Chapter IX: Part 9

Then, leaving Seville, I went to Valladolid, where I presented to his Sacred Majesty Don Carlos, neither gold nor silver, but things much more precious in the eyes of so great a Sovereign. I presented to him among other things, a book written by my hand of all the things that had occurred day by day in our voyage. I departed thence as I was best able, and went to Portugal, and related to King John the things which I had seen. Returning through Spain, I came to France, where I presented a few things from the other hemisphere to Madam the Regent, mother of the most Christian King Don Francis.[418] Afterwards, I turned towards Italy, where I established for ever my abode, and devoted my leisure and vigils to the very illustrious and noble lord, Philip de Villiers Lisleadam, the very worthy grand master of Rhodes.

The Chevalier,

+Anthoyne Pigaphete+.

TREATISE OF NAVIGATION
OF THE
CHEVALIER ANTONY PIGAFETTA.

The armillary sphere, of which the author gives a drawing, serves to explain the system of the world according to Ptolemy, and could also serve as an astrolabe, for one sees at the top of it a kind of handle or ring, by which to hold it suspended, as is seen in the above-mentioned drawing. He begins his treatise by giving us an idea of that system, as have done all those after him, who have written of the elements of the nautical art and of pilotage.

“The earth is round,” he says, “and remains suspended and immovable in the midst of all the celestial bodies. The first index fixed on two poles, the arctic and antarctic, which are supposed to correspond with the poles of the earth. It runs from East to West, and transports with itself all the planets and stars. Besides this there is the eighth sphere, the poles of which are at 23 deg. 33 min.,[419] it runs from West to East.”

“It is supposed that all the circumference of the earth is divided into 360 degrees; and each degree is of 17 leagues and a half, consequently the circumference of the earth is 6,300 leagues. Land leagues are of three miles and sea leagues of four miles.[420]”

“The ten circles of the armillary sphere, of which the six major pass through the center of the earth, serve to determine the situation of countries and climates. The Ecliptic determines the movement of the sun and the planets: the two Tropics indicate the point to which the sun declines from the equator towards the North in summer, and towards the South in winter. The Meridian, always variable, because it passes through all points of the equator, cutting it perpendicularly, designates the longitude, and it is on it that the latitudes are marked.”

+Of Latitude.+

After having well explained the armillary sphere with all its parts, and their use according to the system of Ptolemy, the author goes on to teach the method of taking the altitude of the pole, on which the latitude is calculated; fixing the pole at 0° and the equator at 90°.

“The Polar star,” he says, “is not precisely on the point corresponding to the axis of the earth; but it turns round it, as do all the other stars. In order to know its true position with regard to the pole, it must be observed where the Guard stars[421] stand. If these are on the western arm,[422] the polar star stands one degree above the pole: if they are on the line[423] the pole star stands 3 deg. 30 min.[424] below the pole: if they are on the eastern arm the pole star is one degree below the pole. When one wishes to take the altitude of the pole star, in whichever of the above-mentioned four places the Guard stars may be, the degrees which the pole star has above the pole will be subtracted from its altitude, or those which it has below the pole will be added to it. I have spoken in the account of the voyage of the stars of the Antarctic Pole.”

“The latitude of the place may also be ascertained by the sun’s altitude. 1. If you find yourself between the equinoctial and the arctic pole and the shadow falls towards that pole, look how many degrees and minutes meridianal declination the sun has that day; and this you will subtract from the altitude of the sun which you have taken: afterwards, deducting the remaining degrees from 90 deg., you will have in the residue the number of degrees of North latitude, that is your distance from the equator. 2. If the sun has a boreal declination, in such a manner that the shadow falls towards the south, take the sun’s declination on that day, and add it to the sun’s altitude which you have taken, from that sum subtract 90 degs., and the remaining degrees will indicate your boreal latitude. 3. If the sun is between the equinoctial and the antarctic, and the shadow falls towards the antarctic, observe the sun’s declination for that day, subtract it from the altitude taken, according to the first rule, and you will have the degrees of south latitude. 4. If, when you and the sun are between the equinoctial and the antarctic pole, the shadow falls towards the north, you will add the altitude you have taken to the sun’s declination that day, and act according to the second rule. 5. When you have an altitude of 90 deg., you will be so many degrees distant from the equator as there are degrees of the sun’s declination, and if the sun has no declination you will be under the equator. 6. If you are to the north of the equator, and the sun is in the southern signs you will look what is its declination, you will add these degrees of declination to those of the altitude observed, and as many degrees as are wanting from 90 deg., so many will you be distant from the equinoctial. 7. You will do the same when you find yourself to the south of the equinoctial, whilst the sun is in the northern signs.”

+Of Longitude.+

“Longitude indicates the degrees from east to west: I have considered many methods or means for ascertaining it, and I have found three methods[425] fitting for that object. The last is the most convenient for those who do not know astrology. At the present time the pilots content themselves with knowing the latitude; and are so proud that they will not hear speak of longitude.”

“I. From the latitude of the moon the longitude is calculated of the place in which the observation is made. The distance of the moon from the ecliptic is called its latitude: the ecliptic is the path of the sun. The moon, in its movement, always increases its distance until it reaches the furthest point of its distance: and thence it returns back, to diminish, so to say, its latitude, until it is with the head or tail of the dragon:[426] there it cuts the ecliptic. And since the moon, whilst it lengthens its distance from the ecliptic, has more degrees towards the west than towards the east, it must necessarily have more latitude on one side (_of the globe_) than on the other: and when the latitude is known, by measuring the degrees and minutes with the astrolabe, it will be known whether it is found, and how far it is found towards the east or the west. But in order to ascertain the longitude, you must know in what latitude the moon ought to be at that same moment in the place from which you sailed, for instance, in Seville. By knowing the latitude and longitude of the moon at Seville in degrees and minutes, and seeing also the latitude and longitude which it has in the place where you are, you will know how many hours and minutes you are distant from Seville; and afterwards you will calculate the distance in east or west longitude.”

“II. The moon furnishes another method for ascertaining the longitude, but that is when I knew the precise hour in which the moon observed at Seville ought to be in conjunction with a given star or planet, or ought to be in a certain opposition to the sun, of which the degrees are determined: and this I can know by means of an almanack. And since that happens in the east before it happens in the west, as many as may be the hours and minutes that may elapse from the time when the conjunction took place at Seville, till the time in which I observe it to take place, so much will be my longitude west of Seville. But if I should see the conjunction take place before the hour in which it ought to happen with respect to Seville, then my distance in longitude will be east. For each hour, fifteen degrees of longitude are calculated.”

“To understand this does not require any great genius. It should be borne in mind that the moon has a motion opposed to the general motion of the heavens; that is, it goes from west to east, and in every two hours it progresses a degree and a few minutes; and since it is in the first heaven, and the stars are in the eighth, it certainly never enters in conjunction with them; but sometimes it interposes itself before the rays which come from them to our eye: but this does not happen at the same time to those who are at Seville, and to those who are at Valencia. The annexed figure will give an idea of this, from which it is seen that the ray of the star +d+ is intercepted by the moon +c+ for those who are at +a+, and not for those who are at +B+, for whom it was intercepted when the moon was at +e+.”

“III. The compass can also supply a method, still easier, for finding the longitude of the place in which you are. It is known that the compass, or the magnetised needle which is in it, directs itself to a given point, because of the tendency which the loadstone has towards the pole. The reason of this tendency is because the loadstone does not find in the heavens any other spot in repose except the pole, and on that account directs itself towards it. This is an explanation of the phenomenon which I propose; and I believe it to be true, so long as experience does not inform us of some better explanation.”

“In order to know, by means of the needle, the degrees of longitude, form a large circle, in which place the compass, and divide it into 360 deg.: and having placed the needle at 360 deg., where it indicates the arctic pole; when the needle is in repose, draw a thread, which should pass from the arctic pole, pointed out by the needle to the antarctic pole, and let this thread be longer than the diameter. After that take the south, which you will know by the greatest altitude of the sun. Turn the compass, until the thread which traverses it coincides with the direction of the meridian shade; then, from the antarctic pole of the needle, with the thread which remained over, draw another thread to the arctic pole, that is, to the flower;[427] and you will thus find how many degrees the needle of the compass is distant from the meridian line, that is, from the true pole. So many will be the degrees of longitude, which you will have from the place where the compass begins to set itself in motion.[428] Therefore, with the more accuracy you take the true meridian so much the more exactly will you be able to ascertain the degrees of longitude. And from this it may be seen that the meridian should never be taken with the compass, because it north-easts or north-wests,[429] as soon as it goes out of the true meridian; but take an observation of the south[430] with the astrolabe, and judge that it is midday when the sun is at its greatest height.”

“If it is not possible to take the sun’s altitude at midday, that can be determined with an hour-glass of sand, taking the hours of the night from sunset till the moment of its rising. Having learned the hours of the night, you will know how many are wanting of the twenty-four, and these you will divide into two equal parts. When half of this has elapsed, be sure that it is midday, and that the shadow indicates to you the true meridian. But since the sand clock may often be inexact, it will be better to take the sun’s altitude with the astrolabe by means of its mediclino.[431]”

“The true meridian may also be ascertained, or rather the equinoctial line, which cuts the meridian at right angles, by observing the points where the sun rises and sets, and by observing how much they are distant from the equinoctial either to the north or to the south. For this purpose an astrolabe is formed with the globe; that is, a circle is made representing the earth’s circumference, divided into 360 deg. At sunrise fix two pins in the circumference, in such a manner that a line drawn from one to the other should pass through the centre, and place the pins so that both should be in a line opposite the sun’s center. Place two other pins in the same way in the circumference when the sun sets. You will thus see how much the sun declines from the equinoctial line, either to the north or to the south. And as many degrees as the pins are distant from the equinoctial, so many degrees are the sun’s declination. Having found the sun’s rising and setting, you will also find the medium distance; that is, the meridian line, and afterwards you will see how much the compass or magnetic needle north-easts or north-wests. You will infer from this how far you are from the Fortunate islands; that is, from Tenerife towards the east or the west. This method has been tried by experience.[432]”

+Direction of the Ship.+

“If you wish to navigate to any place, you must first know its position; that is, its latitude and longitude. Then, by means of the compass you will point directly to that place. And since the compass varies to east and west, you must, by the methods above described, ascertain its variation, and subtract or add that which is necessary, so that the ship’s head, regulated by the compass, may have the required direction.”

“Should the compass be lost, or if its variation east or west is not known, you may regulate yourself by the sun at midday. When you have fixed the meridian in such a manner that it cuts the ship in its width, it will be easy to direct the prow wherever you wish. Here is an example: suppose you wish to go from north-east to south-west, place the chart in such manner that the ship should have her head to west and the poop to the east; then on the circle of the winds, divided into 360, or in four times 90, fix two pins, one at 45 degrees between east and north, the other at 45 degrees between west and south; bring the two pins on the line of the meridian by turning the ship’s head for that purpose, and the prow will be directed to the place to which you are going. If the pins do not come in a line with the meridian, it is a sign that you are navigating in a false direction, and you must rectify the course. When you reach land, you will see that what I have said is true.”

“With an astrolabe made with plates,[433] observations may be taken of the meridian line, the poles, and the equinoctial line, at any hour of the day or night, looking at the moon or any star; and for these, place in the middle of the astrolabe instead of the _verghezita_ or sight,[434] two straight bars between which you will observe the star.”

Thus the method being known by which the required direction is given to the ship, the author teaches the method for determining the point or degree on the chart of the winds,[435] to which the ship on leaving a place to go to a given country should be directed. For clearness, he gives some examples of this. “Do you wish,” he says, “to go from south to north, or _vice versâ_, on the same longitude? always proceed on the same meridian. Do you wish to go from east to west, or _vice versâ_, in the same latitude? always proceed on the same parallel. Do you wish to go from one place to another as many degrees distant in longitude as it is different in latitude? Then take the course of 45 degrees either to the south-west or south-east, or north-west or north-east. If the latitude is greater than the longitude, then add to the 45 degrees as many degrees towards the nearest pole, as the number of degrees by which the latitude exceeds the longitude. For instance, if I wish to go from Cape St. Vincent to Cape Bojador, I reckon the degrees of longitude and those of latitude to know the difference between these two capes. I find that the degrees of longitude are five and a half, and those of latitude are eleven, from which I subtract the degrees of longitude and there remain 5 deg. 30 min. Then, instead of going in the direction of from north-east to south-west (as I should do if the longitude were equal to the latitude), I go from 5 deg. 30 min. above north-east towards north, to 5 deg. 30 min. below south-west towards south. If the longitude is greater than the latitude, the lesser number is still subtracted from the greater; and the direction will be 45 deg. after deducting the residue. For instance, do you want to go from the island of Ferro to Guadeloupe; you know that the first is in 27 deg. latitude and the second in 15 deg.; then take their difference, which is 12 deg.: look at the map for their longitude, and you see that Ferro is in 1 deg. and Guadeloupe in 45 deg., whence their difference is 44 deg.: subtract from these the 12 deg. residue of latitude, and there remain 32 deg. Then you must subtract these 32 deg. from 45 deg., and there will remain 13 deg. Therefore your course will be from north-east 13 deg. north to south-west 13 deg. south.”

+Direction of the Winds.+

“The rose of the winds, divided into 360 deg., will give a clearer idea of what has been here said; it being well understood that the pilot must place the center of the winds on the point from which he starts, or from which he takes the course, and he must fix the pole to the true pole observed from the sun, and not trusting to the compass, which north-easts or north-wests.”

“Then, to ascertain whence comes the wind, place a little stick with a little sail[436] in the centre of your rose or circle of winds, divided into 360 deg., and placed in such a manner that north and south stand on the true Solar meridian. The direction of the vane moved by the wind will indicate exactly which wind blows: on the equinoctial is east and west; at 45 deg. there is north-east, south-west, north-west, and south-east; at 22½ deg. towards north you have north-north-east, and so on with the others.”

NAMES OF THE FIRST CIRCUMNAVIGATORS.

+Herrera+ (Decade III, lib. iv, cap. 4) mentions the arrival of the _Victoria_, and says that an accountant and thirteen Castilians had remained behind, arrested at Cape Verde, and that the King of Portugal’s factor sent them on to Lisbon in a ship which came at that time from Calicut.

Herrera then gives the names of those who came in the _Victoria_, and who went to Court. They were—

1. Miguel de Rodas, master.
2. Martin de Insaurraga, pilot.
3. Miguel de Rodas, seaman.
4. Nicolas Griego.
5. Juan Rodriguez.
6. Vasco Gallego (Portuguese).
7. Martin de Judicibus.
8. Juan de Santander.
9. Hernando de Bustamante.
10. Antonio Lombardo (_Pigafetta_).
11. Francisco Rodriguez.
12. Antonio Fernandez.
13. Diego Gallego.
14. Juan de Arratia.
15. Juan de Apega.
16. Juan de Acurio.
17. Juan de Zubieta.
18. Lorenzo de Iruña.
19. Juan de Ortega.
20. Pedro de Indarchi.
21. Ruger Carpintete.
22. Pedro Gasco.
23. Alfonso Domingo, seaman.
24. Diego Garcia.
25. Pedro de Valpuesta.
26. Ximeno de Bargos.
27. Juan Martin.
28. Martin de Magallanes.
29. Francisco Alvaro (probably Albo, the pilot).
30. Roldan de Argote (from whom must be named the mountain, which in
the Strait of Magellan, is now called the Campaña de Roldan).
31. Juan Sebastian del Cano.

This number, 31, will agree with Pigafetta’s 13, who remained at Cape Verde, and 18 who landed from the _Victoria_.

Sebastian del Cano was very well received by the emperor, and Herrera mentions the safe arrival of some of the Molucca Indians: “One of whom,” he says, “was so sharp, that the first thing he did was to inquire how many reals a ducat was worth, and a real how many maravedises, and how much pepper was given for a maravedi; and he went from shop to shop to get information of the value of spices, and with this he gave cause that he did not return to his country, although the others returned.” This probably means that he was not allowed to return, lest he should raise the price of spices in the Molucca Islands.

CHART OF THE
+Pacific Ocean+
Showing the track of
+Magellan’s Ships+
in the Years 1519–22]

ORDER OF THE DAY OF MAGELLAN,

_Given in the Straits, which fell into the hands of the Portuguese,
along with the Papers of the Astrologer_
+Andres de San Martin+, _at the Moluccas:
taken from_ +Barros+, _Decade_ III,
_Liv._ v, _Cap._ 19.

“I Fernan de Magalhaes, Knight of the Order of St. James, and captain-general of this fleet, which his majesty sent for the discovery of the spices, etc. I make known to you, Duarte Barbosa, captain of the ship _Victoria_, and to the pilots, masters, and quarter-masters of that ship, as I have understood that it seems to you all a serious matter, that I am determined to go forward, because it seems to you that the weather is little fitted for this voyage on which we are going; and inasmuch as I am a man who never rejected the opinion or counsel of any one, but rather all my affairs are discussed and communicated generally to all, without any person being affronted by me; and since, because of that which happened in the port of S. Julian with respect to the death of Luis de Mendoça, Gaspar de Quexada, and the banishment of Juan de Cartagena and Pero Sanches de Reina, the priest, you, from fear, desist from telling me, and counselling all that may appear to you to be for the service of his majesty, and the safe conduct of this fleet, and you have not told it me nor counselled it: you err in the service of the emperor and king our sovereign, and go against the oath and plighted homage which you have made to me; for which I command you on the part of the said sovereign, and on my part beseech you and charge you, that with respect to all that you think is fitting for our voyage, both as to going forward, and as to turning back, that you give me your opinions in writing each one for himself: declaring the circumstances and reasons why we ought to go forward or turn back, not having respect to anything for which you should omit to tell the truth. With which reasons and opinions, I will say mine, and my decision for coming to a conclusion as to what we have to do. Done in the Channel of All Saints, opposite the river of the islet, on Wednesday, twenty-first of November, in fifty-three degrees, of the year one thousand five hundred and twenty.”

Andres de San Martin replied, giving his opinion that, though he doubted there being any opening in the channel by which to go to the Moluccas, yet he thought they should go forward till the middle of January, as long as the summer and long days lasted.

Magellan, having received this and the other opinions, which he had asked for only to please and content his people, gave a full answer, with long reasons for going forward; and he swore by the habit of St. James, which he wore, that so it seemed to him to be for the good of the fleet. This opinion was notified to the fleet, and next day he set sail.

A LETTER
FROM
MAXIMILIANUS TRANSYLVANUS
TO THE
MOST REVEREND CARDINAL OF SALZBURG,
VERY DELIGHTFUL TO READ,
CONCERNING THE MOLUCCA ISLANDS, AND ALSO MANY
OTHER WONDERS, WHICH THE LATEST VOYAGE OF
THE SPANIARDS HAS JUST DISCOVERED.

(THE TITLE IN RAMUSIO’S COLLECTION RUNS THUS)—

A Letter of Maximilianus Transylvanus, Secretary to His Majesty the
Emperor, written to the Most Illustrious and Reverend Lord
the Cardinal of Salzburg, concerning the wonderful and
astonishing Voyage made by the Spaniards in the
Year 1519, round the World.

DISCOURSE OF
M. GIOVANNI BATTISTA RAMUSIO
UPON THE
VOYAGE MADE BY THE SPANIARDS ROUND THE WORLD.

The voyage made by the Spaniards round the world in the space of three years is one of the greatest and most marvellous things which have been heard of in our times; and, although in many things we surpass the ancients, yet this expedition far excels every other that has been made up till now. The voyage was described very minutely by Peter Martyr, who belonged to the Council of the Indies of His Majesty the Emperor, and to whom was entrusted the duty of writing this history; and by him were examined all those who remained alive of that expedition, and who reached Seville in the year 1522. But, as it was sent to be printed in Rome, it was lost in the miserable sacking of that city; and nothing is known even now as to where it is. And he who saw it, and read it, bears testimony to the same; and, amongst other things worthy of recollection that the aforesaid Peter noted concerning the voyage, was this, that the Spaniards, having sailed about three years and one month, and the greater part of them, as is usual amongst seafaring men, having noted down the days of the months one by one, found, when they arrived in Spain, that they had lost a day, for the day on which they arrived at Seville, which was the 7th of September, was, by their reckoning, the 6th. And the aforesaid Peter having mentioned this peculiarity to a certain excellent and extraordinary man, who was at that time ambassador for his Republic to His Majesty; and, having asked him how it could be, he, who was a great philosopher and learned in Greek and Latin literature, so that for his singular learning and rare excellence, he was afterwards promoted to much higher rank, gave this explanation: That it could not have fallen out otherwise, as they had travelled for three years continuously and always accompanied the sun, which was going westward. And he told him besides, that those who sailed due westwards towards the sun, lengthen their day very much, as the ancients also had noticed. Now, the book of the aforesaid Peter having disappeared, Fortune has not allowed the memory of so marvellous an enterprise to be entirely lost, inasmuch as a certain noble gentleman of Vicenza called Messer Antonio Pigafetta (who, having gone on the voyage and returned in the ship _Victoria_, was made a Knight of Rhodes), wrote a very exact and full account of it in a book, one copy of which he presented to His Majesty the Emperor, and another he sent to the most Serene Mother of the most Christian King, the Lady Regent. She entrusted to an excellent Parisian philosopher called Jacomo Fabre, who had studied in Italy, the work of translating it into French.[437] This worthy person, I suppose to save himself trouble, made only a summary of it, leaving out what seemed fit to him; and this was printed, very incorrectly, in France, and has now come into our hands; and along with it a letter from one called Maximilianus of Transylvania, a secretary of His Majesty the Emperor, to the most Reverend Cardinal of Salzburg. And this we have wished to add to this volume of travels, as one of the greatest and most remarkable that there has ever been, and one at which those great philosophers of old, hearing of it, would have been stupified and beside themselves. And the city of Vicenza may well boast, among the other cities of Italy, that in addition to its nobility and high qualities; in addition to its many rare and excellent geniuses, both in letters and arms, there has been a gentleman of such courage as the aforesaid Messer Antonio Pigafetta, who has circumnavigated the whole globe, and has described it so exactly. There is no doubt that the ancients would have erected a statue of marble to him, and would have placed it in an honourable position, as a memorial and example to posterity of his great worth, and in acknowledgment of so stupendous an enterprise. But if, in this letter or in the summary, there be seen any discrepancy of names or things, let no one be astonished; for the bent of men’s minds is various, and one notices one thing and one another, just as the things appear most deserving of attention. Let it suffice if, in the principal things they agree, and many parts which are left out in one can be read at length in the other. Fabulous stories, too, are noted for what they are. This may be safely affirmed by anyone, that the ancients never had such a knowledge of the world, which the sun goes round and examines every twenty-four hours, as we have at present, through the industry of the men of these our times.

* * * * *

Most Reverend and Illustrious Lord, my only Lord, to you I most humbly commend myself.

One of those five ships has lately returned which Cæsar sent in former years, when he was living at Saragossa, to a strange, and for so many ages, an unknown world, in order to search for the islands where spices grow. For though the Portuguese bring a great quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now suppose to be Malacca, yet their own Indies produce nothing but pepper. Other spices, such as cinnamon, cloves, and the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its covering (mace), which we call muscat flower, are brought to their own Indies from distant islands till now only known by name, and in ships which are fastened together not by iron but by palm leaves. The sails of these ships are round and woven, too, of the palm-fibre. This sort of ships they call junks, and they only use them with a wind directly fore and aft.

It is no wonder that these islands should be unknown to any human beings almost up to our time. For whatever we read concerning the native soil of the spices has been told us by ancient authors, and is partly, certainly, fabulous; and, partly, so far from the truth, that even the very countries in which they said that they grew naturally, are but little less distant from those where it is now known that they grow, than we are. For to omit others, Herodotus, in other respects a most famed author, has said that cinnamon is found in birds’ nests, to which the birds have brought it from most distant regions, and specially the Phœnix, and I know not who has seen his nest. But Pliny, who thought himself able to give more certain information, because, before his time, many things had been made clear by the voyages of the fleets of Alexander the Great and of others, relates that cinnamon grows in Æthiopia on the borders of the land of the Troglodytæ, whilst now it is known that cinnamon is produced very far from any part of Æthiopia, and specially from the Troglodytæ (that is, the dwellers in subterranean caverns). But our men, who have now returned, and who were perfectly acquainted with Æthiopia, have been obliged to make a complete circuit of the world, and that a very wide one, before they could find the islands and return. As this voyage may be considered marvellous, and not only unaccomplished, but even unattempted either in our age or in any previous one, I have resolved to write as truly as possible to your Reverence the course (of the expedition) and the sequence of the whole matter. I have taken care to have everything related to me most exactly by the captain and by the individual sailors who have returned with him. They have also related each separate event to Cæsar and to others with such good faith and sincerity, that they seemed not only to tell nothing fabulous themselves, but by their relation to disprove and refute all the fabulous stories which had been told by old authors. For who can believe that these were Monosceli, Scyopodæ, Syritæ, Spitamei, Pygmies, and many others, rather monsters than men. And as so many places beyond the Tropic of Capricorn have been sought, found, and carefully examined, both by the Spaniards in the south-west and by the Portuguese sailing eastwards, and as the remainder of the whole world has now been sailed over by our countrymen, and yet nothing trustworthy has been heard concerning these man-monsters, it must be believed that the accounts of them are fabulous, lying, and old women’s tales, handed down to us in some way by no credible author. But lest I, who have to travel over the whole world, should seem too diffuse in my introduction, I return to my story. When, nearly thirty years ago, the Spaniards in the west, and the Portuguese in the east, began to search for new and unknown lands, their two kings, lest one should be a hindrance to the other, divided the whole globe between them by the authority, most likely, of Pope Alexander the Sixth, in this manner: that a straight line should be drawn 360 miles, which they call leucæ, west of the islands of the Hesperides, which are now called the islands of Cape Verd; towards the north, and another towards the south Pole, till they should meet again, and so divide the world into two equal parts. And whatever strange land should be discovered eastwards (of this line) should be ceded to the Portuguese, and whatever west of it to the Spaniards. In this manner it happened that the Spaniards always sailed south-west, and there they discovered a very large continent and very great and innumerable islands, rich in gold and pearls and in other wealth, and now, quite lately, have they discovered the vast Mediterranean city, Tenostica,[438] situated in a lake, like Venice. About this city Peter Martyr, an author more careful about his facts than the elegance of his style, has written many wonderful, and yet true, things. But the Portuguese, passing southwards by the shores of the Hesperides, and of the ichthyophagous Æthiopians, and crossing the equinoctial line and the Tropic of Capricorn, sailed eastward, and discovered many great and unknown islands, and afterwards the sources of the Nile and the land of the Troglodytæ. Thence they sailed past the Arabian and Persian Gulfs to the shores of India, within the Ganges, where there is now the mighty emporium and kingdom of Calicut. Thence they sailed to Taprobanes, which they now call Zamatara. For there is now no island which either can be, or can be supposed to be, Taprobanes, in the position in which Ptolemy, Pliny, and the other cosmographers placed it. Going thence, they arrived at the Golden Chersonesus, where now is situated that most famous city of Malacca, the greatest emporium of the East. After this they entered the Great Gulf,[439] which reaches as far as the country of the Sinæ, which they now call Schinæ, where they found a white and tolerably civilised people, like our Germans. They believe that the Seres and the Asiatic Scythians extend as far as there. And though there was a certain rumour afloat that the Portuguese had progressed so far to the east as to cross their own limits and enter the territory of the Spaniards, and that Malacca and the Great Bay were within our limits, still all these things were said rather than believed, until four years ago Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese, who, for many years had explored the coasts of the whole of the East as Admiral, took a great hatred to his king, whom he complained of as being most ungrateful to him, and came to Cæsar. Christopher Haro, too, my own father-in-law’s brother, who had traded for many years in the East by means of his agents, he himself staying in Ulyssipone, commonly called Lisbon, and who had lastly traded with the Chinese, so that he has great practice in such things, having also been unjustly treated by the King of Portugal, came also home to Spain. And they both showed Cæsar that though it was not yet quite sure whether Malacca was within the confines of the Spaniards or the Portuguese, because, as yet, nothing of the longitude had been clearly proved, yet that it was quite plain that the Great Gulf and the people of Sinæ lay within the Spanish boundary. This, too, was held to be most certain, that the islands which they call the Moluccas, in which all the spices are produced, and are thence exported to Malacca, lay within the Spanish western division, and that it was possible to sail there; and that spices could be brought thence to Spain more easily, and at less expense and cheaper, as they came direct from their native place.

Their course would be this, to sail westward, coasting the southern hemisphere (till they came) to the East. The thing seemed almost impossible and useless, not because it was thought a difficult thing to go from the west right to the east under the hemisphere, but because it was uncertain whether ingenious nature, which has done nothing without the greatest foresight, had not so dissevered the east from the west, partly by sea and partly by land, as to make it impossible to arrive there by either land or sea travelling. For it had not then been discovered whether that great region which is called Terra Firma did separate the western sea from the eastern; it was clear enough that that continent, in its southern part, trended southwards and afterwards westwards. It was clear, also, that two regions had been discovered in the North, one of which they called Regio Bacalearum (Cod-fish Land), from a new kind of fish; and the other Terra Florida. And if these two were united to that Terra Firma, it was impossible to get to the east by going from the west, as nothing had ever been discovered of any channel through this land, though it had been sought for most diligently and with great labour. And they considered it a very doubtful and most dangerous enterprise to go through the limits of the Portuguese, and so to the east. For which reason it seemed to Cæsar and to his counsellors that these men were promising a thing from which much was to be hoped, but still of great difficulty. When they were both brought to an audience on a certain day, Magellan offered to go himself, but Christopher offered to fit out a fleet at his own expense and that of his friends, but only if it were allowed to sail under the authority and protection of Cæsar. Whilst they both persisted rather obstinately in their offers, Cæsar himself equipped a fleet of five ships, and appointed Magellan its admiral. Their orders were, to sail southwards along the coast of Terra Firma till they found either its termination or some channel through which they might reach the spice-bearing Moluccas. So Magellan set sail on the 10th of August, 1519, with five ships from Seville. A few days after he reached the Fortunate Islands, which are now sometimes called the Canaries. Thence they arrived at the Islands of the Hesperides,[440] from which they took a south-western course towards that continent which we mentioned before; and after some days’ fair sailing they sighted a promontory, to which the name of Santa Maria has been given. Here Juan Ruy Diaz Solis had been eaten, with some of his companions, by the anthropophagi, whom the Indians call cannibals, whilst, by order of Ferdinand the Catholic, he was exploring the coast of this continent with a fleet. Sailing thence, our men coasted in an unbroken course along the coasts of this continent, which extend a very long way south, and tend a little west, so that they crossed the Tropic of Capricorn by many degrees. I think that this continent should be called that of the Southern Pole. But it was not so easy as I have said; for not till the last day of March of the following year did they reach a bay, to which they gave the name of Saint Julian. Here they found the Antarctic Pole star 49⅕ degrees above their horizon, both by the altitude and declination of the sun from the Equinoctial, and also by the altitude of the Antarctic (Pole star) itself. This star our sailors generally make use of more than of any other. They state also that the longitude was 56 deg. west of the Fortunate Isles. For, as the ancient cosmographers, and specially Ptolemy, reckoned the longitude from the Fortunate Islands eastward to Catigara at 180 deg., so our men, sailing as far as they could westward also, began to reckon another 180 deg. westward to Catigara, as was right. Yet our sailors seem to me rather to be mistaken in the calculation of the longitudes (of distances?) than to have fixed them with any certainty, because in so long a voyage, and being so distant from the land, they cannot fix and determine any marks or signs for the longitude. Still I think that these accounts, whatever they be, should not be cast aside, but rather accepted till more certain information be discovered.

This Gulf of Saint Julian seemed very great, and had the appearance of a channel. Wherefore Admiral Magellan ordered two ships to explore the Gulf and anchored the rest outside. After two days, information was brought to him that the Gulf was full of shoals, and did not extend far inland. Our men, on their way back, saw some Indians picking up shell-fish on the shore; for they call the natives of all unknown lands Indians. They were of extraordinary height, that is to say, about ten spans, were clothed in the skins of wild beasts, and seemed darker than would be expected from the situation of the country. When some of our men went on shore to them and showed them bells and pictures painted on paper, they began a hoarse chant and an unintelligible song, dancing round our men, and, in order to astonish them, they passed arrows a cubit and a half long down their throats to the bottom of their stomachs, and without being sick. And forthwith drawing them out again, they seemed to rejoice greatly, as having shown their bravery by this exploit.

At last three came as ambassadors, and prayed our men, by certain signs, to go further inland with them, as if they would receive them with all hospitality. Magellan sent seven men, well armed, with them, to investigate as carefully as possible both country and people. When they had gone with them about seven miles inland, they came to a thick and pathless wood.

Here was a rather low hut, covered with skins of wild beasts. There were two apartments in it; in one lived the women with their children, in the other the men. There were thirteen women and children, and five men. These received their guests with a (ferali apparatu[441]) barbarous pomp, which seemed to them a royal one. An animal was slaughtered, which seemed to differ little from the onager, and they served it up half roasted to our men, without any other food or drink. Our men were obliged, contrary to their custom, to sleep under skins, on account of the severity of the snow and wind. Wherefore, before they slept, they set watch. The Indians did the same, and lay down near our men, snoring horribly.

When the day had broken, our men asked them to return with them to the ships, with the whole family. When the Indians had refused for a considerable time, and our men had insisted upon it rather imperiously, the men entered the den-like[442] women’s apartment. The Spaniards thought that they were consulting with their wives concerning this expedition; but they returned covered, from the sole of their feet to the crown of their heads, with different horrible skins, and with their faces painted in different colours, and equipped in this terrible and horrible garb with bows and arrows for battle, and (seemingly?) of much greater stature than before. The Spaniards, who thought that it would come to a fight, ordered (a shot) to be fired. Though this shot was harmless, still the giants, who looked just before fit to contend with Jove, were so frightened by this sound, that they began forthwith to speak of peace. The upshot was, that three men returned with our fellows to the ships, having sent away the rest of the family. So they started for the ships. But, as our men could not only not keep up with these almost giants when the latter were running, but could not, even by running, keep up with them walking, two of them escaped upon the march, on the pretext of pursuing an onager, which they saw feeding at a distance upon a mountain. The third was brought to the ship, but died, within a few days, of fasting, which he had imposed upon himself, according to the habit of the Indians, through homesickness. And though the admiral sent again to that hut, in order to catch some one of these giants to take to Cæsar on account of their novelty, yet no one was found there, but all had gone elsewhere with the hut. Whence it seems clear that that race is a wandering one, nor did our men ever see another Indian on that coast, though they remained in that bay for many days, as we shall mention farther on. They did not think that there was anything in that region of sufficient importance to justify their exploring it and the interior any farther. Though Magellan perceived that any longer stay there was useless, yet, as the sea for several days was stormy and the sky threatening, and the land stretched continuously southwards, so that the farther they went the colder they would find that region, his departure was necessarily put off from day to day, till the month of May was close upon them, from which time the winter there begins to be most severe, so that it became necessary to winter at the very time when we have our summer. Magellan foreseeing that the voyage would be a long one, ordered provisions to be served out more sparingly among his crews, so that the stock might last longer. When the Spaniards had borne this patiently for some days, fearing the severity of the winter and the barrenness of the country, they at last petitioned their admiral, Magellan, that, as he saw that the land stretched uninterruptedly to the south, and that no hope remained of its terminating or of the discovery of a strait through it, and that a severe winter was imminent, and that many of them were dead of starvation and hardships; and declared that they could no longer bear the rule which he had made about the allowance of provisions (lex sumptuaria), and begged that he would increase the allowance of provisions, and think about going home; that Cæsar never intended that they should too obstinately attempt what nature itself and other obstacles opposed; that their exertions were already sufficiently known and approved of,—for they had gone farther than either the boldness or rashness of mortals had ever dared to go as yet; and that they could easily reach some milder shore, if they were to sail south (north?) for a few days, a south wind being then blowing. But in reply, Magellan, who had already made up his mind either to die or to complete his enterprise, said that his course had been laid down for him by Cæsar himself, and that he neither could nor would depart from it in any degree, and that he would in consequence sail till he found either the end of the land or some strait (through it).

That though they could not at present succeed whilst winter was against them, yet that it would be easy in the summer of that region. But that, if they would continue towards the Antarctic portion of this country, the whole of its summer would be one perpetual day. That there were means if they would only try them, by which they might avoid famine and the rigour of the winter, inasmuch as there was abundance of wood, and the sea provided shell-fish and many sorts of the very best fish. The springs there were wholesome, and birdfowling and hunting would supply many wants; and neither bread nor wine had as yet been lacking, nor would they lack in future if they would only bear that they should be served out when needed, or for health’s sake, and not for pleasure or for luxury. They had done nothing as yet worthy of admiration, or which could serve as an excuse for their return, inasmuch as the Portuguese crossed the tropic of Capricorn by as much as 12 deg. not only every year, but almost every day, when they were sailing eastwards. They would be thought worthy of very little praise who had gone only 4 deg. southwards. He had certainly made up his mind to endure the worst rather than return ignominiously to Spain, and he trusted that all his comrades, or at least those in whom the noble Spanish spirit was not yet dead, would be of the same mind.

He advised them to bear at least the remainder of the winter patiently, and said that their rewards would be the more abundant the more difficulties and dangers they had endured in opening to Cæsar a new unknown world, rich in spices and gold. Magellan thought that the minds of his crews were soothed and cheered by this harangue, but within a few days was harassed by a shameful and foul conspiracy. For talking began amongst the crews about the old eternal hatred between the Portuguese and the Spaniards, and about Magellan’s being a Portuguese. He, they said, could do nothing more glorious for his own country than to cast away this fleet, with so many men. Nor was it credible that he should wish to discover the Moluccas, even if he were able; but he would think it sufficient if he could hire Cæsar on for some years with a vain hope, and meanwhile something new would turn up, by which the Spaniards would for the future be diverted from the search for spices. Nor even had their course begun to turn towards those happy Moluccas, but rather to distant snows and ice, and to perpetual storms.

Magellan, very much enraged by these sayings, punished the men, but rather more harshly than was proper for a foreigner, especially when commanding in a distant country. So, having planned a conspiracy, they seize upon a ship, and make ready to return to Spain. But he, with the rest whom he had still obedient to his commands, attacked that ship, and put to death the head man and the other ringleaders, those even who could not lawfully be so treated sharing the same fate. For these were certain servants of the king, upon whom no one but Cæsar and his Council could lawfully pronounce a sentence of death. Nevertheless, no one from that time dared to disparage the power of the commander. Still, there were not wanting some who whispered that Magellan would, in the same manner, murder all the Spaniards to the last man, until he, having got rid of them all, might return with the few Portuguese with the fleet to his own country. And so this hatred settled more deeply in the hearts of the Spaniards.