Chapter XXXIV: Book IX: Extract From the Preface (3)

[174] The _arae Philaenorum_ were apparently set up as boundary stones to mark the territory of the Pentapolis or Cyrene from Egypt: and the place retained the name long after the disappearance of the altars (Strabo, 3, 5, 5-6).

[175] For Polybius’s calculation as to the length of the stade, see note on 34, 12.

[176] Livy, 21, 25, calls it _Tannetum_, and describes it only as _vicus Pado propinquus_. It was a few miles from Parma.

[177] _Pluribus enim divisus amnis in mare decurrit_ (Livy, 21, 26).

[178] See on ch. 33, note 2.

[179] This statement has done much to ruin Polybius’s credit as a geographer. It indicates indeed a strangely defective conception of distance; as his idea, of the Rhone flowing always west, does of the general lie of the country.

[180] I have no intention of rediscussing the famous question of the pass by which Hannibal crossed the Alps. The reader will find an admirably clear statement of the various views entertained, and the latest arguments advanced in favour of each, in the notes to Mr. W. T. Arnold’s edition of Dr. Arnold’s _History of the Second Punic War_, pp. 362-373.

[181] περί τι λευκόπετρον, which, however, perhaps only means “bare rock,” cf. 10, 30. But see Law’s _Alps of Hannibal_, vol. i. p. 201 _sq._

[182] His life according to one story, was saved by his son, the famous Scipio Africanus (10, 3); according to another, by a Ligurian slave (Livy, 21, 46).

[183] Livy says “to Mago,” Hannibal’s younger brother (21, 47). This Hasdrubal is called in ch. 93 “captain of pioneers.”

[184] That is, four legions and their regular contingent of socii. See 6, 19 _sqq._

[185] “He crossed the Apennines, not by the ordinary road to Lucca, descending the valley of the Macra, but, as it appears, by a straighter line down the valley of the Auser or Serchio.”—ARNOLD.

[186] The marshes between the Arno and the Apennines south of Florence.

[187] ἀπεκοιμῶντο Schw. translates simply _dormiebant_. But the compound means more than that; it conveys the idea of an interval of sleep snatched from other employments. See Herod. 8, 76; Aristoph. _Vesp._ 211.

[188] Livy, 22, 4-6. For a discussion of the modern views as to the scene of the battle, see W. T. Arnold’s edition of Dr. Arnold’s _History of the Second Punic War_, pp. 384-393. The radical difference between the account of Livy and that of Polybius seems to be that the former conceives the fighting to have been on the north shore of the lake between Tucro and Passignano; Polybius conceives the rear to have been caught in the defile of Passignano, the main fighting to have been more to the east, where the road turns up at right angles to the lake by La Torricella. Mr. Capes, however in his note on the passage of Livy, seems to think that both accounts agree in representing the fighting on the vanguard as being opposite Tucro.

[189] This treatment of non-combatants was contrary to the usages of civilised warfare even in those days, and seems to have been the true ground for the charge of _crudelitas_ always attributed to Hannibal by Roman writers, as opposed to the behaviour of such an enemy as Pyrrhus (Cic. _de Am._ 28). It may be compared to the order of the Convention to give no quarter to English soldiers, which the French officers nobly refused to execute.

[190] Polybius expresses the fact accurately, for, in the absence of a Consul to nominate a Dictator, Fabius was created by a plebiscitum; but the scruples of the lawyers were quieted by his having the title of _prodictator_ only (Livy, 22, 8).

[191] Ramsay (_Roman Antiquities_, p. 148) denies this exception, quoting Livy, 6, 16. But Polybius could hardly have been mistaken on such a point; and there are indications (Plutarch, _Anton._ 9) that the Tribunes did not occupy the same position as the other magistrates towards the Dictator.

[192] The _ager Praetutianus_ was the southern district of Picenum (Livy, 22, 9; 27, 43). The chief town was Interamna.

[193] On the Appian Way between Equus Tuticus and Herdonia, mod. _Troja_.

[194] Holsten for the Δαύνιοι of the old text; others suggest _Calatia_.

[195] Added by conjecture of Schw. One MS. has δευτέρα ἡ ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἐριβανοῦ.

[196] Near Cales.

[197] Homer, _Odyss._ 10, 230.

[198] See i. 16.

[199] ἐξ ἀσπίδος ἐπιπαρενέβαλλον. The ordinary word for “forming line” or “taking dressing” is παρεμβάλλειν. In the other two passages where ἐπιπαρεμβάλλειν is used, ἐπί has a distinct (though different) force. I think here it must mean “against,” “so as to attack.” And this seems to be Casaubon’s interpretation.

[200] There is nothing here absolutely to contradict the picturesque story of the death of Paulus given by Livy (22, 49), but the words certainly suggest that Polybius had never heard it.

[201] A town on the lake of Trichonis, in Aetolia, but its exact situation is uncertain. Strabo (10, 2, 3) says that it was on a fertile plain, which answers best to a situation north of the lake.

[202] Cf. 9, 34. We know nothing of this incident.

[203] See 2, 53.

[204] The Achaean Strategus was elected in the middle of May, the Aetolian in the autumn. Aratus would be elected May 12, B.C. 220, and come into office some time before midsummer; Ariston’s Aetolian office would terminate in September B.C. 220. See v. 1.

[205] The capture of Sicyon and expulsion of the tyrant Nicocles was the earliest exploit of Aratus, B.C. 251. Plutarch, _Arat._ 4-9. The taking of the Acrocorinthus from the Macedonian garrison was in B.C. 243, _ib._ ch. 19-24. For the affair at Pellene see _ib._ 31. The capture of Mantinea was immediately after a defeat by Cleomenes. See Plutarch, _Cleom._ 5.

[206] The city of Pheia was on the isthmus connecting the promontory Ichthys (_Cape Katákolo_) with the mainland: opposite its harbour is a small island which Polybius here calls _Pheias_, _i.e._ the island belonging to Pheia.

[207] Caphyae was on a small plain, which was subject to inundations from the lake of Orchomenus; the ditches here mentioned appear to be those dug to drain this district. They were in the time of Pausanias superseded by a high dyke, from the inner side of which ran the River Tragus (_Tara_). Pausan. 8, 23, 2.

[208] The Olympiads being counted from the summer solstice, these events occurring before midsummer of B.C. 220 belong to the 139th Olympiad. The 140th begins with midsummer B.C. 220.

[209] But outside the natural borders of Arcadia. Mod. Kalávryta.

[210] By the diolcos which had been formed for the purpose. Strabo, 8, 2. Ships had been dragged across the Isthmus on various occasions from early times. See Thucyd. 3, 15.

[211] Reading, μόνου. See ch. 13.

[212] A mountain on the frontier, on the pass over which the roads to Tegea and Argos converge.

[213] A town of Phthiotis in Thessaly. See Book 25, 3.

[214] See ch. 15.

[215] See ch. 24.

[216] See Stobaeus Floril. 58, 9, who gives three more lines.

[217] Cf. ch. 74.

[218] The hero of the second Messenian war, B.C. 685-668 (Pausan. 4, 14-24). The story told by Pausanias, who also quotes these verses, is that Aristocrates, king of the Arcadians, twice played the traitor to Aristomenes, the Messenian champion: once at the battle of the Great Trench, and again when Aristomenes renewed the war after his escape from the Pits at Sparta; and that on the second occasion his own people stoned him to death, and set up this pillar in the sacred enclosure of Zeus on Mount Lycaeus.

[219] But Pausanias represents the pillar as put up by the Arcadians, not the Messenians (4, 22, 7).

[220] The text is uncertain here.

[221] Reading with Hultsch, τὰ καλὰ.

[222] However cogent may be the reasons for his prophecy adduced by Polybius, there are no signs of its being fulfilled. Indeed, the bank at the mouth of the Danube, which he mentions, has long disappeared. The fact seems to be that he failed to take into calculation the constant rush of water out of the Euxine, which is sufficient to carry off any amount of alluvial deposit.

[223] Xenophon, _Hellen._ 1, 1, 22.

[224] Or Tylis, according to Stephanos Byz., who says it was near the Haemus. Perhaps the modern Kilios.

[225] Seleucus II. (Callinicus), B.C. 246-226. Seleucus III. (Ceraunus), B.C. 226-223. Antiochus the Great (son of Callinicus), B.C. 223-187.

[226] Of Seleucus Callinicus.

[227] That this was the name of a yearly officer at Byzantium appears from a decree in Demosthenes (_de Cor._ § 90), and Byzantine coins, Eckhel, ii. p. 31. The title seems to have been brought from the mother-city Megara; as at Chalcedon, another colony of Megara, the same existed (C. I. G. 3794). It was connected with the worship of Apollo brought from Megara, Müller’s _Dorians_, i. p. 250. It seems that this use of the name (generally employed of the deputies to the Amphictyonic council) was peculiarly Dorian. See Boeckh. C. I., vol. i. p. 610.

[228] Or Lyctos (Steph. Byz.)

[229] Of Arcadia, a city of Crete (Steph. Byz.)

[230] Which had a harbour formed by a projecting headland called Lisses. Steph. Byz., who quotes Homer, _Odyss._ 3, 293:

ἔστι δέ τις Λισσὴς αἰπεῖά τε εἰς ἅλα πέτρη.

[231] As a measure of weight a talent = about 57 lbs. avoirdupois. The prepared hair was for making ropes and bowstrings apparently.

[232] Gortyna or Gortys is an emendation of Reiske for Gorgus, which is not known. Gortys is mentioned by Pausanias, 5, 7, 1; 8, 27, 4; 8, 28, 1; it was on the river Bouphagus, and in the time of Pausanias was a mere village.

[233] See 2, 41. We have no hint, as far as I know, of the circumstances under which such recovery would take place. We may conjecture from this passage that it would be on showing that losses had been sustained by reason of a failure of the league to give protection.

[234] Stephanos describes Ambracus as a πολιχνίον close to Ambracia.

[235] Though it was in the territory of Acarnania (Steph. Byz.)

[236] 3, 19.

[237] The position of Dodona, long a subject of doubt, was settled by the discovery of the numerous inscriptions found about seven miles from Jannina, and published by Constantine Caraponos in 1878, _Dodon et ses Ruines_. See also _Journal of Hellenic Studies_, vol. i. p. 228.

[238] See ch. 68.

[239] Reading ἁλίαν. See Müller’s _Dorians_, vol. II, p. 88.

[240] The local name of Tarentine, though doubtless originating in fact, had come to indicate a species of mercenary cavalry armed in a particular way. Arrian, _Tact._ 4, distinguishes two sorts of light cavalry for skirmishing Tarentines armed with javelins (δορατία), and horse archers (ἱπποτοξόται). Cp, 11, 12. Livy 35, 29; 37, 40.

[241] Pausanias (8, 26, 7) calls him Hypatodorus; and mentions another work of his at Delphi (10, 10, 3). He flourished about B.C. 370. He was a native of Thebes. Sostratos was a Chian, and father of another statuary named Pantias. Paus. 6, 9, 3.

[242] That is the office of the Polemarch, as in Athens the Strategium (στρατηγίον) is the office of the Strategi. Plutarch, _Nicias_, 5.

[243] Yet the avowed project of Cleomenes was the restoration of the ancient constitution. Plutarch, _Cleom._ c. 10.

[244] See ch. 59.

[245] From 4, 6, it appears that the election took place at the rising of the Pleiades (13th May) and that the new Strategus did not enter upon his office until some time afterwards, towards the middle of June or even midsummer. But the custom apparently varied, and the use of τότε seems to indicate a change.

[246] Later on the assemblies were held at the different cities in turn. See 23, 17; 24, 10, etc.

[247] Νεοκρῆτες, cf. cc. 65, 79. Livy (37, 40) transcribes the word _Neocretes_. It is uncertain what the exact meaning of the word is. It seems most reasonable to suppose that, like Tarentini, it had ceased to be an ethnical term, and meant mercenary soldiers (νέοι) armed like Cretans, that is, as archers.

[248] The narrow channel between Leucas and the mainland, which had been artificially enlarged. Dionys Halic. 1, 50.

[249] 4, 63.

[250] 4, 62.

[251] 4, 67.

[252] The pun disappears in translation. The line is

ὁρᾷς τὸ +δῖον+ οὗ βέλος δίεπτατο.

[253] Games in his honour were celebrated at Sicyon. See Plutarch, _Arat._ 45. _Cleomenes_, 16. _Supra_, p. 147 n. _Infra_, 28, 19; 30, 23.

[254] A memorial, apparently, of the fruitless expedition of Pyrrhus into Laconia in B.C. 272.

[255] The Guard. The word _agema_ properly means the leading corps in an army; but it obtained this technical meaning in the Macedonian army (see Arrian, 1, 1, 11), whence it was used in other armies also founded on the Macedonian model, as for instance in Alexandria (see _infra_, ch. 65).

[256] Hypaspists, originally a bodyguard to the king, had been extended in number and formed one or more distinct corps of light infantry (Grote, ch. 92).

[257] Here again, as in 5, 1, the outgoing Strategus appears to go out of office at the time of the election of his successor (see note on ch. 1, and cp. 4, 6). There seems to have been some variety of practice. Perhaps the interval was left somewhat to mutual arrangement, the summer solstice being the outside limit.

[258] See 2, 69.

[259] Archidamus was the brother of Agis, the king of the other line, who had been assassinated in B.C. 240. Plutarch, _Cleom._ 5, probably on the authority of Phylarchus, represents the murder of Archidamus as not the work of Cleomenes, but of the same party that had murdered Agis and feared the vengeance of his brother. (See Thirlwall, 8, p. 158, who agrees with Plutarch.)

[260] Homer, _Il._, 22, 304.

[261] The false Smerdis (Herod. 3, 61-82).

[262] Hence the sacred breed of Nisaean horses, used for the Persian king’s chariot (Herod 7, 40; 9, 20). The Nisaean plain was one of those in Media containing the best pasture, and is identified by Rawlinson with that of _Khawar_ and _Alistan_ near _Behistun_.

[263] ἕταιροι are cavalry; the πεζέταιροι of the Macedonian army are represented in Polybius by the Hypaspists. See _supra_, ch. 27, cp. 16, 18.

[264] That is, Demetrius II. and Antigonus Doson.

[265] See Professor Mahaffy, _Greek Life and Thought_, p. 405, who points out that this refers to the Egyptian troops especially, whose old military castes (see Herod. 2, 164-6) though not extinct had forgotten their old skill. In a sense, however, it applies to both kinds of troops; for they had to be trained to act _together_, as is shown in the next chapter.

[266] See above, ch. 5 note.

[267] Two different towns of this name have already been mentioned (ch. 48, 52). This Dura appears to be in Phoenicia; but nothing is known of it.

[268] Seleucus I., B.C. 306-280. Antigonus, the One-eyed, in B.C. 318, occupied Coele-Syria and Phoenicia after a victory over Perdiccas. Diodor. Sic. 18, 43.

[269] Battle of Ipsus, B.C. 301.

[270] See _ante_, ch. 40-2, 57-8.

[271] Antiochus Hierax, son of Antiochus II.

[272] Laodice was the sister of the wife of Antiochus (5, 43) and a daughter of King Mithridates (8, 22-23).

[273] Selge was said to be a colony of the Lacedaemonians. Strabo 13, 7, 3.

[274] Called Barathra. See Strabo, 17, 1, 21.

[275] Agema. See note on 5, 25.

[276] Sarissae, the long Macedonian spears.

[277] Polybius therefore reckons the value of the λέβητες and ὑδρίαι as five talents.

[278] That is about 171,000 lbs., see 34, 8, note, reckoning the talent as = 57 lbs.

[279] ἀρτάβη, an Egyptian measure = the Attic medimnus.

[280] Callinicus, ob. B.C. 226. This must refer to another case.

[281] See _ante_, ch. 30. Agetas had been elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of 218 B.C., Aratus Achaean Strategus in the early summer of B.C. 217.

[282] See 2, 61-4. B.C. 222.

[283] See 2, 39.

[284] See _supra_, ch. 24.

[285] According to Suidas, these were light vessels used by pirates: but whether the name arose from their construction, capacity, or the number of their oars, seems uncertain. According to Hesychius they had two banks of oars (δίκροτος ναῦς· πλοῖον μικρόν).

[286] See ch. 95.

[287] This language is so vague that we might suppose from it that the Achaeans elected Timoxenus in the summer of B.C. 217 to come into office in the following spring. But there is nowhere else any indication of such an interval at this period, and we must suppose Polybius to be speaking in general terms of the result of the peace during the next ten months. Agelaus was elected Aetolian Strategus in the autumn of B.C. 217.

[288] Euripides, fr. 529. Ed. Nauck.

[289] Some disconnected fragments which are usually placed at the end of the first chapter, and form the second chapter of this book, I have placed among the minor fragments at the end of these volumes.

[290] Aristotle’s classification is kingship, aristocracy, πολιτεία, democracy, oligarchy, tyranny (Pol. 4, 2). This was derived from Plato (Pol. 302, c.) who arranges the six (besides the ideal polity) in pairs, kingship, tyranny,—aristocracy, oligarchy,—democracy, good and bad. Plato has no distinct name except δημοκρατία παράνομος, for the bad democracy which Polybius calls ὀχλοκρατία, “mob-rule.” Polybius’s arrangement is this—

Kingship (arising from a natural despotism or monarchy)
degenerates into Tyranny.

Aristocracy degenerates into Oligarchy.

Democracy degenerates into Mob-rule.

[291] εὐθύνας. Polybius uses a word well known at Athens and other Greek states, but the audit of a Consul seems to have been one of money accounts only. At the expiration, however, of his office he took an oath in public that he had obeyed the laws, and if any prosecution were brought against him it would be tried before the people. See the case of Publius Claudius, 1, 52.

[292] This refers primarily to the _consilium_ of the _quaesitor_ in any special _quaestio_, which up to the time of the lex judiciaria of Gracchus, B.C. 122, was invariably composed of Senators. The same would apply to the _Quaestiones perpetuae_, only one of which existed in the time of Polybius, i.e., _de repetundis_, established in 149 B.C. by the lex Calpurnia. Other single judices in civil suits, though nominated by the Praetor, were, Polybius intimates, almost necessarily Senators in cases of importance.

[293] Casaubon altered this to “two hundred.” In 3, 107, Polybius certainly states that the ordinary number of cavalry was 200, raised in cases of emergency to 300, and Livy, 22, 36, gives an instance. But both authors in many other passages mention 300 as the usual number, and any alteration of this passage would be unsafe.

[294] _Praefectus sociis_ and _quaestor_. But this quaestor must be distinguished from the Roman quaestors.

[295] For the Spanish sword see Fr. xxii.

[296] Polybius does not mention the subdivision of maniples into centuries, for which the word ordines is sometimes used. Livy, 8, 8; 42, 34.

[297] The plethrum = 10,000 square feet. The side of the square of the Praetorium, therefore, is 200 feet.

[298] That is the _via_ separating it from the next block, or from the vallum.

[299] That is, one between the two legions, and two between the blocks in each.

[300] That is to say—without the _extraordinarii_ (⅕)—there are 2400 to get into 10 spaces instead of 3000 into 30.

[301] That is, who have been selected from the pedites sociorum to serve on the praetoria cohors.

[302] Polybius always calls this the χάραξ or χαράκωμα. But the Romans had two words, _agger_ the embankment, and _vallum_ the palisading on the top of it. Either word, however, is often used to represent the whole structure.

[303] That is, whether in first, second, or other watch in the night.

[304] See the story of Cato’s son, Plutarch, _Cato Maj._ 20.

[305] In seeking a constitution to compare with that of Rome, that of Athens is rejected (1) as not being a mixed one, (2) as not having been successful: successful, that is, in gaining or keeping an empire. He is speaking somewhat loosely. The power of Athens, of which Themistocles laid the foundation, was mainly consolidated by Pericles; so that Polybius includes much of the period of her rise with that of her decline.

[306] For what remains of the account of Ephorus see Strabo, 10, 4, 8-9. The reference to Plato is to the “Laws,” especially Book I. See also Aristotle, _Pol._ 2, 10, who points out the likeness and unlikeness between the Cretan and Lacedaemonian constitutions.

[307] This equality of land had gradually disappeared by the time of King Agis IV. (B.C. 243-239): so that, according to Plutarch [_Agis_ 5], the number of landowners was reduced to 100. This process had been accelerated by the Rhetra of Epitadeus, allowing free bequest of land, Plutarch, _ib._ See Thirlwall, vol. viii. p. 132.

[308] The meaning of νενεμημένους, which I here represent by “acquired a recognised position,” is at least doubtful. Casaubon translates it _qui in album non fuerint recepti_, referring to Sueton. Nero, 21. But nothing is elsewhere known of such an _album_ for registering the names of recognised athletes. The passage is important as helping to explain how the number of those entering for the contests in the greater games was practically limited, and therefore how it happened that, for instance, the five contests of the Pentathlum did not often fall to different athletes so as to leave the victory uncertain.

[309] The Carthaginian Suffetes are always called βασιλεῖς by the Greek writers: see 3, 33, note; Herod. 7, 165; Diod. Sic. 14, 53. Aristotle [_Pol._ 2, 11], in contrasting the Spartan and Carthaginian constitutions, mentions with approval that, unlike the Spartan kings, those at Carthage were elected, and were not confined to a particular family.

[310] See Bosworth Smith, _Carthage and the Carthaginians_, p. 26 ff.

[311] This seems to be the only authority for assigning to the censors the _toga purpurea_ instead of the _toga praetexta_: and, indeed, Athenaeus speaks of them as wearing the toga praetexta περιπόρφυρος, 14, 69. In Livy, 40, 45, they occupy _sellae curules_.

[312] Livy (2, 10) makes Cocles succeed in reaching the bank alive.

[313] But Polybius afterwards admits that a falling off in this respect had begun. See 18, 35; 32, 11.

[314] Livy, 22, 58-61.

[315] κακοὶ κακῶς, a phrase at once insulting and vulgar.

[316] Plutarch, _Aratus_, ch. 48.

[317] βαλανάγρας. The βαλανάγρα was a straight piece of wood with upright pins corresponding with those that fall into the bolt (the βάλανοι), and which are pushed up by it. It was thus used as a key which could be taken out and kept by the Commandant, as in Herod. 3, 155; Thucyd. 2, 4. But Polybius here seems to use it as equivalent to βάλανος. See Aeneas, _Tact._ 18-20, who recommends that the μόχλος should be sheeted with iron to prevent this very operation. Cp. 4, 57. What he means by ζύγωμα on the outside (here translated “fastenings”) is also somewhat doubtful. From Hesychius, s.v. ἐπιξευκτήρ, it might be conjectured that chains of some kind were intended. Casaubon supposed it to be a cross bar similar to the μόχλος inside, and Schw. to represent the posts and the lintel connecting them.

[318] See 5, 37. According to Phylarchus the murder of Archidamus was against the wish of Cleomenes. Plut. _Cleom._ 5.

[319] To which proceedings may be referred a sentence of Polybius preserved by Suidas, s.v. διεσκευασμένην—“They send out certain Cretans, as though on a raid, giving them a sham despatch to carry.” See Livy, 24, 30-31.

[320] Cp. 1, 35.

[321] σκορπίδια, mentioned among a number of similar engines in 1 Macc. 6, 51. Plutarch calls them σκορπίοι, and explains that they only carried a short distance, but, being concealed, gave wounds at close quarters; hence, doubtless, their name.

[322] See also Athenaeus, 4, 166-167. Theopompus of Chius was a contemporary of Philip II. and Alexander, having been born about B.C. 376-372.

[323] The accusation of administering slow poisons is a very common one, as readers of mediæval history know. But the ignorance of the conditions of health was too great to allow us to accept them without question. It is doubtful whether drugs, acting in this particular way, were known to the ancients; and certainly spitting blood would be no conclusive evidence of the presence of poison. See Creighton’s _History of the Papacy_, vol. iv. Append.

[324] This fragment is supposed, by comparison with Livy, 25, 36, to belong to the account of the fall of Gnaeus Cornelius Scipio in Spain, B.C. 212.

[325] Or “legion,” according to others. But as both Consuls are engaged in the business, it seems reasonable to refer it to the two consular armies of two legions each.

[326] That is “blaming Fortune or Providence.” Schw. quotes Xenophon _Hellen._ 7, 5, 12, ἔξεστι μὲν τὸ θεῖον αἰτιᾶσθαι.

[327] συμπέμψαι, a difficult word. See Strachan-Davidson’s note. It seems to me to be opposed to φυγεῖν or some such idea. Hannibal was not in flight, but kept the enemy with him, as it were, in a kind of procession, until the moment for striking.

[328] There is some word wanting in the text here which has been variously supplied. I have ventured to conjecture =τὰ γὰρ δοκοῦντα= παράβολον κ.τ.λ., and to translate accordingly: for it is the boldness and apparent rashness of Hannibal’s movement that Polybius seems to wish to commend.

[329] Cp. Homer, _Odyss._ 19, 471.

[330] Livy, 25, 40, calls him Mutines.

[331] See 3, 86, note. Cp. Cicero de Am. § 8, cum duobus ducibus de imperio in Italia decertatum est, Pyrrho et Annibale. Ab altero propter probitatem ejus non nimis alien os animos habemus; alterum _propter crudelitatem semper haec civitas oderit_.

[332] The paragraph “For the Aetolians ... in Greece,” follows “the Messenians” in ch. 30, in the Greek texts. But it is evidently out of place there, and falls naturally into this position.

[333] Antigonus Doson.

[334] B.C. 211. See Livy, 26, 24-26.

[335] On the margin of one MS. is written “For such is the characteristic always maintained by the Athenian State.” But its relevancy is not very apparent; and at any rate it seems more likely to be a comment of the Epitomator, than a sentence from Polybius.

[336] Scopas (B.C. 211-210) must have gone out of office, _i.e._ it was after autumn of 210 B.C.

[337] That is, 10s. 3¾d. for about a bushel and a half. See on 2, 15.

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