Chapter XXXI: Appendix: No. 1.—Page 2, Vol. I (11)

Syria, the cities and territories of, i. 126.
The Crusaders enter, i. 127.
Conquests in, by the Crusaders, i. 183 et seq.
Invade Egypt, i. 390 et seq.
Political state of, at the sixth crusade, ii. 226.
Possessed by the Egyptians and Carismians, ii. 331.
By the sultan of Egypt, ii. 377.
Principal cities captured by the Moguls, iii. 5.
Towns of, destroyed by the Crusaders, iii. 119.
Overrun by Tamerlane, iii. 132.
Geographical details respecting, iii. 485 (App.).
See _Palestine_.

T.

Tabor, Mount, churches built on, i. 1.
Described, ii. 227.
Attacked by the Crusaders, _ib._

Tamerlane, history and extensive conquests of, iii. 132, iii. 133.
Defeats Bajazet at Ancyra, iii.133.

Tancred “the Brave,” character of, i. 86, i. 87.
His inflexible virtue, i. 96.
Hostile encounter with Baldwin, i. 118, i. 119.
“Tower of”, i. 217 and n.
Enters Jerusalem by storm, i. 222.
Takes possession of Tiberias and various other cities, i. 267.
Attacked by the sultan of Damascus, who is defeated by Godfrey,
i. 273.
His quarrel with Baldwin, i. 276, i. 277.
His death and character, i. 290.

Tarenta, remedy for the bite of a, i. 199 n.

Tarentum, principality of, i. 85.

Tarsus, city of, i. 116.
Disputes among the leaders of the Crusaders at, i. 117.
Taken possession of by Baldwin, i. 118.

Tartars, invasions of the, i. 255; ii. 265.
Defeat the Latins, ii. 166, ii. 167.
Their manners and customs, ii. 313.
History and conquests of, ii. 316 et seq., ii. 322, ii. 487; iii. 8,
iii. 95, iii. 132.
Government of the, ii. 321.
Capture Bagdad, iii. 4.
Their conquests in Syria, iii. 6.
Beaten and expelled by the Mamelukes, iii. 7.
The pope sends missionaries to them, iii. 94.
Their contests with the Mussulmans revive the hopes of the
Christians, _ib._
They send ambassadors to the pope, iii. 95.
Conquests of Tamerlane, their great leader, iii. 132, iii. 133.

Tasso, his “Jerusalem delivered”, i. 202 n., i. 205.
His account of the battle of Ascalon, i. 243 n.
His heroes more wonderful than those of Homer, i. 258.
Memoir of his enchanted forest, iii. 388 (App.).

Tatius quits the camp of the Crusaders, i. 135.

Taurus, Mount, sufferings of the Crusaders in passing, i. 126.

Taxation, created on the fall of feudalism, iii. 293.

Temelicus, defeated by the Saracens, i. 14.

Temory, Paul, Archbishop of Colotza, is appointed commander against
the Turks, and defeated, iii. 214, iii. 215.

Templars, the, i. 307.
Their devoted bravery, i. 308; ii. 414; iii. 88.
Defeat and slaughter of, i. 415, i. 416.
Their grand master taken prisoner by Saladin, i. 422.
Their conquests and possessions, ii. 9; iii. 98.
Their quarrels with the Hospitallers, ii. 9, ii. 10; iii. 2.
Accusations against, iii. 99.
Hammer’s notes on their apostasy, iii. 494-500 (App.).

Temugin, the Tartar chief, notices of, ii. 317 et seq.
Death of, ii. 321.

Thaher, governor of Aleppo, ii. 3.

Themal, bravery of, i. 13 n.

Theodore, governor of Edessa, i. 121 and n.

Theodosius, column of, at Constantinople, ii. 157 and n.

Theopolis, the ancient name of Antioch, i. 128.

Theriaca, a medicine brought from Antioch, iii. 336.

Thessalonica, possessed by Boniface, ii. 150;
by Baldwin, iii. 160.

Thevet, André, i. 41 n.

Thibault III., count of Champagne, engages in the second crusade,
i. 330.

—— IV., count of Champagne, engages in the fifth crusade, ii. 45.
His death and character, ii. 54.

—— V., king of Navarre, engages in the holy war, ii. 286, ii. 290.

Thierri, count of Flanders, i. 359.

Thimariots of Turkey, iii. 240.

Thoron, castle of, besieged, ii. 23-28.

Thrace entered by the Crusaders, i. 67.

Tiberias, taken possession of by Tancred, i. 267.
Captured by Saladin, i. 407.
Battle of, disastrous to the Christians, i. 418-423.
Letter from Saladin, detailing the battle of, iii. 372 (App.).

Togrul-Beg, elected king of the Turks, i. 31.
His victorious career, i. 31, i. 32.

Tolosa, victory of, over the Moors, ii. 201.

Tortosa, successful attack on by the Crusaders, i. 189.
Capture of, i. 254.
Retaken by the Mussulmans, i. 453.

Toucy, Chevalier de, ii. 466.

Tournaments of the middle age, iii. 296.

Tours, council of, for promoting the cause of the Crusaders, ii. 287.

Toutousch, the Turkish general, conquests of, i. 33.

Traconite, the country of, i. 318.

Tripoli, emir of, defeated by the Crusaders, i. 196.
The city of, captured by them, i. 287.
Riches of, i. 288.
Flourishing state of, i. 306.
Besieged by Saladin, i. 453.
Taken by storm, and the Christians slaughtered, iii. 69.
The city destroyed, iii. 70.
Recaptured and burnt by the Crusaders, iii. 119.

Tristan, duke of Nevers, death of, iii. 42.

Troncs, receipts of, in France, for the expenses of the crusades,
iii. 473;
and their expenditure, iii. 474 et seq.

Troubadours, songs of, during the middle ages, ii. 306, ii. 307;
iii. 342.
Their poetry for the crusades, iii. 452 (App.).

Trouvères during the middle ages, iii. 342.

“True cross,” a piece of, placed in the church of Drontheim, i. 289.
Captured by Saladin, i. 422.
Fragment of it taken from Constantinople, ii. 142 and n.

Tunis, the Crusaders under Louis IX. arrive at, iii. 37.
Historical notices of, iii. 37, iii. 38.
Captured, iii. 39.
Great mortality among the Crusaders at., iii. 41.
Death of Louis IX. at, iii. 46.
A truce concluded, iii. 50.

Turbessel, capture of, i. 121.

Turcoman, the surname of Ezz-Eddin Aybek, governor of Egypt, ii. 445.

TURKS, or TURCOMANS, their victorious and sanguinary career, i. 31 et
seq.
Embrace the Mussulman faith, i. 31.
Their social barbarism, i. 37.
Their power at the time of the first crusade, i. 97;
and the contests with them, i. 100 et seq.
Cruel treatment of, by the Crusaders, i. 137.
Their defeat before Antioch, i. 140, i. 141.
Defeat the Crusaders, i. 252, i. 253.
Cause of their victories, i. 255 n.
Their incursions in Palestine, i. 303.
Defeat the Germans, i. 351;
and are beaten by the French, i. 353.
Dynasties of, almost annihilated, i. 382.
Capture Sidon, and slaughter the inhabitants, ii. 474.
——, renewal of the crusades against, attempted, iii. 93.
Their conquest of Asia Minor, iii. 113.
The seat of their empire at Adrianople, _ib._
Their origin from the Tartars, iii. 120.
Their history and conquests, iii. 121 et seq.
Their invasion of Greece, iii. 122.
A crusade against, determined on, iii. 125, iii. 126.
Contests with, iii. 127.
Defeated by Tamerlane, iii. 132, iii. 133.
Their barbarities to the Christians, iii. 135.
Besiege Constantinople under Mahomet II., iii. 148 et seq.
Capture it, and annihilate the Greek empire, iii. 156.
Crusades against, undertaken, A. D. 1438-1481, iii. 159.
They penetrate into Hungary, iii. 166.
And are defeated at Belgrade, iii. 167.
Their extensive conquests, iii. 171, iii. 174, iii. 180, iii. 225.
Invade Hungary and different parts of Europe simultaneously,
iii. 187-189.
Defeated by the Hungarians, iii. 187.
Besiege Rhodes, iii. 188, iii. 189.
Capture Otranto, _ib._
Complete the overthrow of all the rival powers of the East,
iii. 203.
Defeat the Hungarians, iii. 215.
Capture Cyprus, iii. 225.
Defeated at the naval battle of Lepanto, iii. 226.
Succours against implored by Pope Alexander VII., and a Christian
confederation formed, iii. 233, iii. 234.
Their military power begins to decline, iii. 230, iii. 231,
iii. 236.
General review of their conquests, iii. 231 et seq.
Conclude a peace with the Christian forces in Hungary, iii. 234.
Defeated by Sobieski at Vienna, iii. 235.
Causes and history of their decline, iii. 236 et seq.
Their present political position, iii. 244 et seq.

TURKS, letter of Bohemond and others, detailing the defeat of the
Turks, iii. 360 (App.).
Letter to Pope Urban, detailing the victories of the Crusaders over
them, iii. 365.

Tyre, commercial greatness of, i. 300.
Siege and capture of, i. 300, i. 301.
Besieged by Saladin, i. 451.
Its heroic defence, i. 452.
Captured and destroyed by the Saracens, iii. 89.

U.

Universities of Europe during the middle ages, iii. 337, iii. 339.

Urban II., Pope, his interview with Peter the Hermit, i. 42.
Receives the ambassadors of Alexis Comnenus, i. 44.
Convokes a council at Plaisance, i. 45.
At Clermont, i. 46 et seq.
His inciting speech in favour of the crusades, i. 48-50.

—— V. adopts the project of a new crusade, iii. 113.
And convokes a meeting at Avignon, iii. 113-114.

V.

Valeran, bishop of Berytus, ii. 334.

Varangians, account of the, ii. 83 n.

Vaudois, religious principles of the, ii. 197.
Papal crusade against, ii. 199 and n.

Venetians embark for the Holy Land, and destroy the fleet of the
Saracens, i. 298.
Enter Jerusalem, i. 299.
Conquer Tyre, i. 301.
Return to Italy, i. 302.
Refinement of the, ii. 182.
Their contests with the Genoese, iii. 2.

Venice forbids intercourse with the Mussulmans, i. 15.
Commercial greatness of, ii. 48.
Dandolo, the doge, ii. 49.
Engages to assist the Crusaders, ii. 50, ii. 51.
Sums advanced by, ii. 53.
Pecuniary exactions of, ii. 59.
Her wealth and greatness, ii. 183, ii. 184.
Her possessions captured by the Turks, iii. 184.
Bajazet II. declares war against, iii. 197.
Her active preparations for defence, iii. 198.
Her commercial ambition, iii. 200.
Hélian’s diatribe against, _ib._
Rejoicings at, after the victory of Lepanto, iii. 226.
State of, during the age of the crusades, iii. 263.

Vermandois, Crusaders of the, i. 81.

Vermandois, count de, i. 83.
Led a prisoner to Constantinople, i. 89.
His treatment avenged, i. 90.
His bravery before Antioch, i. 170, i. 174.
Returns to Europe, i. 177.
Dies of his wounds, i. 254.

Vertot, abbé de, the historian, iii. 188.

Victor III., Pope, incites the Christians to take arms against the
infidels, i. 39, i. 40.

Vida, the Italian poet, his enthusiasm for the crusades, iii. 203.

Vienna, council of, convoked by Clement V. to promote a crusade,
iii. 97.
Besieged by the Turks, iii. 217, iii. 218, iii. 235.
Relieved by Sobieski, king of Poland, _ib._

Villehardouin, Geoffrey, marshal of Champagne, ii. 46 and n.
His address to the Venetians, ii. 50, ii. 51 and n.
His history of the contests between the Greeks and Latins, ii. 175.

——, William of, prince of Achaia, engages in the seventh crusade,
ii. 379.

Visions and prodigies, reliance of the Crusaders on, i. 192.

Vitri destroyed by Louis VII. of France, i. 330.

Volkmar, a priest, instigates the Crusaders to the greatest cruelties,
i. 70.

W.

Walcknaer’s “Itinerary,” i. 3 n., i. 199 n.

Wales, journey through, relating the manners of the inhabitants in
the twelfth century, iii. 408 (App.).

Walter the Penniless, general of the Crusaders, i. 62.

——, count of Cæsarea, his accusations against the count of Jaffa,
i. 313.

Warna, battle of, iii. 143.

West, Christians of the, aroused against the East, i. xix.; i. 3,
i. 20, i. 21.
Institutions of the, in their infancy, i. 36, i. 37.
Enthusiasm in favour of the crusades, i. 54.
Agitated state of the, ii. 195.
Alarm among the Christian nations, at the fall of Constantinople,
iii. 159 et seq.

William, king of Sicily, engages in the holy war, i. 453.

—— IX., count of Poictiers, sets out for the East, i. 249 and n.

—— Rufus, duke of Normandy, i. 82.

——, count de Nevers, i. 249.
Defeated by the Turks, i. 253.

——, archbishop of Tyre, preaches in support of the holy war, i. 436,
i. 444.
His speech, i. 437, i. 438.

——, viscount de Melun, deserts the camp of the Crusaders, and is
retaken, i. 135.

—— de Clermont, bravery of, iii. 80.
Slain, iii. 80, iii. 87.

—— of Malmesbury, the chronicler, iii. 356.

—— of Tyre, the historian, i. 17, i. 41, i. 54, i. 62, i. 65, i. 147
n. et passim.

Wine of Gaza, celebrated, i. 11.

Wolf IX., duke of Bavaria, a leader of the Crusaders, i. 249.
Defeated, i. 253.

Worms, diet at, convoked by Henry VI. of Germany, ii. 13, ii. 14.

Y.

Yemen, a province of Arabia, ii. 3 n.

Yve, son of Hugh de Grandmenil, i. 83.

Z.

Zara, city of, revolts against the domination of Venice, ii. 60.
Siege of, ii. 63.

Zengui, prince of Mossoul, conquests of, i. 306, i. 320.
Attacks the Christian fortresses, i. 315.
Besieges and captures Edessa, i. 321-325.
Assassinated, i. 326.

Zimisces, emperor of the Greeks, i. 14.
Conquests of, i. 15.
His violent death, i. 36.

Zizim, disputes the Turkish empire with Bajazet, and visits Europe,
iii. 191.
Joins the Christian crusade against the Turks, iii. 195.
His death, _ib._

SUPPLEMENTARY CHAPTER.

M. MICHAUD has told the story of the crusades with such fulness and accuracy that, so far as these religious pilgrimages in arms are concerned, nothing need be added. The movement of the West upon the East is traced and described in minute detail, with every accessory of personal incident and achievement, and the work has been done so thoroughly that probably no later historian will feel drawn to the same field. It may be profitable, however, to supplement this trustworthy and spirited narrative by a rapid survey of the wide and fruitful changes which the crusades directly and indirectly introduced into the social and political life of Europe. It is one of the gains of time that its lapse discloses those larger relations of great events which are hidden from the observation of an earlier age; and while the earlier historian has the advantage of being near the historical movement which he describes, and of collecting at first hand the fullest information of its origin, direction, and personality, the later writer is far more fully equipped for the work of setting the movement in right relation to its social and political environment. Thucydides must remain preëminently the historian of the Peloponnesian War; but Grote and Curtius, largely deriving their facts from him, are able to discuss the decisive struggle between Athens and Sparta with wider grasp of the elements of Greek character and politics which brought about the conflict, and to trace its influence in later Greek history. This chapter will add no newly discovered facts concerning the crusades; but, taking advantage of later studies in this important field, it will indicate some of the results of these expeditions as they have disclosed themselves in the subsequent political development of Europe.

The Council of Clermont in 1095 found the feudal system fully developed in Western Europe. The Holy Roman Empire which, in the person of Charlemagne, had given brief promise of a restoration of authority to government, and of cohesion to society, had become a mere shadow among the warring, aggressive factions of feudalism. The tremendous energy of Charles was potent enough to drive back the boundaries of barbarism, and make for a little time a comparatively clear field for efforts toward an organized and stable society; but the task of subduing the social and political anarchy about him was too great even for a ruler of his genius. The time was not ripe, and when the laboriously gathered lines of power fell from the strong hand, there was no successor to grasp them. Anarchy became well-nigh universal. The royal authority was everywhere, with here and there a passing exception, a vague and indefinite thing, hemmed in and jealously watched by barons, more powerful than the king in everything but name. Society was broken up into small communities, with apparently no common direction of movement or impulse of progress. Every castle was a centre of power, which might be hostile to every other authority about it. There were no common ties binding races into the larger fellowship of kindred aims and aspirations. Men of the same blood were arrayed in more deadly hostility to each other than were men of alien races.

No large enterprises were possible, because the community of sentiment and the harmony of action which made them possible, were alike absent. The principle of individualism—the greatest contribution of the northern races to the political development of Europe—had reached its fullest growth, and everywhere asserted itself in the most aggressive forms. Western Europe had gone so far in this direction that no further progress in the arts, industries, and institutions of civilization was possible without the introduction of a new element into the problem. What was needed was the cohesive influence of some common purpose, which should give a new unity by disclosing to men the larger possibilities of organized social and political life. Organization is the necessary condition of progress, and so long as Europe remained without the conception of government with well-defined powers, regularity of administration, and ability to suppress opposition and impress its authority, in all sections of its territory, with a firm and steady hand, no forward movement was possible.

This spell of political and social impotence was broken by the crusades. Peter the Hermit was a voice crying in the wilderness, the forerunner of a historical movement which was to be the salvation of Europe. Returning from Syria with a heart hot with indignation at the insults and persecutions which beset the pilgrim to the Holy Sepulchre, his call to arms had all the authority which a genuine religious conviction could give it, and all the persuasive eloquence of a call for which men had been longing and waiting in silence and despair. No one will deny the strength of the religious sentiment which, in answer to that message, speedily marshalled the hosts of the first crusade; but the restless life of oppressed and burdened races found in the new enterprise an outlet through which it poured itself like a rising tide. For the first time in its history Western Europe had a common purpose and united in a common undertaking. In the farthest hamlet the overshadowing power of the feudal lord became for the time being tributary to the authority of the Church, summoning Europe to fight its battles and protect its sacred places. Europe awoke to the fact, unsuspected before, that it was larger than its warring feudatories, that the possibilities of its life were far more varied and rich than men had dreamed under the iron pressure of the feudal system, and thus the needed element of association and coöperation asserted itself.

Like all great social and political changes, the transition from feudal communities to national organization was unconscious and undiscovered. In the minds of the crusaders and of the communities whose faith they represented and whose impulse they carried into action, no clearly defined ideal of national life answered the call of Peter. That ideal grew slowly, but its roots were planted in this movement. Spaniards, Germans, Italians, Englishmen, and Frenchmen found themselves acting in harmony for a common purpose. They bore different banners, they marched under different leaders, they took different roads; but a common impulse sent them forth and a common goal drew them on. Their community of sentiment was often marred by mutual jealousies, and their unity of action impaired by mutual antagonisms; but the substantial harmony which underlay these disorders and which secured the positive results of the earlier crusades, gave Europe a conception of life which it had thoroughly learned before the last crusaders returned from their fruitless quest.

That which drew together various nationalities and races, disclosing to them the religious and social aims and tastes which they possessed in common, brought about a similar result through the widely separated ranks of society. European society had no homogeneity when the first crusade was preached. It was divided into ranks sharply discriminated from each other, bound together by the pressure of external force, rather than by the cohesive power of organic structure. There was no mutuality of interest or feeling. King, baron, burgher, and peasant were so widely apart by virtue of the education of their circumstances that they could not understand each other. That common language of experience and aspiration, which to-day finds a response among men of all social ranks, would have been incomprehensible in the age of the first crusade. Baron and peasant had indeed acted together in feudal warfare; but only as the lower was forced to serve the higher, the weaker to do the work of the stronger. No common impulse had ever before stirred the common humanity of all classes; no call had ever before summoned them as individuals to a service in which each stood in a spiritual equality with every other. Men had moved in classes before, but they moved as classes and not as men.

The Church had seen its early dream of an imperial power with which it could keep itself in friendly and influential alliance fade like a mist before the iron individualism of feudalism, and had been compelled to begin almost anew its conquest over the governing powers of Europe. The work which a few skilful ecclesiastics could have done at the courts of kings in a few capital cities was relegated for centuries to an army of priests attached to baronial households, and conducting the sacred offices of their religion in the chapels of castles over the vast territory of Western Europe. The Church and feudalism were in radical antagonism; they represented ideas which could not, in the extremes in which each held them, be harmonized in practical life. The Church had yielded to feudalism, as in an earlier age she had yielded to the barbarian conquest of Southern Europe, because surrender, in form at least, was inevitable. But, in the latter case, as in the former, the struggle was renewed at once upon a new plan of action. The orderly campaign by massing of forces at a few strategic points was abandoned for incessant watchfulness and a perpetual skirmish along an immensely extended frontier. Every barony became a scene of action, every castle a stronghold to be won by the most skilful devices of the spiritual warfare. The Church was the only representative of the idea of universal authority and order, but as yet no occasion had arisen by which it might profit to make that conception an active principle in society. It was in deadly antagonism to the system which broke society up into small, hostile communities; but the time had not come when it could bring to bear a force powerful enough to destroy its antagonist, or to set at work an influence which would inevitably result in the disintegration of the feudal order.

The preaching of the first crusade was an opportunity which the Church was quick to recognise and to follow up with that persistent and consummate ability which characterized all its earlier and much of its later history. It was possible now to call not only separate feudatories but all Europe to arms. Feudalism would keep men divided into fixed classes, and society broken up into permanent groups; the Church, on the other hand, would prevent the oppression of one class by another by binding all in a universal allegiance to herself, and would impress upon society the unity of a common service and a common faith.

The crusades sprang out of a feeling which was as strong in the heart of the peasant as in that of the noble. A great cause and a universal sentiment gave the Church the opportunity for which it sought. A solemn council made the preaching of Peter the Hermit the voice of the Church herself. Feudal distinctions were forgotten in the enthusiasm of a service which transcended in its sanctions and its aims all earthly duties, and in which earthly differences were for the moment laid aside. The power of the feudal nobility, hitherto the dominant authority in Western Europe, became, for the time being, secondary to that of the Church. Men were summoned no longer to the service of their lords, but to the service of their Church. The change was radical. It was the introduction of a principle which is still struggling to assert itself in practical legislation and political action. Its development has been slow, but it has revolutionized society, and what its ultimate outcome is to be no man can predict. King, baron, burgher, and peasant found themselves side by side in the same cause, one class serving another, not by virtue of a feudal but of a spiritual authority; comrades in arms in an enterprise which addressed what was common and eternal in them all rather than what was distinctive and conventional. Not suddenly, but by the slow processes of growth which belong to great moral changes, men forgot their abasement and slavery under feudalism in the dawning light of a liberty conferred by a superior and a spiritual power. A conception of a higher authority than that lodged in the hands of the feudal lord took root in the mind of Europe and became fruitful of vast change. In Syria the leaders of the crusades were not able to keep their followers in subjection when they attempted to follow their personal ambitions. The commanding purpose which drew them thither overmastered all private designs and made insubordination a virtue. An influence more powerful than feudalism entered into European life with the crusades, and was perhaps the most far-reaching and potential effect which they produced upon the world.

The crusades found Europe stationary and without the power of progress. Society had crystallized into forms so rigid and fixed that strong pressure from without was essential to any movement toward liberation. Not only were communities circumscribed and reduced in numbers, and individuals held in their places by a power against which it was hopeless to strive; but the whole population was bound to the soil by a system of servitude the most exacting and the most pervasive known in history. Contiguous communities spoke dialects differing so widely as to make communication between men of the same race almost as difficult as between men of widely separated nationalities.

There was almost no interchange of knowledge, no commerce of ideas. Where men were born they spent their lives, and were buried with no sense of any larger relationships in life than those of the locality which formed their little sphere of action. Feudalism, in disintegrating society and reducing the individual to an unimportant factor in a vast system, had paralyzed the power of development, which comes only through interchange and combination of energy. The Chinese Empire of a century ago was hardly more securely walled in from external influence and condemned to absolute stagnation than were the countries over which feudalism had spread its iron network. Into this close, dense atmosphere the crusades sent a vigorous current of new thought. The hopeless and weary routine to which great populations were condemned explains much of that enthusiasm with which multitudes rushed into a dangerous and laborious service. Men were stifled in an air which they and their fathers before them had breathed without any possibility of change. In the crusade epoch the religious impulse was strong, but the impulse toward freedom was doubtless the sentiment next in importance.

Between 1095 A.D. and 1291 A.D., there was an immense change. The first crusade found men of all nationalities eager to follow its leaders, the preachers of the last crusade appealed to deaf ears. Europe was indifferent to the cause which for two centuries had found orators as eloquent as Bernard of Clairvaux and leaders as pure as Godfrey, as daring as Richard, as devoted as St. Louis, and yet religious zeal was not dead, nor had the sanctions of religion lost their sacredness. The secret of the change in European sentiment lay in the enlargement and liberation of European life which the crusades had secured. There was a comparatively free interchange between the different sections. The incessant movements of the crusading hosts, the intermingling of so many different races had broken down many barriers and set many unifying influences at work. The German knew the Frenchman, and the Frenchman the Englishman, and this mutual knowledge was fruitful in quickened and stimulated life everywhere. Men began to better their condition by a change of location. Emigration, which in the earlier centuries of the Christian era had changed the face of Europe and then had been checked by feudalism, began once more in ways so small and insignificant as to remain long unnoticed, but of immense importance in the light of subsequent history.

The modification and disintegration of the feudal system is unquestionably the greatest contribution of the crusades to the development of humanity. This result was brought about, as has been shown, by the liberation of thought and life throughout Western Europe; but there were other and important elements which entered into the solution of the problem of European progress.

The expeditions to the East were, for that age, enormously expensive. Very many of the great feudal lords who fitted out expeditions were not able, out of their ordinary resources, to meet the necessary outlay. Money was raised by all kinds of expedients. Cities took advantage of the needs of their feudal lords to purchase their freedom, great estates that for centuries had increased by continued accumulation and conquest were encumbered or sold. There was an interchange of landed property altogether unprecedented in European history. Many great fiefs disappeared entirely during the two centuries which saw the gathering of the successive expeditions for the East. By purchase and by escheat and confiscation, which the disorder of the times made possible, the royal authority made immense inroads into the territory of feudalism, and when the last hopeless struggle in Syria was over, the principle of centralization, represented everywhere by the royal power, had gained vastly upon the extreme individualism of feudalism.

The advance of the Church in influence and authority was, however, the most immediate and marked result of the crusades. Religious ideas, Guizot declares, had experienced no change, but power had changed hands no less than property. The Church, quick to profit by every opportunity which the troubled age and the vicissitudes of war afforded, had pushed steadily forward, occupying every defenceless position and fortifying every exposed point. The authority which Urban had exercised at the Council of Clermont, in calling all men to arms as subjects of the Church, was asserted upon every occasion with that steadiness and universality of policy which is one of the secrets of papal power. A new principle of allegiance was substituted for feudal subordination. Differences between great barons were settled by the voice of the Church, and in the councils of kings the pope spoke by his personal representatives. Legates from Rome became familiar figures in every capital, and the persistence with which they made themselves heard in all public matters rapidly and continually enlarged the popular conception of the scope and weight of the authority of Rome.

In the East results of equal moment were brought about by the campaigns of the crusaders. Communication was reopened between the East and the West. The rude hand of war threw open the doors, which were never again to remain permanently closed.

The fierce struggles of the contending parties did not blind them to the fact that each had much to learn from the other. Oriental magnificence and culture had charms even for the warriors whose mailed hands were sworn to destroy the civilization under which they were developed. The positive and immediate gain to Western knowledge was doubtless less than was formerly believed, but the ulterior gain is incalculable. If the West is not indebted to the East for the art of printing and the compass, it is indebted for a substantial enrichment of thought, for a great enlargement of mental horizon. The interchange of thought which was set in motion by the crusades is still to work out its richest results; and in contemporaneous history there is no more impressive feature than the confluence of these two ancient civilizations.

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FOOTNOTES:

[1] We find copious details upon these disputes, and their origin, in _Sanuti_, which we have thought it best to abridge.

[2] We have adopted the version of M. Deguignes as the most probable. (See _History of the Huns_.)

[3] One of the principal difficulties that an historian of this epoch experiences, is, to preserve the connection in his narrative, from having to speak at the same time of the West and of the East, of the Christians, the Mamelukes, and the Tartars. Here a new people start up upon the stage, there an old empire falls to decay: all the events are hurried and confounded together, and the march of history is embarrassed among so many ruins. We endeavour to be as clear as possible.

[4] Many chronicles say that Oulagon shut the caliph up in the midst of all his treasures, and left him to die of hunger: this circumstance is not at all probable, and has not been acknowledged by M. Deguignes.

[5] Most historians have taken their accounts of this war of the Moguls from an esteemed work, entitled _Fragmentum de Statu Saracœnorum_; it, however, contains many errors, and ought to be rectified in several places by the study of the Oriental historians. Some valuable information respecting this war of the Tartars may also be found in the Armenian Hayton, and in Sanuti; but these authors must be read with precaution and suspicion.

[6] Bela IV., king of Hungary, wrote to the pope, that if he were not speedily succoured he should form an alliance with the Tartars. The pope reproved him warmly. Alexander IV. wrote to all Christian princes, prelates, and communities, to consult upon the means of resisting the barbarians, as well in the East as in the West. In Raynaldi—the year 1262, Nos. 29 and 30—his letter may be seen, in which he enters into many details upon the levy of soldiers, and upon subsidies. This letter has been preserved by Matthew Paris, who speaks of the councils held on this subject; some facts relative to the invasion of the Tartars may likewise be found in William of Nangis and Matthew of Westminster, as well as in the _Collection of Councils_.

[7] This singular fact is related by the Arabian historian Aboulfeda, and repeated by M. Deguignes, vol. iv. p. 133.

[8] This circular is reported by Raynaldi, Nos. 68 and 69. The motives alleged by the pope, in his letter, astonish the wise Fleuri, who observes upon the spirit of contradiction which we have mentioned.

[9] These expeditions of Bibars are related with all their details in the chronicles of Ibn-Ferat and in Makrizi. Although we have much abridged our account, we fear we shall be accused of tediousness. We have yielded to our inclination of filling up the deficiencies which exist in all the chronicles of the West in their accounts of this period. The life of Bibars has likewise been of great service to us.

[10] The Arabian chronicles describe this event in a very obscure and equivocal manner; they scarcely mention the massacre of the prisoners, and say but little of the capitulation; they accuse the Franks of having taken Mussulman prisoners away with them, which is not very probable.

[11] We are afraid M. Michaud carries the partialities of Biography into the pages of History: in the former, such are sometimes excusable; in the latter, never. Our readers who look back to the taking of Jerusalem or Ptolemaïs, will at once see how weak is the claim of the Christians to a superiority over their adversaries in mercy. As to the religious portion of the account, history teems with wholesale conversions of conquered armies and nations. See Charlemagne and our own Alfred, for instance. We thought that the idea of Mahometanism being _a religion of the sword_ was exploded. Gibbon positively denies it to be so, and asserts that no precept or passage of the Koran inculcates it.—TRANS.

[12] Sanuti is almost the only Christian writer that affords information on the taking of Sefed.

[13] “I cannot tell the amount,” says Joinville, “of what the king laid out for the fortification of Jaffa, it was so great. He closed the canal between the two seas, he built twenty-four towers, and cleansed the ditches without and within. There were three gates, of which the legate built one, and likewise part of the walls. And in order to show you what the king must have expended, I will tell you what the legate said when I asked him how much that gate and the wall had cost him. I had reckoned that the first cost him five hundred livres, and the latter three hundred livres; but he told me, as God might help him, that the gate and the wall had cost him thirty thousand livres.”

[14] This little incident is quite dramatic, and, in good hands, would not look badly on canvass. Would it not assist art, if historians, when forcibly struck by the scenes they describe, would suggest to painters, who so frequently prove they are at a loss for subjects by their injudicious choice, events, persons, and passions fit for the pencil?—TRANS.

[15] This letter of Bibars, which was written by his secretary, the author of the life we have of this sultan, does not only speak of the taking and the destruction of Antioch, but of the ravages committed by the Mamelukes in the territory of Tripoli. This letter is of great length, but we find in it more declamatory sentences and Oriental figures than facts for the pen of the historian.

[16] Sirvente is a kind of poem peculiar to the troubadours.

[17] This _sirvente_, which is attributed to a knight of the Temple, has been translated by the Abbé Millot, who appears to have altered the sense of it. It is printed in the fourth volume, p. 131, of the _Choix des Poésies des Troubadours_, by M. Raynouard, perpetual secretary to the French Academy. We make use of a literal translation that M. Raynouard has kindly communicated to us.

[18] These details, as well as the most of those that precede them, concerning the Mussulmans, are taken from the valuable chronicle of Ibn-Ferat.

[19] “He was of opinion,” says William de Nangis, “that the kingdom of France had undergone great disgrace in the first pilgrimage.” Le père Maimbourg expresses himself thus upon the king’s determination:—“St. Louis, great saint as he was, could not help thinking that much shame lay upon him for having succeeded so ill in Egypt.”

[20] _Hist. de St. Louis_, by Filleau de la Chaise.

[21] See the letters of Clement, in Duchesne, epist. 269.

[22] Joinville, when present at the mass in the chapel, heard two knights conferring; one said, that if the king took the cross, it would be one of the most fatal days ever seen in France; for if we take the cross, we shall ruin the king; and again, if we take the cross, we shall lose God’s grace, because we do not take the cross for the sake of him.

[23] When our readers look back to the means employed in former crusades to extort money from all classes, as well as from the clergy, we think they will partake of our surprise at this assertion. The clergy had been, in most cases, the recipients of the taxes upon the laity, and according to our author himself, had not always proved trustworthy collectors.—TRANS.

[24] All these details upon the tenths are of great importance for the history of the crusades: for this negotiation the following authorities may be consulted: Raynaldi, No. 59; the _Spicilège_, vol. xiii. p. 221; the _Supplement_ to Raynaldi, book lxix. No. 42; Fleury’s _Ecclesiastical History_, and the _Acts_ of Rymer.

[25] As historians, we should hesitate to assert this, and should advise our readers to adopt it with much caution, and many limitations.—TRANS.

[26] This dissertation, which has been sent to us by the author, bears for title, _An Historical Dissertation upon the Part the Spaniards took in the Wars beyond the Seas, and upon the Influence of these Expeditions, from the Eleventh to the Fifteenth Century_, by Don Fernandez de Crevarette. This work, in which a learned criticism and a sound erudition prevail, contains many valuable documents; we shall often have occasion to quote it.

[27] Migeray thus describes the murder of Conradin:—“As Charles had determined to go into Africa with the king, St. Louis, not knowing what to do with Conradin and Frederick, whom it was dangerous to keep, and still more to release, in a kingdom filled with faction and revolt, he ordered them to be brought to trial before the syndics of the cities of the kingdom.”

[28] For the preparations for the voyage of Louis IX., William of Nangis, Geoffrey de Beaulieu, the _Gestes_ of St. Louis, the continuator of Matthew Paris, and Joinville, may be consulted.

[29] “It is true that before the king Louis took the cross, he had had several messages from the king of Tunis, and at divers times, and many had been sent to him; these messages gave Louis to understand that the king of Tunis was willing to become a Christian, and that he would the more willingly change his faith if an opportunity should occur in which his own honour and the welfare of his people would be secured. The good Christian king believed that if he and his renowned hosts should come to Tunis suddenly, scarcely could the king of Tunis refuse or excuse such a reasonable opportunity for receiving holy baptism,” &c.—_Annals of the Reign of St. Louis_, by William of Nangis.

[30] Some classical authorities name it Tunetum; others, Tunes.—TRANS.

[31] Louis makes use of the expression: “Je vous dis le _ban_,” &c. which word cannot be used in this sense in English, but is very effective in French, and was employed in many legal proclamations connected with royal or seignorial rights,—as, for instance: _ban_ is a proclamation by which all who held lands of the crown of France were summoned to serve the king in his wars.—TRANS.

[32] William of Nangis says on this subject:—“This was great treachery on the part of the Saracens, and great simplicity on the part of the Christians.”

[33] Geoffrey de Beaulieu has given an account of these instructions in Latin. They are in old French in Joinville and in the _Annals of the Reign of St. Louis_. These three authors give them with remarkable differences. Moreau, in the twentieth volume of his _Discours sur l’Histoire de France_, gives another new version, which he declares to have been copied from one of the registers of the Chamber of Accounts, in which, probably, Philip le Hardi was desirous this monument should be preserved. It is this version we have principally followed in the extract we have here given.

[34] Details upon the death of St. Louis may be found in Geoffrey de Beaulieu, William of Chartres, William of Nangis, and in a letter from the bishop of Tunis, reported by Martenne; Joinville relates a few circumstances of it; but it is very much to be regretted that the good seneschal was not present at the last moments of St. Louis; how touching would his relation have been! and how much better would it have been than that which is given to us by eyewitnesses, who have written with such unfeeling dryness and conciseness!

[35] This letter, which has been translated into Latin, may be found in the collection of Martenne. We will give an extract from it in our Appendix.

[36] We read in the life of Bibars and in the chronicle of Ibn-Ferat, that the sultan of Cairo was much dissatisfied with the conduct of the king of Tunis. The peace which the latter made, left the Crusaders at liberty to carry their arms into Egypt. Bibars would have wished the Christian army to have been detained on the coast of Africa. He threatened to dethrone his ally, and told the ambassadors of the king of Tunis, that such a prince as he was not worthy to reign over Mussulmans.

[37] For the events that followed the death of St. Louis, see Duchesne, and _le Spicilège_, vol. i.

[38] We hope our readers, while they peruse the latter part of this otherwise good paragraph, will not forget that we are only translators.—TRANS.

[39] Among the numerous panegyrics of Louis IX. there are few that have stood the test of time. Voltaire has drawn a fine portrait of the good king. M. Dampmartin, in his work upon the kings of France, has spoken of this great prince with ability and truth.

[40] Words of the _Bull of Canonization_.

[41] The Arabian chroniclers have preserved several of these treaties: we find in the extracts from Oriental manuscripts, a treaty between the sultan of Cairo and the little city of Tortosa. When reading the titles and the dependencies of the masters and the inhabitants of Tortosa, we may fancy we read the lease of a bailiwick or a farm, made before a notary.

[42] In Ibn-Ferat we may read the letter which the sultan of Cairo wrote on the subject of the princess of Berouth, who had left her little principality without the consent of the sultan. (See the extracts from Arabic manuscripts.)

[43] This account is much longer in Ibn-Ferat; whilst endeavouring to preserve the tone and the Oriental colouring of it, we have felt it necessary to abridge it. The chronicle of Ibn-Ferat, which is a collection of many other chronicles, contains several different versions; this appears to us the most probable, and, at the same time, the one best calculated to show what were the resources of the nations of Asia against the excesses of despotism.

[44] Many historians think that Charles’s preparations were intended to be directed against Constantinople. Without contradicting this opinion, we may believe that the king of Sicily thought likewise of the kingdom of Jerusalem. Charles was always very secret in his political projects; and very frequently the dissimulation of princes causes as much embarrassment to historians as it could have done ill to the countries exposed to its attempts.

[45] The text of this treaty may be read in the life of Kelaoun.

[46] M. de Sacy has translated a treaty concluded between the sultan of Egypt and the kings of Sicily and Arragon. The following is one of the clauses of this treaty:—“If the case should happen that the pope of Rome, the kings of the Franks, of the Greeks, of the Tartars, or others, should ask the king of Arragon or his brothers, or should cause to be asked in the states of their dominions, auxiliary troops or any succour, whether of cavalry, infantry, money, vessels, clothing, or arms, the said princes would give no consent to it, either openly or in secret; they would grant them no succour, and would consent to nothing of the kind. If the king of Arragon should learn that one of the above-named kings should have any intention of carrying war into the states of the sultan, or to cause him any prejudice, he will send and advise the sultan of it, and will inform him on what side his enemies propose to attack him, and that with the shortest delay possible, before they shall be put in motion, and he will conceal nothing concerning it from him.” This treaty is very long, and provides against all difficulties. We may here make a general remark, which is, that most of the treaties made between the Orientals and the Christians surpass, in some sort, the sagacity of modern diplomacy; so much mistrust gave foresight to the negotiators and the contracting powers.

[47] We can find no document on this subject in the chronicles of the West; our guide has been Ibn-Ferat.

[48] All these curious details upon Ptolemaïs, its morals, and the mode of living of its inhabitants, are furnished by Herman Cornarius (Ekard’s Collection). A more extensive extract will be found in our analysis of the German authors.

[49] We find this fact in two Austrian chronicles, which have for title, one, _Chronicon Anonymi Leobensis_; the other, _Thomœ Ebendorfeiri de Haselbach Chronicon_. The first says that the legate called together the people of Ptolemaïs, that he launched against them the anathemas of the Church, and then embarked to return to Rome. This last circumstance appears to us improbable, and we have, therefore, passed it over in silence.

[50] This circumstance is related in the life of the sultan Kelaoun. (See the extracts from Arabian manuscripts in our Appendix.)