeing his opportunity, cut the cable or loosed the ship of Cartagena, so that it drifted upon that of Magellan, who came up, shouting: ‘Treason! treason!’ Upon which he entered the ship of Cartagena, and took him and his men prisoners, and made captain of the ship one Alvaro de Mesquita, whom Cartagena had arrested and put in irons, because he found fault with him for the mutiny which he was making. Seeing this, the other ship at once surrendered. He ordered Cartagena to be quartered, having him publicly cried as a traitor; and the body of Luis de Mendoça also was quartered; and he ordered the quarters and the executed men to be set on shore, spitted on poles. So the Castilians had great fear of him, for he kept the mutineers prisoners in irons, and set to the pumps, during three months that he remained in this river, in which he careened and refitted his ships very well.”

“When he was about to set sail, he ordered the prisoners to be set at liberty, and pardoned them, and he sent them to go along the shore, following the bank of the river until they found the headland from which they could see the sea on the other side; and whoever returned to him with this news he would give him a hundred ducats as a reward for good news. These men went for more than forty leagues, and returned without news; and they brought back two men, fifteen spans high, from a village which they found. He then sent Serrano, because his vessel was the smallest, to go along the river to discover its extremity; and he went with a strong current, which carried him without wind. And, going along thus, his ship grounded on some rocks, on which it was lost, and the boat returned laden with the crew. Magellan sent the boats thither, and they saved everything, so that only the hull was lost. Then he ordered two priests, who had taken part in the mutiny, to be set on shore, and a brother of Cartagena, whom he pardoned at the petition of Mesquita, and he left them thus banished.”

“Then he sailed from the river and ran along the coast until he reached a river, to which they gave the name of Victoria, and which had high land on either side. From this river Mesquita’s ship ran away, and it was not known whether they had killed him, or if he had gone of his own accord; but an astrologer and diviner told him that the captain was a prisoner, and that they were returning to Castile, but that the emperor would do them an injury.”

“Then Magellan, with the three ships which he had, entered the river, through which he ran for more than a hundred leagues, and came out on the other side into the open sea, where he had a stern wind from the east, with which they ran for more than five months without lowering their sails, and they fetched some uninhabited islands, in one of which they found some savages, who lived in huts underground. They went to another island where they gave them gold for its weight of iron, by which means they collected much gold: the people also were of a good disposition, and had a king. They were well governed people, who were at war with other neighbours who were more powerful than themselves; for which reason the king became Christian, with all his people, in order that Magellan might assist him against his enemies. This Magellan offered to do, and with his armed men, and the people of the country, he went against the enemy, of whom he killed many, and burned a village. The enemy got assistance from others, and many came to fight with Magellan, who defeated them, and the struggle was a severe one. They acted with cunning, for they had placed ambuscades of men hidden in the bush, who, seeing the Castilians wearied, came out against them and killed many, and another ambuscade came out of the bush to seize the boats, which were on the beach without men: then the king came out, and fought with them, and defended the boats, and brought off the men.”

“The king who had fled, seeing himself defeated, plotted treachery with the Christian king, and made an agreement with him to give him his daughter in marriage, and plighted his troth to him, that when he died, for he was already old, all would remain to him, and they would always live as friends; because the Castilians would depart, and if he did not act thus he would always make war on him: and this was with the condition that he was to find him means for killing the Castilians. And the Christian king, like a brutal man, consented to the treachery, and prepared a great feast and banquet for carrying it out, to which he invited Magellan, who went to the banquet with thirty men, of the most honourable and well dressed: while they were enjoying themselves at the banquet, the armed enemies entered, and killed Magellan, and all the Castilians, and none of them escaped, and they stripped Serrano, and dragging him along, brought him to the beach, where they executed him, and killed him thrown down on the ground.[458]”

“Those who were in the ships, seeing the misfortune on shore, which the sailors who had gone in the boats related to them, raised up from among them as captain, Carvalhinho, the pilot of the flag-ship, whom all obeyed. He ordered one of the ships, which was very leaky, to be stripped, and set fire to it in the midst of the sea, so that the people on shore should not profit by the iron, and he made captain of the ship of Serrano one Gonzalo Gomez d’Espinosa, who was a relation of the astrologer,[459] who also died with Magellan, and did not divine the evil which befel him.”

“The two ships departed thence, running between many islands, and they went to one which had much very fine cinnamon. From this place they went running through many islands to the island of Borneo, where they found in the port many merchant junks from all the parts of Malacca, which made frequent visits to Borneo. Here Carvalhinho sent a present to the king of scarlet cloth, and coloured silks, and other things, with which the king was much pleased, and he did him great honour, and gave him leave and safe conduct to remain on shore for twenty days, for such was their custom to give to new people, the first time that they came to their port, in which they could buy and sell freely as much as they pleased. But the king, knowing how much goods the ships contained, got up a plot to kill them, and take the ships. This treachery was concerted by the king with the Javanese who were in the port in large junks; and for this object the king showed great honour to those who went on shore, and sent refreshments to the ships, and leave to remain in the port as long as they pleased. Carvalhinho became suspicious at this, and ordered good watch to be kept day and night, and did not allow more than one or two men to go ashore. The king perceiving this sent to beg Carvalhinho to send him his son who had brought the present, because his little children who had seen him, were crying to see him. He sent him, very well dressed, with four men, who, on arriving where the king was, were ordered by him to be arrested. When Carvalhinho knew this he raised his moorings, and with armed men went to board a junk which was filled with many people and ready to sail. They entered this junk and plundered much gold and rich stuffs, and captured a son of the King of Luzon, who was captain of the junk and of three others which were in the port, and who had come in them to marry a daughter of this King of Borneo. They found in this junk valuable things of gold and jewellery which he had brought for his wedding; and they found there three girls of extreme beauty, whom Carvalhinho took care of, saying that he would take them to the emperor: at which all rejoiced. But he did not act thus, but slept with them, so that the Castilians were near killing him; but he divided with the Castilians so liberally that they became friends; for he agreed with the bridegroom, that he and his people should escape by night, and for that should give him much wealth of precious stones, and by night they got away by swimming; and Carvalhinho pretended to have been asleep, and woke up complaining of the watch. But the Castilians understood the deceit, and took Carvalhinho and put him in irons, and took from him all he had, and raised up as captain one Juan Bautista, master of the ship, because he understood pilot’s work.[460]”

“Thence they sailed and went to Maluco, Ternate, and Tidore, where they took to the kings the presents which Magellan had set apart for them. They paid them great honour, and received them hospitably, for they also gave to their ministers; and to the kings they gave an embassage on the part of the emperor, relating to them his magnificence, so that both soon obeyed him, and did homage as vassals for ever; and they established trade and prices for buying and selling, and established factories on shore, and began to collect cloves, and very much was brought to them, because the Castilians gave what they asked, for they had a superfluity of merchandise; thus they became lords of the land. As the ships were much injured, they patched them up a little, the best they could, and hastened to fill both ships with cargo, which they did in one month. When they were about to sail there came to the Castilians a Portuguese, named Juan de la Rosa, who had come to Ternate, saying he was a pilot, and would take them to Castile, upon which they agreed with him to give him fifty quintals of cloves in each ship, because he said he would take them to the island of Banda, which had more riches than Maluco. So the Castilians rejoiced greatly at taking this man back to the emperor, for the greater certainty as to their discovery. This Juan de la Rosa warned the Castilians that they would come from India and seek for them, and kill them all, for this was spoken of in India. To this the Castilians gave much credit, and on that account did him great honour. They settled with the King of Tidore to leave with him a factor with the merchandise, which they had, because many ships would soon come, sent by the emperor; for which reason they should have much cloves collected together. They then set sail, making de la Rosa captain of the ship of Carvalhinho.”

“When they were at sea they freed him from his irons, from the need they felt for his navigation, and they went to the island of Banda, where they restored to Carvalhinho his captaincy, and they went to Banda, where they took samples of nutmeg and mace, as they had nowhere to take in cargo of it. All having been consulted, they set sail to make for the Cape of Good Hope, and navigate thence to Castile, for they did not dare take any other course. Setting sail with this design, they met with hard weather, with which the ship of Carvalhinho put into port, and that of la Rosa continued her course. Carvalhinho put into Maluco, where he discharged half the ship’s cargo, and heeled her over, and repaired her as well as possible; this he did in twenty days, and again set to taking in cargo and departing; but he fell ill with the labour, and died on setting sail. They made Gonzalo Gomez d’Espinosa captain of the ship again, and he, by the instructions of Carvalhinho, took a course to search for the river (strait) through which they had come; but when at sea, the ship again took in so much water, that they ran before the wind to beach her on the first land they made, which was in Batochina, where they beached the ship, and saved from her no great quantity of goods. Whilst they were at this juncture D. Gracia Anriques arrived at Maluco, with a ship to take in cloves, which came from Malaca, and learning how these Castilians were there he sent to call them under his safe conduct, that they should all come, because if they did not he would hold them as enemies, and would go at once and fetch them. The Castilians therefore, constrained by fortune, went to where D. Gracia was, like as men who were lost, so that D. Gracia had compassion upon them, and gave them a good reception, and supplied them with necessaries, and having laden his ship, he embarked them all with him, and they were more than thirty, and he took them to Malaca, where Jorge d’Albuquerque was captain, who ordered the factor to give them provisions for their maintenance, and in the monsoon to send them to India, where D. Duarte [de Meneses] was governor. He commanded those who chose to be written down in the rolls for pay, and he forbade the ships of the kingdom to take them, that they might not return to Castile; and in fact all died, only Gonzalo Gomes d’Espinosa passed to Portugal in the year 1525, and he was made a prisoner in Lisbon, and set at liberty by a letter which the empress sent to the king.”

“The other ship followed its course, so that la Rosa made the Cape of Good Hope, and while she was going near the land Pero Coresma, who was going to India in a small ship, met her, and spoke her; and he was told she belonged to the emperor, and came from Maluco, and it did not come into his understanding to send her to the bottom, that she might not return to Castile, and the ship entered the watering place of Saldanha, and thence fetched Cape Verde, where they went ashore to get wood and water; there some Portuguese, learning that the ship came from Maluco, took the boat when it came ashore, with twenty Castilians; and as there was no ship in the port they got into a boat to go and capture the ship; but the ship seeing the boat come with armed men, for the arms glittered, weighed and set sail for Cape St. Vincent, and thence entered San Lucar with thirteen men, for now there were no more, and it arrived in the year 1521. From Cape Verde they wrote to the king about the Castilians, who remained there; the king ordered that they should let them go till they died, but never to allow them to embark for any port; and so it was done.”

COST OF MAGELLAN’S FLEET.

_From Navarrete_, Document No. XVII.

The _Conception_ was of ninety tons.
„ _Victoria_ „ eighty-five tons.
„ _S. Antonio_ „ a hundred and twenty tons.
„ _Trinity_ „ a hundred and ten tons.
„ _Santiago_ „ seventy-five tons.

+Summary+:
_Maravedis._
Five ships, with rigging, artillery, and arms, cost 3,912,241
Five ships, of 445 tons, five more or less, which
makes each ton come to a cost of 8,791½
_maravedis_.
Various necessaries 415,060
Provisions, biscuit, wine, oil, fish, meat, cheese,
vegetables, and barrels 1,585,551
Four months pay for 237 persons 1,154,504
Merchandise 1,679,769
————-
Total 8,751,125
————-

THE END.

APPENDIX No. I.

✠
Senhor.

Acerqua do negoceo de fernam de magalhaes en tenho feito e trabalhado quanto deus sabe, como lhe largamente tenho esprito, e agora estando xebres doente falei niso muito ryjo a el Rei apresentando lhe todolos enconuinientos que neste caso auia, apresentando lhe alem das outras cousas, quam fea cousa era e quam desacostumada receber hum Rei os uasalos doutro Rei seu amigo contra sua vontade que era cousa que antre caualeiros se nom acustumaua e se auia por mui grande erro e cousa mui feia e que en nom acabaua em ualhadoly de lhe oferecer uosa pesoa e reinos e senhorios quando ele ja recebya estes contra uoso prazer que lhe pedia que oulhase que nom era tempo pera descontentar uosalteza e mais em cousa que lhe tam pouco inportaua e tam incerta e que muitos uasalos e omens tinha pera fazer seuos descobrimentos quando fore tempo e nam c os que de uosalteza uinham descontentes e de que uosalteza nom podia de deixar de ter sospeita que auiam de trabalhar mais por uos desseruir que por ninhūa outra cousa e que su alteza tinha ainda agora tanto que fazer em descobrir seuos reinos e senhorios e em os asentar que lhe nom deuiam de lembrar taes nouidades de que se podiam seguir escandolos e outras cousas que se bem podiam escusar apresentando lhe tambem quam mal isto parecia em anno e tempo de tal casamento e acrecentamento de divido e amor. E que me parecia que uosalteza syntiria muito saber que estes omens lhe pedem licença e nom lha dar pera se tornarem que eram ja douos males recebedos contra sua uontade e telos contra uontade deles que eu lhe pedia polo que compria a seu seruiço e de uosalteza que de duas fizese hūa ou lhe dese licença ou sobre-esteuese neste negocio este anno em que se nom perderia muito e se poderia tomar tal meio como ele fore seruido e uosalteza nom recebese desprazer do modo com que se isto faz.

Ele senhor fycou tam espantado do que lhe dyse que eu me espantei e me respondeo as milhores palauras do mundo e que ele por ninhūa cousa nom queria que se fizese cousa de que uosalteza recebese desprazer e muitas outras boas palauras e que eu falase com ho cardeal e que lhe fizese relaçam de tudo.

Eu senhor o tynha ja bem praticado com ho cardeal que he a milhor cousa que qua ha e lhe nom parece bem este negoceo e me prometeo de trabalhar quanto podese por se escusar. Falou com el Rei e chamaram per isto ho bispo de burgos que he o que sostem este negocio. E asy huns douos do conselho tornaram a fazer crer a el Rei que ele nom eraua nisto a uosalteza porque nom mandaua descobrir senam dentro no seu lemite e mui longe das cousas de uosalteza e que uosalteza nom auia dauer por mal de se seruir de douos uasalos seuos homens de pouca sustancia seruindo se uosalteza de muitos dos naturaes de castela alegando outras muitas razōes. In fim me dise o cardeal que o bispo e aqueles insistiam tanto nisto que por ora el Rei nom podya tomar outra detriminaçam.

Tanto que xebres foi sam lhe tornei a presentar este negoceo como digo e muito mais ele da a culpa a estes castelhanos que pōi el Rei nisto e com tudo que ele falara a el Rey e nos dias pasados o requeri muito sobre isto e nunca tomou detriminaçam e asi creio que fara agora a mim senhor parece me que uosalteza pode recolher fernam de magalhāes que sera grande bofetada pera estes que polo bacharel nom dou eu muito que anda casi fora de seu syso. E fiz diligencia com dom jorge acerqua da yda laa do seu alcayde e ele diz que hira em toda maneira asy senhor que isto esta desta maneira e com tudo eu nunca deixarei de trabalhar nisto o que poder.

E nom cuide vosalteza que dise muito a el Rei no que lhe dise porque alem de ser tudo verdade o que dise esta gente como dygo nom sente nada nem el Rei tem liberdade pera dy sy fazer ate ora nada e por iso se deue de syntyr menos suas cousas. noso senhor a uida e estado de vosalteza acrecente a seu santo seruiço. de saragoça terça feira a noyte xxviii dias de setembro [1518].

Beijo as māos de uosa alteza,
+Aluaro da costa+.

(Torre do Tombo, Gav. 18, Maç. 8, No. 38.)

No. II.

Sen̄or,

em xv deste Julho ꝓ chavascas moço dest’beyra R. duas cartas de vosa alteza hūa de xviij e outra de xxix do mes pasado que entendy e sem a segᵈᵃ Resumyr Respondo a vosa alteza.

Sam agora vindos em companhia a esta cidade xpovā de harōo e Jᵒ de cartajena feitor moor darmada e capitam de hū navio e o tesoureyᵒ e esc’vā desta armada e nos Regimᵗᵒˢ que trazem ha capᵒˢ contrarios ao rregmᵗᵒ de frnā de magalhāes E vistos p̃llo contador e feitores da casa da contʳtaçam como posam mall engulyr as cousas de magalhaēes foram logo da opiniam dos que novaᵐᵗᵉ vieram.

E juntos mandarā chamar frnā de magalhaēes e q̃seram dele sabr̃ a ordem desta armada e a causa por que na qʳta nāao n̄o ya capitā somᵗᵉ carvalho que era piloto e nō capitam, dise que elle a queria asy levar ꝓa levar o foroll e as vezes se pasar aela.

E lhe diseram que levava mᵗᵒˢ portugeses e que nō era bem que levase tantos Respondeo que ele faria na armada o q̃ qꝫsese sem lhe dar coᵗᵃ e que elles o no podiam fazʳ sem a darē a elle pasaranse tantas e tam mas Rezoēes q̃ os feitores mandarā pagar soldo a jente do maar e darmas e nō a nēhūes dos portugeses q̃ frn̄a de magalhaēes e Ruy faleiro tem ꝓa levar e a ysto se fez correeo a corte de castela.

E por eu v̄r a materia aberta e t̄po bē conveniente ꝓa dizʳ o que me vosa alteza mādo me fuy a pousada de magalhaēes onde o achey conçertando cortiços e arcas com vitoalha de consʳvas e outᵃˢ cousas apʳtey o fingindo que p̃llo achar naquele acto que me pareçia conclusā da obra de seu māao ꝓposyto e por que esta seria a derradrᵃ fala q̃ lhe faria lhe queria rreduzir a memoriam quantas vezes como bom portuges e seu amygo lhe avia falado contʳᵃriando lhe o tam grande erro como fazia.

E despois de lhe pedir ᵱdam se algūu escandalo de my Reçebese na p̃tica, lhe trouxe a memoria quantas vezes lhe avia falado e quā bem me senp̃ Respondia e que segundo sua Reposta senp̃ eu esperey q’ o fim nō fose con tā grande dessʳviço de vosa alteza e o que lhe senp̃ disera era que visse que este caminho tinha tantos perigos como a Roda de Santa Cⁿᵃ e que o devya deixar e tomar o coy’brāao[461] e tornar se a sua natureza e a ḡça de vosa alteza donde senp̃ Reçeberia mᶜᵉ. nesta fala entrou meter lhe todolos temores q̃ me pareçerā e erros que fazia dise me q̃ elle n̄o poderia ja all fazʳ por sua honrra senā seguir seu caminho, eu lhe disse que ganhar onrra indyvidamᵗᵉ e adq̃rida com tanta infamia nō era sabʳ nē honrra mas antes pʳⁱvāça de sabʳ e d onrra por que fose çerto q̃ a jente castelhana pʳⁱnçipall desta çidade falando nele o aviam por hōme vyll e de māao sangue poys em dessʳviço de seu v̄dadʳᵒ Rey e sen̄or aceptava tall enᵱsa quanto mais semdo ᵱ ele levantada e ordenada e Requerida, que fose ele certo que era avida por treedor por hyr contʳᵃ o estado de vosa alteza, aquy me Respondeo que ele via o erro que fazia porem que ele esperava ḡdar muyto o sʳviço de vosa alteza e fazʳ lhe muito sʳviço em sua yda. Eu lhe dise que quē lhe louvase tall dizʳ o nō entenderia, por que caso q̃ ele nō tocase a conq̃sta de vosa alteza como qr̄ q̃ achasse o q̃ dizia luogo era em grande dano das rrendas de vosa alteza, e que este Reçebia todo o rregno e jenero de pᵃˢ[462] e que mais virtuoso pensamᵗᵒ era o que ele tinha quando me disse que se vosa alteza mandase q̃ se tornasse a portugall q̃ o faria sem outʳᵃ çerteza de merçee e que quando lha nō fizese que hy estava essa serradoosa e sete vᵃˢ[463] de pardo e hūas contas de bugalhos que entā me pareçia q̃ seu coraçā estava na vʳdade do que compria a sua honnra e conçyençia, o q̃ se falou foy tanto q̃ se nō pode esc̄ver.

a q̃ⁱ sᵒʳ me começou a dar synall dizendo que lhe dissese mais que ysto nō vinha de my e que se v. alteza mo mandava q̃ lho dissese e a mᶜᵉ q̃ lhe faria, eu lhe disse q̃ eu nō era de tantas toneladas ꝓ q̃ v. alteza me metese em tall acto mas eu como outᵃˢ mᵗᵃˢ vezes lho dezia aquy me q̃ⁱs honrrar dizendo q̃ se o q̃ eu começey com ele levara avante sem antʳᵉvir outᵃˢ pᵃˢ q’ vosa alteza fora s̄vido mas q’ nᵒ[464] Ribeiro lhe disera hūa cousa e q’ n̄o fora nada e Joam mendez outʳᵃ q’ nō atara e diseme a merçee q’ lhe prometian da ᵱte de vosa alteza, aqⁱ ouve grande amiserarse e diz’ que bem sentia tudo mas que nō sabia cousa ᵱa que cō rrezam deixase hūu Rey quo tanta mᶜᵉ lhe avia feito. e eu lhe disse q’ por faz’ o que devia e nō ᵱder sua honrra e a mᶜᵉ q’ vosa alteza lhe faria que seria mais çerta e cō mais verdadeira onrra. E que pesasse ele se a vinda de purtugall q’ fora por çem rrēs mais ou menos de morida q’ v. alteza lhe deixara de dar por nō quebrar sua ordenança, com virem dous rregmᵗᵒˢ contrarios ao seu, e ao q’ ele capitolou cō el Rey dō carlos, e veria se este despʳᵉzo pessa mais ꝓa se hyr e fazʳ o que deve se vyr se por o q’ se veeo.

fez grande admiraçā de eu tall sabr̃ e aquy me disse a vᵉʳdade e como o correo era ꝓʳtido q’ eu ja tudo sabia. E me disse que çerto nō aberia cousa por q’ elle desse cō a carga em tr̃ra senā tirando lhe algūa coussa do capitolado; porem q’ pʳmᵒ abia de veer o que lhe vosa alteza faria. eu lhe disse q’ mais q’ria veer q’ os rregmᵗᵒˢ e Ruy faleiro q’ dezia abertamᵗᵉ q’ nō avia de seguir seu foroll e que avia de navegar ao sull ou nō hira na armada, e que ele cuidara q’ hia por capitā moor e que eu sabia que avia outᵒˢ mandados em contʳᵃiro os quaees elle nō saberia senā a t̃po que nō pudese Remedeaʳ sua onrra; e que nō curasse do mell que lhe punha p̃llos beiços o bp̃o de burgos e que agora era t̃po por ysso q’ visse se o queria fazʳ e que me desse carta ꝓa vossa alteza e que eu por amoor dele yria a vossa alteza a fazʳ seu ᵱʳtido, por que eu n’o tinha nehūu Recado de vosa alteza ꝓa em tall entēder somᵗᵉ falava o q’ me pareçia como outᵃˢ vezes lhe avia falado. dyseme que nō me dezia nada ate veer o rrecado q’ o correo trazia e nisto concludymos eu vigiarey com toda minha posybilidade o sʳviço de v alteza.

neste paso me parece bem que saiba vosa alteza que he çerto que a navegaçā q’ estes esperā fazʳ el Rey dom carlos a sabe e fernā de magalhaēes asy mo tem dito e pode aveer quem tome a empʳᵉsa que faça mais dano. faley a rruy faleyʳᵒ ꝓ duas vezes nunca me all Respondio senā que como faria tall contʳᵃ el Rey seu señor q’ lhe tanta mᶜᵉ fazia a todo o que lhe dezia nō me rrespondia all, pareçe me que esta como homē torvado do Juizo e que este seu famyliar lhe despontou algūu sabr̃ se o nele avia pareçeme q’ movido fernā de magalhaēes q’ Ruy faleyʳᵒ seguira o q’ magalhaēes fizʳ.

sᵒʳ os navios da capitania de magalhaēes sam cinqᵒ ·s. hūu de cx toneladas os dous de lxxx cada hūu e os dous de lx cada hū pouco mais ho menos, sam muy velhos e Remēdados por que os vy em monte corregeer, ha onze messes que se correjeram e estā na agoa agora calafetam asy nagoa eu entrey neles algūas vezes e çertefico a vosa alteza que ꝓa canariᵃ navegaria de maa vontade neles, por q’ seus liames sam de sebe.

hartelharia que todos çinq’ᵒ levā sam lxxx tiros muy pequenos somᵗᵉ no maior em q’ ha de hyr fernam de magalhaēs estam quatᵒ vᵉʳços de ferro nō bōos ᵱ toda a jente que levā em todos çinq’ᵒ sam iiᶜxxx homēs todo los mais tem ja Reçebido o soldo somᵗᵉ os portugeses que nō querē Reçebr̃ a mill Rs̄, agʳdan que venha o correo por que lhes disse magalhaēes que ele lhes farya acrecētar o soldo e levā mātymᵗᵒˢ ᵱa dous anos.

capitam da pʳmᵃ nāao fernā de magalhaēes e de segunda Ruy faleyᵒ da 3ʳᵃ Jᵒ de cartagena q’ he feitor moor darmada da 4ᵃ quesada cʳⁱado do arçobpo de sevilha a 5ᵃ vay sem capitam sabido vay nella por piloto carvalho portugues, nesta se diz que ha de meteer por capitā desque forē de foz ē fora ha alvᵒ da mizquⁱta d estʳᵉmoz que caa estaa os portugeses que ca vejo ᵱa hirem § o carvalho piloto § estevā gomez piloto § o sserrāao piloto § vᶜᵒ pʳᵉto galego piloto ha dias q’ caa vive § alvᵒ da myzqⁱta d est̄moz § martȳ da myzqⁱta d estremoz § frᶜᵒ d aᵒ seca fᵒ do cᵈᵒʳ do rrosmaninhall § xpovā ferrᵃ fᵒ do cᵈᵒʳ de castelejo § martim gill fᵒ do Juiz dos orfāaos de lixboa § ꝓo d abreu cʳⁱado do bp̃o de çafy § duarte barbosa sobʳⁱnho de diᵒ barbosa cʳado do bp̃o de çiguença § antᵒ frrz q’ vivia na mouraria de lixboā § luis aᵒ de beja q’ foy cʳado da sʳᵃ Ifante q’ đs tem § Jᵒ da silva fᵒ de nᵒ da silva da ilha da madeira este me disse senp̃ q’ n’o avia de hyr salvo se vosa alteza o ouvese por seu sʳviço e anda como diçipulo encuberto. § o faleiro tem caa seu pay e may e irmāaos hū deles leva consigo. outʳᵃ jente miuda de moços destes tambē dizē q’ am de hyr de que farey memoria a vosa alteza se mandar quando forē. a qⁱnta ꝓte desta armaçā he de xpovā de haroo q̃ nela meteo m̄j[465] ducados Diz caa q̃ vosa alteza lhe mādo la tomar x̅x̅[466] +ᵈᵒˢ de fazēda elle daa caa os avisos d armada de vosa alteza asy da feita como da que se faz soube q̃ ꝓ hūu cʳⁱado seu q̃ la tem. avendo se as cartas deste podria vosa alteza sabr̃ ᵱ que via sabia estes secʳᵉtos.

as mercaderias que levā sam cobre azouge panos baxos de cores sedas baxas de cores e marlotas feitas destas sedas.

certificasse que ᵱtira esta armada ᵱa baxo em fim deste Julho mas a mȳ nō mo pareçe asy nē ate meado agosto, posto que o correo venha mais çedo.

a rrota que se diz que han de levar he dirᵗᵒ ao cabo fryo ficando lhe o brasy a māo dirᵗᵃ ate pasar a linha da ꝓtiçā e daly navegar ao eloeste e loes noroeste dirᵗᵒˢ a maluco a quall tr̃ra de maluco eu vy asentada na poma[467] e carta que ca fez o fᵒ de Reynell a quall nō era acabada quando caa seu pay veo por ele, e seu pay acabou tudo e pos estas tr̃ras de maluco e ᵱ este paderam se fazem todallas cartas as quaēes faz diᵒ Ribeiro e faz as agulhas quadrantes e esperas porem nō vay narmada nem q̃r mais q̃ ganhar de comeer ꝓ seu engenho.

desd este cabo frio ate as Ilhas de maluco ᵱ esta navegaçam nō ha nēhūas tr̃ras asentadas nas cartas que levā pʳᵃza a d’s todo poderoso que tall viajem façā como os corterrāes, e vosa alteza fique descansado. e seja senpʳᵉ asy ēvejado como he de todolos pʳⁱnçipes.

Sen̄nor outʳᵃ armada se faaz de tres navios podres peq̃nos em que vay por capitam andres ninho este leva outᵒˢ dous navios pequenos lavrados em peeças dētro nestes velhos este vay a tr̃ra fyrme q̃ descobʳⁱo pᵉ ayres, ao porto de larym e daly ha de hyr por tr̃ra xx legoas ao maar do sull donde se ha de levar ᵱ tr̃ra os navios lavrados com a enxarçeea dos velhos e armalos neste maar do sull e descobʳⁱr com estes navios mill legoas e mais nā contʳᵃ o eloeste, as costas da tr̃ra q̃ se chama gataio e nestas ha de hyr por capitam moor gill gɫɫz contador da Ilha espanhola e vam ꝓ dous an̄os.

partindo estas armadas se faz loguo outra de quatᵒ navios ᵱa hyr segundo se diz na esteira de magalhaēes porē como ainda ysto nō este posto em gōço de se fazʳ nō se sabe cousa[468] cousa[468] çerta e esto ordena xpovā de harōo o que se mais pasar eu o farey sabr̃ a vosa alteza.

as novas da armada que el Rey dom carlos māda fazʳ ꝓa se defender ou ofender a frança ou hyr ao empereeo como se diz escuso escʳᵉver a vosa alteza por que de nᵒ Ribeiro que he em cartagena as tera vosa alteza mais certas mas ha nova çerta nesta cidade ᵱ cartas que el Rey de frança divulga que el Rey dō carlos nō ha de seer emperador e que ele o ha de sser o papa ajuda el Rey de frança ꝓ via onesta conçede lhe quatᵒ capelos ᵱa que os desse a quē ele q̃ⁱsesse diz se que el Rey de frança os tem ꝓa daar a quē os elegedores do empereo ̰qⁱserem donde se çertefica que ou el Rey de frança sera emperador ou quē ele qⁱsᵉr, o que mais pasar nestas armadas eu terey especiall cuidado de o fazʳ sabr̃ a vosa alteza ainda q̃ eu estava ja frio nisto por que me pareçeo q̃ vosa alteza o q̃ria ᵱ outrē sabr̃ por que vy caa nᵒ Ribeiro e outᵃˢ pᵃˢ q̃ comigo falavā ꝓ modo disymulado querendo sabr̃ de m̄y. beeso as māaos de vosa alteza, de sevilha a xviij de Julho de 1519.

+Sebastiā Alu̅r̅z̅.+

No. III.

✠

el Rey

Fernando de magallam̄s e Ruy falero cavalleros de la ordem de Santiago ñros capitañs generales della armada q’ mandamos hasēr para yr A descobrir e a los otros capitañs particulares de la đha armada e pilotos e maestr̃s e contramaestres e marineros de las naos de la đha armada por quanto yo tengo porcierto segund la mucha informaciō que he avido de personas que por esperiencia lo An visto q’ en las islas de maluco ay la especieria e principalment’ ys a buscar con esa đha armada e my voluntad es que derechament’ sigais el viage a las đhas islas por la forma e man’a quo lo lie dicho e mandado A vos el đcho fernando de magallanis porende yo vos mando A todos e a cada uno de vos q’ en la navegacion del đho viage sigais el parecer decterminaciō del đho fernando de magallam̃s para que ant̄s e primero que a otra parte alguna vais A las đhas islas de maluco sin que en ello Aya ninguna falta porq’ asy cunple A n̄ro servicio e despues de fecho esto se podra buscar lo demas que convenga conforme A lo q’ llevais mādado o los unos ny los otros non fagađs nyn fagan ende Al por alguna man’a so pena de ꝓdimyᵗᵒ de biens e las ꝓsonas a la n̄ra merced fecha en barcelona a diez e nueve dias del mes de abril an̄o do myll e quiniētos e diez o nueve an̄o

yo el rey

por mandado del rey frrᶜᵒ de los covos

pā q’ los del armada sigan el parecer y determynaciō de magallan̄s pā q’ ant̄s y pᵐᵒ q’ a otra p̄t vayā a la especerya.

No. IV.

Moradias da casa real—Maç. 1—Lᵒ. 7, fᵒ. 47, vᵒ.

fernan de magalhaēs fᵒ de pᵒ de
magalhaēs avera onze dias de Janʳᵒ
deste ano e deze seys dias de mayo e
todo Junho a dous mill e trezentos
e doze r̃s pʳ mes cō cᵈᵃ arqʳᵉ pʳ dia v̄ lxvi r̄s
Rᵒ o sobrino ē xiiij denʳᵒ de vᶜ xx v
ꝓa ē ᵱte de tres meses q̃ lhe
ainda deve do ano de vynte e tres
dos q̃tro meses ij lhe mādava
dar de q̃ tē avydo hū mes
segᵈᵒ se tudo q̃tē ē hu escryto
seu q̃ lhe deles e de mays t̄po
deu de q̃ ja he pago somᵗᵉ dos tres
meses q̃ lhe ainda devia Rᵒ os cynq̃ᵒ
mill e sesenta e seys Rˢ ēcyma
q̃teudos.

BASTM
+Da costa.+ x̅i̅̅i̅̅i̅ ijᶜ lxxxiij
+Fernā Roiz.+

No. V.

M D. xxiv de mense Augusti.

Serenissimo Principe, et excellentissimi Signori,

Supplico jo Antonio Pigafetta Vicentino Cavallier hierosolimitano che desiderando veder del mondo nelli anni passati, ho navicato cum le caravelli de la Maiesta Cesarea, che sono andate a trovar le Isole, dove nascono le specie nelle nove Indie, nel qual viazo ho circumdato tutto il mondo à torno et per esser cosa, che mai homo lha fatta, ho composto un libreto de tutto el ditto viazo, qual desidero far stampir. Et per ho suplico de gratia che per anni xx alcun non possi stampirlo, salvo chi voro io, sotto pena à chi el stampasse, o stampato altrove el portasse qui, oltra eˡ perder li libri de esser condenato lire tre per libro, et la executione possi esser fatta per qualunque magistrato de questa cita à chi sara fatta la conscientia et sia divisa la pena, un terzo al arsenal de la sublimita vostra, un terzo al acusador, et un terzo à quelli che farano la executione, alla gratia sua humiliter mi ricomando.

Die vᵗᵒgusti.

Aloys de priolis
mˢ dan d eq’s
jo Emiliano
Lazar. mocenigo

de parte 152
Consil. ✝ de Non 6
non sync 2

(Senato _Terra_, reg. 23, p. 124.)

INDEX.

GENERAL INDEX.

Amboina, 149

Amoretti, li–liii

Amsterdam Island, lvii, 233

Astronomer Royal, 6

Bachian Island, 24, 142

Bautista, Mestre Juan, pilot of the “Trinity”, lvi, 253. See Poncero

Bibliography, l–lvi, 210

Bird of Paradise, 143, 205, 209

Borneo, 13, 18, 20, 110–118, 202–205, 227

Brasil, 43–48

—— vocabulary, 48

Burning of the “Conception”, 105, 202

Cannibals, 44, 49, 122, 149, 188

Cape of Good Hope doubled, 160, 235

Ceremonies, 97

China, 157, 158

Cloves, 134

Cochin China, 156

Cocoa-nut palms, 72, 73

“Conception”, burning of, 105, 202

—— Captain Gaspar de Quesada,

Conversion of islanders, 81, 92, 94, 99, 225

Council of war held by Albuquerque, xxi

Curious animals, 119

—— birds, 42, 83, 84, 99, 143, 146, 155, 205, 209

—— people, 148, 150, 151, 154

—— shell-fish, 91

Demarcation, line of, 67, 185

Desertion of the “San Antonio”, 7, 59, 195, 250

Diane, la, morning call, early use of the term, 39

Discovery of the Straits, 8, 59, 64

Disnaturalisation, iv–xv

—— earliest case of, Teucer, i

Eclipse of sun, 6

Fabulous stories, 155

Fleet of Andres Niño, lxv

—— Magellan, xlii, 257

French claim to Amsterdam Island, lvii

Gaticara, or Cape Comorin, 68, 189, 209

Gilolo Island, 29, 133, 202, 230

Kechil Deroix, son of King of Ternate, 128, 141

India, 159, 160

Ladrone Islands, discovery of, 9, 68, 70, 223

Magellan, birth-place, xv

—— genealogy, xvi

—— coat of arms, xvi

—— services, xvii–xxv

—— discontent, ii, xviii, xxv

—— disnaturalisation, xi, xxv

—— marriage, xvi

—— children, xvi, xvii

—— will, xv, xvii

—— ordinances, 37–39

—— order of the day, 177, 193

—— characteristics, xviii–xx, xlviii, lviii, 96

—— death, Saturday, April 27th, 1521, 12, 101, 102, 200, 251, 252

—— fame, xxvii, xlvii

—— virtues, 96, 102

Magellanic clouds, 66

Maré Island, 146

Massawa Island, 11, 16, 83, 198

Matan Island, 12, 99, 199

Mindanao Island or Quipit, 106, 121

Moluccas, 147, 205

—— disputes as to them, iii, iv, 205, 220

Montevideo, 215

Musk, 158

Mutiny of officers of Magellan’s fleets, 3, 56, 194, 243, 244, 247–250

Nairs of Malabar, 160

Navigation, treatise of by Pigafetta, 164–174

—— by Francisco Faleiro, xlviii

Palawan Island, 109, 119

Patagonians, 5, 49–55, 64, 189–191, 218

—— vocabulary, 62, 63

Pearls, 117

Philippine Islands, 71, 105

—— customs, 97–99

—— idols, 96

—— planting of a cross, 81, 82

Pigafetta, 75, 104, 163, 175, 182

—— petition to Doge and Council of Venice, lii; Appendix, xiv

Porcelain, 107, 117

Ramusio’s discourse, 181–183

St. Elmo’s light, 42, 49

St. Julian Port, 3, 4, 49, 55, 189

St. Paul’s Island, lvii

San Pablo’s Island. See Unfortunate Islands

Sta. Cruz river, 57

“Santiago”, loss of, 4, 56

—— Captain Juan Serrano,

Sati, or Suttee, 154

Scurvy, 65

Sebu Island, 11, 84, 198

Serradossa convent, xl

Setebos, 53

Siam, 85, 156

Skirmish with islanders, 69, 101

Southern Cross, 67

Spices, 134, 208

Straits, discovery of, 7, 8, 60, 219

Sulu Islands, 120

Sumatran slave of Magellan, 103

Sumdit and Pradit, 67, 159

Tenerife Island, 40, 41

Ternate Island, 23, 127

Tiburones Island. See Unfortunate Islands

Tidore Island, 23, 124, 144

Timor Island, 151

Trade, 91, 129, 139, 176

“Trinity”, flag-ship, springs a leak, 25, 144, 209

—— her subsequent voyage and loss, 26–29, 237–242

—— Captains—Magellan
Duarte Barbosa
Joan Carvalho
Juan Bautista
Joan Carvalho
Gonzalo Gomez de Spinosa

Unfortunate Islands, 9, 31, 65, 197, 222

Variations of the Compass, 67

“Victoria” speaks Pero Coresma’s ship, 256

—— doubles Cape of Good Hope, 160, 235

—— arrest by Portuguese at Cape Verde Islands of part of her crew, 162, 210, 235, 256

—— returns to Seville, 162

—— Captains—Luis de Mendoça
Juan Serrano
Sebastian del Cano

WRITERS QUOTED.

Amoretti, ii

Barros, ii, iii, xx, 14

Camoens, xxvii, xlvi, xlvii

Castanheda, xix

Conchita (Arte de Navegacion), xlix

Condorcet, viii, ix

Correa, iv, xvii, xviii, xxii, lvi, lviii, 241, 242, 244–256

Denis, Ferdinand, xvi, xxvi

Documents, xxviii–xlvi

Faria y Sousa, xxvii

Herrera, 175, 176

Lima, Antonio de, genealogist, xvi

Machado, Barbosa, xlviii

Mariana, xii

Mosquera (Numantia), l

Navarrete, xlix, 243, 244, 257

Osorio, iv, v

Pimenta, Bernardo, genealogist, xvi

Quintana, xii, xiii

Ramusio, liii

Thomassy, Richard, li

Vattel, vii

NAMES OF PERSONS.

Abuleis, Sultan of Ternate, 128

Albuquerque, xxi–xxiv

—— Jorge de, 240, 255

Alvarez, Sebastian, xxxvi, xlviii

Alvaro, Francisco, or Albo, pilot, lvi, 175

Angulo, Francisco, 244

Anriques, D. Garcia de, 29, 255

Antonio, carpenter, 239

Arias, Diego, 237, 239

Barbosa, Beatrice, xvi

—— Diogo, xvi, lviii, 243, 247

—— Duarte, xvii, xliii, xlix, 13, 103, 177

Barruty, Domingo de, 243

Basazaval, Antonio, 239

Bautista, Juan, lvi, 253

Behaim, Martin, lv, 58

Brito, Antonio de, 28, 128, 238

Calderon, Juan Gutierrez, xxviii, xxxiii

Campos, Joam de, 15, 237, 239

Carthagena, Juan de, 13, 56, 177

Carvalho, Dr. Antonio Nunes, lvi

—— Joam Lopez de, xliii. 13, 16, 45, 54, 104, 115, 116, 146, 239, 243, 244, 252–255

Cervicornus, Eucharius, 210

Chiericato Monsgr., 35

Chinchilla, Juan de, 244

Elcano, Sebastian, xlix, l, 175

Espinosa, Gonzalo Gomez de, 14, 19, 237, 238, 241, 243, 248, 252, 256

Fabre’s edition of voyage, liv, lv

Faleiro, Francisco, xlviii

—— Ruy, xxvi, xxxiii, xxxvii, xxxviii, xliii

Falkner, Jesuit, 63

Gabato, Sebastian, 241

Gama, Vasco da, 240

Gomez, Esteban, xliii, 244